Southern history of the war. The first year of the war

Front matter

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SOUTHERN IIISTOIIY OF THE WAR.

COMPANION TO POLLARD'S "FIRST YEAR OF THE WAR."

Preface

It is scarcely necessary to state that the following pages have been written without any thing like literary ambition. They have been composed by the author, with but little aid, within the short period of three months, and in the midst of exacting occupations in the editorial department of a daily newspaper. ... .

These explanations are not made to disarm criticism, iheir purpose is only to define the claim which the author s work makes at the bar of public criticism. He does not pretend to have written a brilliant or elaborate book ; but he does claim to have composed, without seeking after literary ornaments, or taxing his style with intellectual refinements, a compact, taitli ful, and independent popular narrative of the events of the first year of the existing war.

The author acknowledges some assistance from Mr. 0^. M. DeWiti, in the collection of materials. He has but little other of obligation to express, except to his publishers, Messrs. W est & Johnston, of Kichmond, to whom he would make a public acknowledgment for their generous encouragement, hberality, and enterprising endeavors, which have enabled him, under many inauspicious circumstances, to complete his work.

Jiichmond, Virginia, July, 1S62.

Preface To Second Edition

The author, in presenting to the public a second edition of his work, has taken occasion to correct some errors, to make material annotations, and to add a supplementary chapter, tracing the progress and developments of the war from the concluding point of the first year of its history to the period of publication.

He desires to make his grateful acknowledgments for the favor with which his work has already been received by the public ; for numerous kind notices of the newspaper press, and for words of encouragement spoken by many whom he is proud to call his friends. The success with which his work has so far met, being unprecedented, he believes, in the literary enterprises of the South, has surprised and gratified the author. He protests, however, that, under any circumstances, he has but little literary vanity to be inflated ; that he composed his work in haste, with neither time nor purpose to polish his style, or to captivate the taste oi readers, and that he is content to ascribe the success of his book to the fact that, though rudely written and imperfect in many particulars, it is, as he believes, honest, fair, independent, and outspoken.

While such has been the general character of the reception given his book by the public, the author is sensible that some attacks have been made upon it from malicious and disappointed sources, and that the honest record which he has attempted of the truth of history, has been encountered by many unjust, ignorant, and contemptible criticisms, emanating mainly from favorites of the government and literary slatterns in the Departments. The author has made no attempt to conciliate either these creatures or their masters ; he is not in the habit of toadying to great men, and courting such public whores as " ofiicial" newspapers ; he is under no obligations to any man living to flatter him, to tell lies, or to abate any thing from the honest convictions of his mind. He proposed to write' an independent history of some of the events of the existing war. He is willing for his work to be judged by the strictest rule of truth ; he asks no favors for it, in point of accuracy ; he only protests against a rule of criticism, which exalts paid panegyric above honest truth, and reduces the level of the historian to that of the scrubs and scribblers who write poetry and puff's in newspaper corners.

T]»c flatterer's idea of the history of tbe present war would no doubt be to plaster the government with praises ; to hide all the faults of the people of the South while gilding their virtues; to make, for a consideration, "especial mention" of all the small trash in the army; to coat his putfs thickly with fine writing and tremendous adjectives; and to jilacc over the whole painted and gilded mass of falsehood, the figure of Mr. Jeft'erson Davis, as the second Daniel come to judgment. The author has no ambition to gratify in these literary elegances.

In the eyes of the historian the person of Mr. Jefferson Davis is no more sacred than that of the meanest agent in human aflairs. The author has nut been disposed to insult the dignity of office by coarse speeches; he recognizes a certain propriety of style even in attacking the grossest public abuses ; but, while he has avoided indecency and heat of language, and has, on the other hand, not attempted the elegance and elevation of the literary artist, he trusts that he has given his opinions of the government and public persons with the decent but fearless and uncoujpromising freedom of the conscientious historian, lie is certain that he has given these opinions without prejudice against the Administration in this war. The danger is, in such a contest as wo arc waging, that we will be too favorably and generously disposed towards the government, rather than prejudiced against it — that we will be blind to its faults, rather than eager and exacting in tJieir exposure.

The author is aware that the views expressed in this work of the autocracy of President Davis, and the extraordinary absorption in himself of all the offices of the government, liave been resented with much temper by critics in some of the newspapers. He would ask these persons who are so anxious to vindicate the character of Mr. Davis in this respect, for a single instance in the history of the war, where the Cabinet has interposed any views of its own, addressed any counsel to the government, or been any thing more than a collection of dummies. In all our experience hitherto of republican government, we hear of views of the Cabinet and the counsel of this or that member. In this war these common observations are lacking ; the Cabinet is dumb or absolutely servile ; we have never heard a syllable from it on a single question of national importance, and the voice of the President alone decides the conduct of the war, distributes the patronage of the government, and forces into practice the constitutional fiction of liimself being the commander-in-chief of our armies. These facts are notorious in the streets of Richmond.

The Cabinet of President Davis has really no constitutional existence The Cabinet has many objects to serve in our system of government. I\ was designed as a check to Executive power; it was intended to cull and collect the wisdom of the country in the management of public af fairs ; it shares the qualities of a popular system of representation with the conservatism and virtues of aristocracy ; it constitutes the highest and gravest council in our form of government. Certainly not one of these constitutional offices has been fulfilled by the Cabinet of Tresident Davis, and history is forced to confess that the harmony of our government has been deranged by striking from it an important, valuable, and essential part.

The author is sensible that another ignorant rule of criticism besides that of the professional political flatterer, has been unjustly applied to his work. He is informed that there are persons so childish and contemptibly ignorant as to have decried his work on the ground that it has exposed^abuses in our administration, and faults in our people, which will be a gratification and comfort to the enemy. The objection is, simply absuxS and contemptible. Throwing out of consideration the interest of truth, it is surely much better, even on the narrow ground of expediency, to expose abuses, and to let the enemy have what pleasure and comfort he can from them, than to permit them, unnoticed and uncorrected, to sap the strength of our country, and publish their conclusion to the world in the ultimate ruin of our cause. There are ignoramuses in the Southern Confederacy who think it necessary in this war that all the books and newspapers in the country should publish every thing in the South in couleur de rose ; drunken patriots, cowards in epaulets, crippled toadies, and men living on the charity of Jeff'erson Davis, trained to damn all newspapers and publications in the South for pointing out abuses in places of authority, for the sage reason that knowledge of these abuses will comfort the enemy and tickle the ears of the Yankees. These creatures would have a history written which would conceal all the shortcomings of our administration, and represent that our army was perfect in discipline, and immaculate in morals ; that our people were feeding on milk and honey ; that our geueralship was without fault, and that Jefterson Davis was the most perfect and admirable man since the days of Moses— all for the purpose of wearing a false mask to the enemy. They would betray our cause while hoodwinking the enemy ; they would make a virtue of falsehood ; they would destroy the independence of all published thought in the country. The author spits upon the criticisms . of such creatures.

So much the author has thought it necessary to say with reference to two classes of critics, who have attacked not only his book, but every form of free and independent thought in the country. With reference to the public, confident as the author is of the rectitude of their decision, he is content to submit his work to their judgment, without importuning their favor.

Finally, the autlior begs to make, ^Yitllout temper ami in the fewest words, a plain and summary vindication of the character and objects of his work.

Every candid mind must bo sensible of the futility, of attempting h'uAi order of historical composition in the treatment of recent and incomplete events; but it does not follow that the contemporary annal, the popular narrative, and other inferior degrees of history, can have no value and interest, because they cannot compete in accuracy with the future retrospect of events. The vulgar notion of history is, that it is a record intended for posterity. The author contends that history has an office to perforin in the present, and that one of the greatest values of contemporary annals is to vindicate in good time to the world the fame and reputation of nations.

"With this object constantly in view, the author has composed this work. He will accomplish his object and be rewarded with a complete satisfaction, if his unpretending book shall have the effect of promoting more extensive inquiries; enlightening the present; vindicating the principles of a great contest to the contemporary world ; and putting before the living generation, in a convenient form of literature, and at an early and opportune time, the name and deeds of our people.

Hichmond, S€i^t<mbtr, 1S62.

Chapter I

Delusive Ideas of the Union. — Administration of John Adams. — The " Strict Con- Btructionists." — The " State Rights" Men in the North. — The Missouri Restriction.— General Jackson and the Nullification Question.— The Compromise Measures of 1850. — History of the Anti-Slavery Party.— The " Pinckney Resolutions."— Tbe Twenty-first Rule.— The Abolitionists in the Presidential Canvass of 1852. — The Kansas- Nebraska Bill.— The Rise and Growth of the Republican Party.— The Election of President Buchanan.— The Kansas Controversy.— " Lecompton" and " Anti-Lecompton."— Results of the Kansas Controversy. — The John Brown Raid.—" Helper's Book." — Demoralization of the Northern Democratic Party. — The Faction of Stephen A. Douglas.— The Alabama Resolutions.— The Political Platforms of I860.— Election of Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States.— Analysis of the Vote.— Political Condition of the North.— Secession of South Carolina. — Events in Charleston Harbor. — Disagreements in Mr. Buchanan's Cabinet. — The Secession Movement in Progress. — Peace Measures in Congress. — The Crittenden Resolutions. — The Peace Congress. — Policy of the Border Slave States. — Organization of the Confederate States Government.— President Buchanan.— Incoming of the Administration of Abraham Lincoln. — Strength of the Kevoiution Page 11

CHAPTER H.

Mr. Lincoln's Journey to Washington.— Ceremonies of the Inauguration.— The Inaugural Speecli of President Lincoln.— The Spirit of the New Administration. — Its Financial Condition. — Embassy from the Southern Confederacy. — Perfidious Treatment of the Southern Commissioners. — Preparations for War. — The Military Bills of the Confederate Congress. — General Beauregard. — Fortifications of Charleston Harbor. — Naval Preparations of the Federal Government. — Attempted Reinforcement of Fort Sumter. — Perfidy of the Federal Government. — Excitement in Charleston. — Reduction of Fort Sumter by the Confederate Forces. — How the News was received in Washington. — Lincoln's Calculation. — His Proclamation of War. — The "Reaction" in the North. — Displays of Rancor towards the South. — Nortliern Democrats. — Replies of Southern Governors to Lincoln's Requisition for Troops. — Spirit of the Soutli. — Secession of Virginia. — Maryland. — The Baltimore Riot. — Patriotic Example of Missouri.— Lincoln's Proclamation blockading the Southern Ports. — General Lee. — The Federals evacuate Harper's Ferry.- Burning of the Navy Yard at Norfolk.— The Second Secessionary Movement.— Spirit of Patriotic Devotion in the South.— Supply of Arms in the South.— Tlie Federal Government and the State of .Maryland.— The Prospect i'AOi: -tl

CONTKNTS.

Chapter III

Confidence of the North.— Chnrncteristic Boasts.—" Crushiii)? out the Rebellion."— Voluiiteeriiif? iu the Northern Cities.— The New York "Iiivincibles." — Misrepresentations of the Government ut Wnshinjfton.— Mr. Seward's Letter to the French Government.— Another Call for Federal Volniiteei-s.— Opening Movements of the Caniimii?n. —The Federal Occujiation of Alexandria.— Death of Col. Ellsworth.— Fortress Monroe.— The Battle of BtTHEL.—Kesults of this Battle.— Gen. Joseph E. John.ston. — The Upper rotomac— Evacuation and Destruction of Harper's Ferry. — The Movements in the Upper Portion of the Valley of Virj;inin.— Northwestern Virginia.— The Bjittle of Rich Mountain.- Cnrrock's Eord.— The Retreat of the Confederates.— General McClellan.— Meeting of the Federal Congress.- Mr. Lincoln's Message- Kentucky. — Western Virginia.- Large Requisitions for Men and Money by the Fedend Government.— Its Financial Condition.— Financial Measures of the Southern Confederacy.— Contrast between tlie Ideas of tlie Rival Governments.- Conservati.'im of the Southern Revolution.— Despotic Excesses of the Government at Wasli

IDgtOU,

.Page 70

CHAPTEE lY.

The "Grand Army" of the North.— General McDowell.— The Affair of Ball Run.— An Artillery Duel.— The B.vttle of Manassas.-" On to Richmond,"— Scenery of the Buttle-field.— Crises in the Battle.— Devoted Courage of the Confederates.— The Rout. — How the News was received in Washington.— IIow it was received in the South.— General Bee. — Colonel Bartow. — The Great Error. — General Johnston's E.\cuses for not advancing on Washington. — Lncidknts of tue AIanassas Battle Page 'jo

CHAPTER Y.

Results of the Manassas Battle in the North.— General Scott.— McClellan, " the Young Napoleon."— Energy of the Federal Government.— The Bank Loan.— Events in the West. — The Missouki Campaign. — Governor Jackson's Proclamation. —Sterling Price.— Tlie Affair of Booneville.— Organization of the Missouri forces.— The Battle OF Caethaoe.— General McCulioch.— Tlie Battle of Oak Hill.— Death of General Lyon. — The Confederate Troops leave Missouri. -^Operations in Northern Missouri. — General Harris. — General Price's march towanl.s the Missouri. — The Affair at Drywood Creek.— The Battle of Lexington. — The Jayhawkers. — The Victory of " the Fire Hundred." — General Price's Achievements. — His Retreat, and the necessity for jt._Oper.itions of General Jclf. Thompson in Southeastern ilissouri. — The Affair of Fredericktown. — General Price's passage of the Osage River.—Seccssion of Missouri from the Federal Union. — Fremont superseded.— The Federal forces in Missouri demoralized. — General Price at Springfield.- Review of his Campaign. — Sketch o? Genekal Price. — Coldness of the Government towards him Page 12-i

CHAPTER YI.

The Campaign in Western Virginia.— General Wise's Command.- Political Influences in West.rn Virginia.— Tiie Affair of S^ary Creek.— General Wise's Retreat tc Lcwisburg.— General Floyd's Brigade.— Tlie Alfair at Cross Lanes. — Movements on the Gauley. — The Affair of Carnifax Ferry.— Di.-iagreement between Gcnernls Floyd and Wise.— The Tyrees. — A Patriotic Woman. — Movements in Nortliwestera Virginia.— General Lee.— The Enemy intrenched on Cheat Mountain.— General Eosecrans. — Failure of General Lee's Plan of Attack. — He removes to the Kanawha Eegion. — The Opportunity of a Decisive Battle lost. — Eetreat of Eosecrana. —General H. E. Jackson's Affair on the Greenbrier-. — The Approach of Winter. — The Campaign in Western Virginia abandoned. — The Affair on the Alleghany. — General Floyd at; Cotton Hill. — His masterly Eetreat. — Eeview of the Campaign in Western Virginia. — Some of its Incidents.— Its Failure and unfortunate Eesults.— Other Movements in Virginia.— The Potomac Line. — The Battle of Leesbdrg.— Overweening Confidence of the South Page 159

CHAPTER YIL

The Position and Policy of Kentucky in the War.— Kentucky Chivalry.— Eeminiscences of the " Dark and Bloody Ground."— Protection of the Northwest by Kentucky.— How the Debt of Gratitude has been repaid.— A Glance at the Hartford Convention. — The Gubernatorial Canvass of 1859 in Kentucky.— Division of Parties. — Other Causes for the Disloyalty of Kentucky.— The "Pro-Slavery and Union" Eosolutions. — The " State Guard." — General Bnckner. — The Pretext of " Neutrality," and what it meant. — Tlie Kentucky Eefugees. — A Eeign of Terror. — Judge Monroe in Nashville.— General Breckinridge.— Occupation of Columbus by General Polk.— The Neutrality of Kentucky first broken by the North.— General Buckner at Bowling Green.— Camp " Dick Eobinson." — The " Home Guard." — The Occupation of Columbus by the Confederates explained.— Cumberland Gap.— General ZoUicoffer's Proclamation.— The Affair of Barboursville.— " The Wild-Cat Stampede." — The Virginia and Kentucky Border.— The Affair of Piketon. — Suffering of our Troops at Pound Gap.— The "Union Party" in East Tennessee.— Keelan, the Hero of Strawberry Plains.— The Situation on the Waters of the Ohio and Tennessee. — The Battle of Belmont.— Weakness of our Forces in Kentucky.— General Albert Sidney Johnston.— Inadequacy of his Forces at Bowling Green.— Neglect and Indifference of the Confederate Authorities.— A Crisis imminent.— Admission of Kentucky into the Southern Confederacy Page 183

CHAPTER YHI.

Prospects of European Interference.— The selfish Calculations of England.— Effects of the Blockade on the South.— Arrest by Capt. Wilkes of the Southern Commissioners.— The Indignation of England.— Surrender of the Commissioners by the Lincoln Government.— Mr. Seward's Letter.— Review of Affairs at the Close of the Yeak 1861.— Apathy and Improvidence of the Southern Government.— Superiority of the North on the Water.— The Hatteras Expedition.— The Port Eoyal Expedition.— The Southern Privateers.— Their Failure.— Errors of Southern Statesmanship.— "King Cotton."— Episodes of the War.— The Affair of Santa Eosa Island.— The Affair o'f Dranesville. — Political Measures of the South.— A weak and halting Policy. — The Spirit of the War in the North. — Administration of the Civil Polity of the Southern Army.— The Quarter-master's Department.- Hygiene of the Camps.— Eavages of the Southern Army by Disease.— The Devotion of the Women of the South Page 206

CHAPTER IX.

Prospects of the Year 1862.— The Lines of the Potomac— General Jackson's Expedition to Winchester.— The Battle of Mill Springs in Kektuckt.— General Crit tenJen.— Dentil of Geiiernl ZolliooftVr. — Siifrerini;s of Crittenden's Army on the Ectreut.— Conipiiriitivo Uniinportniiee of tlie DisimHT.— The IJattle ok" Koanokk Island. — Iinportimce of the Ishiiid to the iSoutli.— Deiitli of Cii]>tuiii Wise. — Ciiuses ol the Disaster to tiie South. — Iiivesti^iatiou in Congre-ss. — Ceiiauro of the Govtrninent. — Interviews of General Wise with Mr. IJenjaniin, the Secretary of War. — Mr. IJenjamin censured by Congress, but retained in the Cabinet. — His I'roiuotiou by President Davis. — Condition of the Popular Sonliment Paqk 220

CHAPTER X.

The Situation in Tennessee and Kentucky. — The affair at Woodsonville. — Death or Colonel Terry.— The Strength and Material of the Federal Force in Kentucky. — Condition of the Defences on the Tennessee und Cumberland Kivers. — The Confederate Congress and the Secretary of the Navy. — Tl>e Fall of Fort Henry.— Fort Donelson threatened.— The Army of General A. S. Johnston.- His Interview with General Bea;iregard. — Insensibility of the Confederate Government to the E.xigency. — General Johnston's Plan of Action. — Battle of Fort Doxelson. — Carnage and Scenery of the Battle-field. — The Council of the Southern Comn\aiiden». — Agreement to surrender. — Escape of Generals Floyd and Pillow.- The Fall of Fort Donelson develops the Crisis in the West. — The Evacuation of Nashville.— The Panic. — E.xtraordinary Scenes. — E.\perienco of the Enemy in Nashville. — The Adventures of Captain John Morgan. — General Johnston at Murfrcesboro. — Organization of a New Line of Defence South of Nashville. — The Defence of Memphis and the Mississippi. — Island No. 10. — Serious Character of the Disaster at Donelson.— Generals Floyd and Pillow " relieved from Command." — General Johnston's Testimony in favor of these Officers. — President Davis's Punctilio. — A sharp Contrast. — Negotiation for the Exchange of Prisoners. — A Lesson of Yankee Perfidy. — Mr. Benjauiiu's Keleaso of Yankee Hostages Paoe 285

CIIArXER XL

Organization of the permanent Government of the South. — The Policy of England. — Declaration of Earl Uussell.— Onset of the Northern Forces.— President Davis's Message to Congress. — The Addition of New States and Territories to the Southern Confederacy. — Our Indian Allies. — The Financial Condition, North and South. — Deceitful Prospects of Peace.- Etfect of the Disiisters to the South.— Action of Congress.

The Conscript Bill. — Provisions vs. Cotton. — Barbarous Warfare of the North. — The

Anti-.>*lavery Sentiment —How it was umnasked in the War.— Emancipation Measures in the Federal Congress. — Spirit of the Southern People. — The Administration of Jefferson Davis. — His Cabinet. — The Defensive Policy. — The Naval Esoaokment in Hamiton Koaus.— Iron-clad Vessels.— What the Southern Government might have joue. — I'ho Narrative of General Price's Campaign resumed. — His Retreat into Arkansas.— The Battle or Elk Hokn.— Criticism of the Kesult.— Death of General Mc- Culloch.— The Battle of Valveroe.— The Foothold of the Confederates in New Mexico. — Change of the Plan of Campaign in Virginia. —Abandonment of the Potomao Line by the Confederates.— The Battle ok Kernstown.— Colonel Turner Ashliy.— Appearance of McClellan's Army on the Penins\>la.— Firnincss of General Magrudcr.

The New Situation of the War in Virginia.— Uecurrence of Disasters to the South

on the Water.— The Capture of Newbern.— Fall of Fort Pulaski and Fort Macon.— Common Sense «». " West Point." 1'aob 259

CHAPTEK XII.

The Cnmpaigu in tlie Mississippi Valley. -Bombardment of Island No. 10.— Tlie Scenes Incidents, and Kesults.-Fruits of the Northern Victory.-Movements of the Federals on the Tennessee River.— Tlie Battle of Shiloh.— A " Lost Opportunity.'' —Death of General Albert Sidney Johnston.— Comparison between the Battles of Shiloh and Manassas.-The Federal Expeditions into North Alabama.- Withdrawal of the Confederate Forces from the Trans-Mississippi District.— General Price and his Command.-The Fall of New ORLEANS.-The Flag Imbroglio.-Major-general Biuler.— Causes of the Disaster.— Its Kesults and Consequences.— The Fate of the Valley of the Mississippi ^^^^ ^^^

CHAPTER Xni.

Conclusion

Prospects of the War.-The Extremity of the South.-Lights and Shadows of the Campaign in Virginia.-Jackson's Campaign in the Valley.-The Policy of Concentmtion Isketch of the Battles around Kichniond.-Effect of McClellan's Defeat upon the North -President Davis's congratulatory Order.-The War as a great Money Job —Aoie: Gen. Washington's Opinion of the Northern People.— Statement of the Northern Finances.-Yankee Venom.-Gen. Pope's Military Orders.-Summary of, the War Legislation of the Northern Congress.-Ketaliation on the part of the Confederacv -The Cartcl.-Prospects of European Interference.-English Statesmanship. _Pro-ro"ss of the War in the West.-The Defence of Vicksburg.-Morgan's great Kaid -The Tennessee-Virginia Frontier.-A Glance at the Confederate Congress.- Mr. Foote and the Cabinet.-The Campaign in Virginia agai.i.-Eap.d Movements and famous March of the Southern Troops.- 7%e siffnal Victory of the Thirtieth of August on the Plains ./ i/a««..a*.-Keflections on the War.-Some ol its Character- £ics -A Review of its Military Results.-Three Moral Benefits of the War.-Prospects and Promises of the Future ^^<*^ ^^2

THE FIRST YEAR OF THE WAR.

Chapter I

Delusive Ideas of the Union.— Administration of John Adams.— The "Strict Con structionists."— The "State Rights" Men in the North.— The Missouri Eestriction.— General Jackson and the Nullification Question.— The Compromise Measures of 1850. —History of the Anti-Slavery Party.— The "Pinckney Piesolutions."- The Twenty-first Ruie.— The Abolitionists in the Presidential Canvass of 1852.— The Kansas- Nebraska Bill.— The Rise and Growth of the Republican Party.— The Election of President Buchanan.— The Kansas Controversy.—" Lecompton" and " Anti-Lecompton."— Results of the Kansas Controversy.— The John Brown Raid.— " Helper's Book."— Demoralization of the Northern Democratic Party.— The Faction of Stephen A. Douglas.— The Alabama Resolutions.— The Political Platforms of I860.— Election of Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States.— Analysis of the Vote.— Political Conditionof the North.— Secession of South Carolina.— Events in Charleston Harbor. -Disagreements in Mr. Buchanan's Cabinet.— The Secession Movement in Progress. —Peace Measures in Congress.— The Crittenden Resolutions.— The Peace Congress.— Policy of the Border Slave States.— Organization of the Confederate States Government.— President Buchanan.— Incoming of the Administration of Abraham Lincoln. — Strength of the Revolution.

The American people of the present generation were born in the belief that the Union of the States was destined to be perpetual. A few minds rose superior to this natal delusion ; the early history of the Union itself was not without premonitions of decay and weakness ; and yet it may be said that the belief in its permanency was, in the early part of the present generation, a popular and obstinate delusion, that embraced the masses of the country.

The foundations of this delusion had been deeply laid in the early history of the country, and had been sustained by a false, but ingenious prejudice. It was busily represented, especially by demagogues in the I^orth, that the Union was the fruit of the Eevolution of 1776, and had been purchased by the blood of our forefathers. No fallacy could have been more erroneous in fa?t, more insidious in its display, or more effective in ad'

12 THK FIItST YKAR OF THE ^VAR.

dressing the passions of the multitude. The Revohition achieved our national independence, and the Union had no connection Avith it other than consequence in j)oint of time. It was founded, as any other civil institution, in the exigencies and necessities of a certain condition of society, and had no other claim to popular reverence and attachment tlum wliat might be found in its own virtues.

But it was not only the captivating fallacy that the Union was hallowed by the blood of a revolution, and this false inspiration of reverence for it, that gave the popular idea of its jiower and permanency. Its political character was misunderstood by a large portion of the American people. The idea predominated in the North, and found toleration in the South, that the Revolution of '76, instead of securing the independence of thirteen States, had resulted in the establishment of a grand consolidated government to be under the absolute control of a numerical majoritj'. The doctrine was successfully inculcated ; it had some plausibility, and brought to its support an array of revolutionary names ; but it was, nevertheless, in direct opposition to the terms of the Constitution — the bond of the Union — which deiined the rights of the States and the limited powers of the General Government.

The first President from the North, John Adams, asserted and essayed to put in practice the sui)remacy of the "National'' power over the States and the citizens thereof. He was sustaiTied in his attempted usurpations by all the New England States and by a powerful public sentiment in each of the Middle States. The "strict constructionists'' of the Constitution were not slow in raising the standard of ojiposition against a pernicious error. With numbers and the most conspicuous talents in the country they soon eli'ected the organization of a party ; and, under the leadership of Jefl'erson and Madison, they rallied their forces and succeeded in overthrowing the Yankee Administration, but only after a tremendous struggle.

From the inauguration of Mr. Jefferson, in 1801, the Federal Government continued uninterruptedly in Southern hands for the space of twenty-f«^>ur years. A large proportion of the active politicians of the North pretended to give in their adhesion to tlie Slate Rights school of politics; but, like all the alliances

^ THE FIKST TEAR OF THE WAE. 13

of Northern politicians with the South— selfish, cnnning, extravagant of professions, carefully avoiding trials of its fidelity unhealthy, founded on a sentiment of treachery to its own section, and educated in perfidy— it was a deceitful union, and could not withstand the test of a practical question.

While acting with the South on empty or accidental issues, the "State Eights" men of the North were, for all practical purposes, the faithful allies of the open and avowed consolidationists on the question that most seriously divided the country — that of negro slavery. Their course on the admission of Missouri aftbrded early and conclusive evidence of the secret disposition of all parties in the North. With very few exceptions, in and out of Congress, the North united in the original demand of the prohibition of slavery in the new State as the indispensable condition of the admission of Missouri into the Union ; although the people of Missouri, previous to their application to Congress, had decided to admit within its jurisdiction the domestic institution of the South. The result of the contest w^as equally unfavorable to the rights of the South and to the doctrine of the constitutional equality of the States in the Union. The only approach that the North was willing to make to this fundamental doctrine was to support a " compromise," by which slavery was to be tolerated in one part of the Missouri Territory and to be forever excluded from the remaining portion. The issue of the controversy was not only important to the slave interest, but afforded a new development of the Northern political ideas of consolidation and the absolutism of numerical majorities. The North had acted on the Missouri matter as though the South had no rights guaranteed in the bond of the Union, and as though the question at issue was one merely of numerical strength, where the defeated party had no alternative but submission. "The majority must govern" was the decantatum on the lips of every demagogue, and passed into a favorite phrase of -Northern politics.