Campfire and battle-field; a history of the conflicts and campaigns of the great civil war in the United States

Front matter

JL7

pdlfb

ABRAHAM LINCOLN,

Introduction

The Civil Wai in the United States made for itself a record vast and varied. Indeed the storv of that conflict is almost infinite. It drew the whole American people into the vortex of commotion. It whirled them around and around with the foice ot a cyclone. It produced on the minds of millions the most vivid pictures ever traced in the consciousness of our race. / lhe\er\ soldieis of our rank and file were writers and observers. A thousand records were made dav by day in a thousand places. Could the entire correspondence of those four immortal years be gathered again as it was when written, touched with the powder smut on boyish hands, wet with tears, stained on a million pages of poor crumpled paper with the blood of young heroes fighting for their country, sending last messages on the eve of deadly battles to as many homes—that record, unedited, unadorned with the graces of composition, untouched with the devices of publishers, would constitute a library of manuscripts that would surpass the Iliad !

Many kinds of histories of the Civil War have been produced. Some of them are large and formal ; others are special and small. Some commemorate the general movements of the epoch ; others celebrate the deeds of particular men and armies. Some are written in the spirit of philosophy ; others, in the spirit of hero worship ; others still, in the spirit of fiction and poetry.

The present work is one of many accounts of the Union War; but it constitutes a class by itself. It goes to the original field of the inquiry. Not satisfied with narrative, it adopts the pictorial method, and reinforces the story of the war with a panoramic repro¬ duction of its most heroic incidents and actors.

It was the good fortune of our country that at the time of the great conflict the art of photography had come, and that it was used as a means of preserving for after ages a living transcript of the drama. It was also the special fortune of our country that at this time a great photographer came, and that he was inspired with his mission as the pictorial historian of the American Civil War.

Matthew Benjamin Brady, the leading photographer of our heroic age, was born in Warren County, New Hampshire, in 1823.

Early in life he opened a studio in New York City. In 1851 he took prizes at the first World’s Fair, in London. His photographic work was exhibited all over Europe. He established himself at Washington City, and at the outbreak of the war sent corps of his artists in the wake of every army. During the four years of our national conflict he expended more than a hundred thousand dollars in procuring photographs from the field. He made and preserved the pictures of thousands on thousands of the leading participants. He collected an aggregate of more than thirty thousand photographs of men and events. He spent a fortune in gathering together the materials, which he expected ultimately to transfer to the Govern¬ ment as a pictorial museum of the great tragedy. Late in life he lost the greater part of his property, and became, like other heroes, nearly blind in his old age. But the Government was able to obtain from the residue of his work about eight thousand of his photographic plates; and these now constitute one of the choicest historical treasures that a nation ever possessed. The veteran photographer lived to the age of seventy-three, and died in New York on the nineteenth of January, 1896.

The authors and publishers of “ Campfire and Battlefield,” when the work was projected, conceived the idea of getting access to the photographic originals of the Brady gallery, and of illustrating with reproductions of the originals the narrative of this pictorial history of the war. They applied for permission to use the Brady collection to Honorable Daniel S. Lamont, Secretary of War, and received from that official in answer the following communication :

“ War Department,

“Washington, D. C., April 20, 1894.

"Sir : —In reply to your letter of the 28th ultimo, I take pleasure in saying that if either you or your representative will present this letter to the chief clerk of the Department, facilities will be afforded to select such negatives of the Brady collection of war views as you may desire to have printed at your expense. It is preferred that the photographing should be done in this city, and of course it is expected that the negatives when they have served their purpose will be returned in as good condition as received. Very respectfully, Daniee S. Lamont, Secretary of War."

Armed with this authority, the publishers of “ Campfire and Battlefield ” succeeded in getting the use of the Brady photographs, and with reproductions of these invaluable original pictures the present work is copiously embellished. The selections from the Brady pictures have been made with great care. As many as possible of this rare and unequaled series have been used in the illustration of these pages. The pictures are contemporaneous with the events described in the narrative, and

MATTHEW BENJAMIN BRADY.

/NTROD UCTION.

are set in such l'elation to the narrative as to brine: the reader face to face with the actual scenery of the war. The whole drama thus revives, and the reader of these pages is able to follow the graphic and picturesque account of the great event with the aid of a pictorial representation of the tragedy passing like a living scene before his eyes. In “ Campfire and Battlefield ” the personal element in the Civil War is strongly delineated. The reader here finds man as an actor at his highest estate. Through the chapters of this work the event does not drag on under the influence of remote and abstract forces, but is led rather to its consummation by heroes and statesmen. The work may well be defined as a history of the Civil War from the heroic point of view. Nothing can be more interesting, nothing more inspiring, than to turn these pictured pages, and to catch with every leaf the shadows of the faces of men who were great in that day and greater afterwards. Here are the war-time features of fully twelve hundred of the immortal actors who counseled in the Cabinet or fought in the field the battle of the Union. Under these photographic reproductions we read the names of men destined to be famous throughout the world. Here they are pictured in their first regimentals, and are designated as captain or colonel! Some we must admit are here preserved as great whom subsequent events and a revised judgment havdf remanded to the category of the small ; but they were then among the great. The reader in all these pages discovers how history relentlessly sifts out the chaff from the wheat, putting the wheat into the

bins of immortality and burning the chaff with unquench¬ able fire.

To the men who still survive, with a quick memory of our great tragedy, “ Campfire and Battlefield ” is as a vast stage, on which the well-remembered characters come forth again alive in their own persons, as they came forth and performed their parts in the day of battle. The great play is re-enacted here. Here our heroes in blue and in gray, whether with the insignia of command upon them or in the plain uni¬ form of the rank and file, come before us as they did in the years of trial. Here are the pontoon bridges ; the gunboats ; the marching host. Here is the caravan of army wagons, winding on and on. Here is the camp, the bivouac. Here is the picket on duty or “ the picket off duty forever.” Here is the battlefield, not pictured from the resources of an artist’s imagination, but truthfully delineated with the pencil of sunlight through the photographic lens, half obscured with smoke and dust. Here are the negro quarters ; the sutler’s cabin ; the hasty meal by the campfire ; the gen¬ eral and his staff sitting before the tent; the foraging expe¬ dition ; the lines of riflepits ; burning houses on the outskirts of battle; mortars vomiting; shells streaking the midnight sky and bursting over invisible camps ; headquarters and scouting parties ; hospitals and trenches full of dead ; ruin and desolation in one place ; uproar and jubilee in another. Here men are young and strong, that have now grown old and gray. Here faces are flushed with youth and ambition, that have long since paled in death. Here on hillslope and by river¬ side and in sombre forests the battle rages, which is to decide the momentous question of the perpetuity of the Union and the preservation of American institutions. “ Campfire and Battlefield ” is the work of able and well-known authors. Dr. Rossiter Johnson is a leading writer on American history, an eminent man of letters. He has been assisted in his duties by a corps of special contributors, many of whom are characters honored in the annals of our country. Such are Generals O. O. Howard, J. T. Morgan, John B. Gordon and Selden Connor. The other contributors are writers of ability and distinction. One of these is the wife of General Pickett, whose unavailing charge at Gettysburg, history has recorded among the immortal things.

The work has been prepared with the greatest care under the supervision of the artists Frank Beard and George Spiel, whose good taste and skill of arrangement are shown on every page. “Campfire and Battlefield,” regarded as a whole, is perhaps the most attractive, as it will be the most popular, publication thus far made of the immortal story which recites the heroism, the sorrow and the glorv of the Civil War in the United States.

JOHN CLARK RIOPATH. LL.D.

DEFENCES OF WASHINGTON—HEAVY ARTILLERY.

CAMPFIRE AND BATTLEFIELD.

Chapter I. Preliminary Events

CAUSES OF THE WAR—SLAVERY, STATE RIGHTS, SECTIONAL FEELING JOHN BROWN ELECTION OF LINCOLN—SECESSION OF SOUTHERN

STATES—“SHOOT HIM ON THE SPOT”—PENSACOLA — MAJOR ROBERT ANDERSON—SUMTER OCCUPIED—THE “STAR OF THE WEST”— SUMTER BOMBARDED AND EVACUATED—THE CALL TO ARMS.

On the 9th of January, 1861, the Star of the West , a vessel which the United States Government had sent to convey supplies to Fort Sumter, was fired on by batteries on Morris Island, in Charleston Harbor, South Carolina, and was compelled to withdraw.

The bombardment of Fort Sumter began on April 12th, the fort was surrendered on the 13th and evacuated on the 14th. On April 19th the Sixth Massachusetts regiment, which had been summoned to the defence of the national capital, was attacked, en route , in the streets of Baltimore.

Meanwhile, several Southern States had passed ordinances seceding from the Union, and had formed a new union called the Confederate States of America. Many Government forts, arsenals, and navy yards had been seized by the new Confederacy ; and by midsummer a bloody civil war was in progress, which for four years absorbed the energies of the whole American people. What were the causes of this civil war?

The underlying, fundamental cause was African slavery—the determination of the South to perpetuate and extend it, and the determination of the people of the North to limit or abolish it. Originally existing in all the colonies, slavery had been gradually abolished in the Northern States, and was excluded from the new States that came into the Union from the Northwestern Terri¬ tory. The unprofitableness of slave labor might, in time, have resulted in its abolition in the South ; but the invention, at the close of the last century, of Eli Whitney’s cotton-gin, transformed the raising of cotton from an almost profitless to the most profitable of the staple industries, and as a result of it the American plantations produced seven-eighths of all the cotton of the world. African labor was necessary to it, and the system of slavery became a fixed and deep-rooted system in the South.

The self-interest thus established led the South, in the face of Northern opposition to slavery which might make an independent government necessary to them, to insist on the sovereignty of the individual States, involving the right to secede from the Union. The Constitution adopted in 1789 did not river gunboat (A converted new york ferryboat), determine the question as to whether the sovereignty of the States or that of

WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State.

SALMON P. CHASE, Secretary of the Treasury.

EDWIN M. STANTON, Secretary ot War.

MONTGOMERY BLAIR, Postmaster-General.

EDWARD BATES, Attorney-General.

PRESIDENT LINCOLN AND HIS CABINET.

CAMPFIRE AND BATTLEFIELD.

the central government was paramount, but left it open, to be interpreted according to the interests involved, and to be set¬ tled in the end by an appeal to the sword. In the earlier history of the country the doctrine of State sovereignty was most advo¬ cated in New England ; but with the rise of the tariff, which favored the manufacturing East at the expense of the agricul¬ tural South, New England passed to the advocacy of national sovereignty, while the people of the South took up the doctrine of State Rights, determined to act on it should a separation seem to be necessary to their independence of action on the issue of slavery.

From this time onward there was constant danger that the slavery question would so imbitter the politics and legislation of the country as to bring about disunion. The danger was imminent at the time of the Missouri agitation of 1820-21, but was temporarily averted by the Missouri Compromise. The Nullification Acts of South Carolina indicated the intention of the South to stand on their State sovereignty when it suited them.

The annexation of Texas enlarged the domain of slavery and made the issue a vital one. The aggressive¬ ness of the South ap¬ peared in the repeal of the Missouri Com¬ promise in 1854; and the Dred Scott De¬ cision in 1857, giving the slaveholder the right to hold his slaves in a free State, aroused to indignant and deter¬ mined opposition the anti-slavery sentiment of the North. The like two different peoples, estranged, jealous and suspicious. The publica¬ tion of sectional books fostered animosities and perpetuated misjudgments and misunderstandings ; and the interested influ¬ ence of demagogues, whose purposes would be furthered by sectional hatred, kept alive and intensified the sectional differences.

There was little feeling of fraternity, then, to stand in the way when the issues

SIEGE GUN BEARING ON SUMTER.

(Showing Carriage rendered useless before Confederate Evacuation, 1864.)

expression in this decision, that the negro had “ no rights which the white man was bound to respect,” brought squarely before the people the issue of manhood liberty, and afforded a text for preaching effectively the gospel of universal freedom.

The absence of intercourse between the North and the South, and their radically different systems of civilization, made them

MAJOR-GENERAL ROBERT ANDERSON.

involved seemed to require the arbitra¬ ment of war, and it was as enemies rather than as quar¬ relling brothers, that the men of the North and the South rallied to their respective standards.

An episode w h i c h occurred about a year before the war, which was inherently of minor importance, brought to the surface the bitter feeling which was

preparing the way for the fraternal strife. John Brown, an enthusiastic abolitionist, a man of undoubted courage, but pos¬ sessing poor judgment, and who had been very prominent in a struggle to make Kansas a free State, in 1859 collected a small company, and, invading the State of Virginia, seized the United States Arsenal at Harper’s Ferry. His expectation was that the blacks would flock to his standard, and that, arming them from the arsenal, he could lead a servile insurrection which would result in ending slavery. His project, which was quixotic in the extreme, lacking all justification of possible success, failed miser¬ ably, and Brown was hung as a criminal. At the South, his action was taken as an indication of what the abolitionists would do if they secured control of the Government, and the secessionist sentiment was greatly stimulated by his attempt. At the North he became a martyr to the cause of freedom ; and although the leaders would not at first call the war for the Union an anti¬ slavery war, the people knew it was an anti-slavery war, and old

FORT MOULTRIE, CHARLESTON, WITH FORT SUMTER IN THE DISTANCE.

INTERIOR OF FORT SUMTER AFTER THE BOMBARDMENT IN 1863—FROM GOVERNMENT PHOTOGRAPH.

CAMPFIRE AND BATTLEFIELD .

John Brown’s wraith hung over every Southern battlefield. The song,

“John Brown’s body lies a-mouldering in the grave,

His soul is marching on,”

became a battle-cry, sung at every public meeting, sending reciuits to the front, and making the echoes ring around the army campfires.

So long as the Democratic party, which was in political alliance with the South, retained control of the Federal Government, there was neither motive nor excuse for secession or rebellion. Had the Free Soil Party elected Fremont in 1856, war would have come then. When the election of i860, through Democratic dissension and adherence to several candidates, resulted in the election of Abraham Lincoln, the candidate of the Free Soilers, the die was cast, and the South prepared for the struggle it was about to precipitate.

The day after the election, on November 7th, i860, the Pal¬ metto flag, the ensign of the State of South Carolina, was raised at Charleston, replacing the American flag. High offi¬ cials in the Government, in sympathy with the Southern cause, had stripped the Northern arsenals of arms and ammunition and had sent the m to Southern posts. The little standing army had been so disposed as to leave the city of Wash¬ ington defenceless, except for a few hundred marines and half a hundred men of ordnance. The outgoing Administration was leaving the national treasury bank¬ rupt, and permitted hostile preparations to go on un¬ checked, and hostile demon¬ strations to be made without interference. So little did the people of the North real¬ ize that war was impending, that Southern agents found no diffi¬ culty in making purchases of military supplies from Northern manufacturers. Except for the purchases made by Raphael Semmes in New England, the Confederacy would have begun the war without percussion caps, which were not manufactured at the South. With every advantage thrown at the outset in

favor of the South and against the North, the struggle began.

The Southern leaders had been secretly preparing for a long time.

During the summer and fall of i860, John B. Floyd, the Secre¬ tary of War, had the confederate flag. - Been sending war

CHARLESTON HARBOR material South, and he continued his pernicious activity until, in December, complicity in the theft of some bonds rendered his resignation necessary.

About the same time the Secretary of the T reasury, Howell Cobb, the Secretary of the Interior, Jacob Thompson, and the Secretary of State,

Lewis Cass, with¬ drew from the cabinet. On the election of Lin¬ coln, treasonable preparations became more open and more general. These were aided by President Buchanan’s message to Congress expressing doubt of the constitutional power of the Government to take offensive action against a State. On

December 20, an ordinance of secession was passed by the South Carolina Legisla¬ ture; and following this example, Mississippi, Flor¬ ida, Alabama, Georgia, Louisiana, Texas and Vir¬ ginia seceded in the order named. Virginia held on till the last ; and while a popular vote was pending, to accept or reject the action of the Legislature, the seat of government of the Con¬ federate States, established in February at Montgomery, Ala., was removed to Rich¬ mond, the capital of Vir¬ ginia. Governor Letcher turned over to the Confed¬ erates the entire military force and equipment of the State, which passed out of the Union without waiting for the verdict of the people. This State was well punished by becoming the centre of the conflict for four years, and by political dismemberment, loyal West Vir¬ ginia being separated from the original commonwealth and admitted to the Union during the war.

During the fall and winter of 1860-61, the Southern leaders committed many acts of treasonable aggression. They seized United States property, acting under the authority of their States, until the formation of the Confederacy, when the central government became their authority. In some of these cases the Federal custodians of the property yielded it in recognition of the right of the State to take it. In some cases they abandoned it, hopeless of being able to hold it against the armed forces that threatened it, and doubtful of support from the Buchanan Administration at Washington. But there were noble excep¬ tions, and brave officers held to their trusts, and either preserved them to the United States Government or released them only when overpowered.

In December, i860, the rebels seized Castle Pinckney and

A SUMTER CASEMATE DURING THE BOMBARDMENT.

Fort Moultrie in Charleston Harbor, the arsenal at Charleston, and the revenue cutter William Aiken ; in January, the arsenals at Mount Vernon, Ala., Apalachicola, Fla., Baton Rouge, La., Augusta, Ga., and many forts, hospitals, etc., in Southern ports. By February they had gained such assurance of not being molested in their seizures of Government property, that every¬ thing within their reach was taken with impunity. So many of the officers in active service were in sympathy with the South, that it frequently required only a demand for the surrender of a vessel or a fort—sometimes not even that—to secure it. One of these attempted seizures gave rise to an official utterance that did much to cheer the Northern heart. John A. Dix, who in January, 1861, succeeded Cobb as Secretary of the Treasury, sent W. H. Jones, a Treasury clerk, to New Orleans, to save to the Government certain revenue cutters in Southern ports. Jones telegraphed the secretary that the captain of the cutter McClelland refused to give her up, and Dix thereupon sent the following memorable despatch :

“ Tell Lieutenant Caldwell to arrest Captain Breshwood, assume command of the cutter, and obey the order I gave through you. If Captain Breshwood, after arrest, undertakes to interfere with the command of the cutter, tell Lieutenant Caldwell to consider him as a mutineer and treat him accordingly. If any one attempts to haul down the American flag, shoot him on the spot.”

These determined words were among the few that were uttered by Northern officials that gave the friends of the Union any hope of leadership against the aggression of the seceding States ; and they passed among the proverbial expressions of the war, to live as long as American history.

The firmness of Lieutenant Adam J. Slemmer had prevented the surrender of Fort Pickens, in Pensacola Harbor, Florida, on the Gulf of Mexico, when it was demanded with some show ot force, in January, 1861.

Meanwhile, an event was preparing, in which the loyalty, courage, and promptness of a United States officer was to bring to an issue the question of “ bloodless secession ” or war. The seizures ot Government property here and there had excited indignation in the loyal North, but no general, effective sentiment of opposition. But at the shot that was fired at Sumter, the North burst into a flame of patriotic, quenchless fury, which did not subside until it had been atoned for on many a battlefield, and the Confederate “stars and bars” fell, never to rise again.

Lieutenant-Colonel Gardner had been in command at Charles¬ ton Harbor, S. C., and when he saw the secessionists preparing to seize the forts there, so early as November, i860, he applied to Washington for reinforcements. Upon this, at the request of Southern members of Congress, Secretary of War Floyd removed him, and sent in his place Major Robert Anderson, evidently sup¬ posing that that officer’s Kentucky origin would render him faith¬ ful to the Southern cause. But his fidelity to the old flag resulted in one of the most dramatic episodes of the war.

On reaching his headquarters at Fort Moultrie, Major Ander¬ son at once applied for improvements, which the Secretary of War was now willing and even eager to make, and he appropriated large sums for the improvement of both Fort Moultrie and Fort Sumter, but would not increase the garrison or the ammunition. It soon became apparent that against a hostile attack Fort Moul-

CAMPFIRE AND BATTLEFIELD.

ii trie could not be held, as it was commanded from the house-tops on Sullivan’s Island, near by, and Major Anderson decided to move his garrison across the harbor to Fort Sumter, which, unlike Moultrie, was un¬ approachable by land.

The secessionists in Charleston were active and watched suspicious¬ ly every movement made by the military, and the latter were con¬ stantly on guard to pre¬ vent surprise and cap¬ ture of the fort. The preparations for re¬ moval to Sumter were made with the greatest caution. So well had Major Anderson kept his purpose secret, that his second in command,

Captain Abner Double¬ day, was informed of it only when ordered to have his company ready to co to Fort Sumter in twenty minutes. The families of the officers were sent to Fort John¬ son, opposite Charles¬ ton, whence they were afterward taken North.

For the osten¬ sible purpose of removing these non-combatants to a place of safety —a step to which

the now well-organized South Carolina militia could make no objection—Anderson’s quar¬ termaster, Lieutenant Hall, had chartered three schooners and some barges, which were ultimately used to transport supplies from Moultrie to Sumter. Laden with these sup¬ plies, the transports started for Fort Johnson, and there awaited the signal gun which was to direct them to land at Sumter. The guns of Moultrie were trained to bear on the route across the harbor, to be used defensively in case the movement was detected and inter¬ fered with.

The preparations completed, at sunset on December 26, the troops, who had equipped themselves in the twenty minutes allowed them, were silently marched out of Fort Moultrie and passed through the little vil¬ lage of Moultrieville, which lay between the fort and the point of embarkation. The march was fortunately made without obser¬ vation, and the men took their places in row¬ boats which promptly started on their momentous voyage. After several narrow escapes from being stopped by the omni¬ present guard boats, which were deceived into supposing the troop boats to contain only laborers in charge of officers, the party reached Fort Sumter. Here they found crowds of laborers,

who were at work, at the Government’s expense, preparing Sumter to be handed over to the Southern league. These men, most of them from Baltimore, were nearly all secessionists, and had already refused to man the fort as soldiers for its defence. They showed some opposition to the landing of the troops, but were prompt¬ ly driven inside the fort at the point of the bayonet, and were pres¬ ently shipped on board the supply schooners and sent ashore, where they communicated to the secession authorities the news of Major Anderson’s clever ruse.

The signal gun was fired from Sumter, the sup¬ plies were landed, and Fort Sumter was in the hands of the loyal men who were to im¬ mortalize their names by their heroic defence of it.

Sixty-one artil¬ lerymen and thirteen musicians, under com¬ mand of seven or eight officers, constituted the slender garrison. Many of these officers subsequently rose to distinction in the service of their country, in which some of them died. Major Anderson became a major-general and served for a while in his native Kentucky, but was soon compelled by failing health to retire. Captains Abner Doubleday, John G. Foster and Truman Seymour, Lieut. Jefferson C.

Davis and Dr. S. Wiley Crawford, the surgeon, became major-generals, and were in service throughout the war; Lieut. Norman J. Hall became colonel of the Seventh Michigan Volunteers, and was thrice brevetted in the regular army for gallantry, especially at Get¬ tysburg ; Lieuts. George W. Snyder and Theodore Talbot received promotion, but died early in the war; and Edward Moale, a civilian clerk who rendered great assistance, afterward received a commission in the regu¬ lar army. One only of the defenders of Sum¬ ter afterward joined the Confederacy; this was Lieut. Richard K. Meade, who yielded to the tremendous social and family

Capt. T. Seymour. ist Lieut. G. W. Snyder, ist Lieut. J. C. Davis. 2d Lieut. R. K. Meade. 1st Lieut. T. Talbot. Capt. A. Doubleday. Major R Anderson. Surg\ S. W. Crawford. Capt. J. G. Foster.

MAJOR ANDERSON AND OFFICERS DEFENDING FORT SUMTER.

GUSTAVUS V. FOX,

Commanding the Relief Expedition to Fort Sumter ; afterward Assistant Secretary of the Navy.

CAMPFIRE AND BATTLEFIELD .

pressure that carried so many reluctant men to the wrong side when the war began. Commissioned in the rebel army, he died in 1862.

At noon on December 27, Major Anderson solemnized his occupancy of Sumter by formally raising the flag of his country, with prayer by the chaplain, Rev. Matthias Harris, and military ceremonies.

The sight of the national ensign on Sumter was quickly observed from a troop ship in the harbor, which hastened to the city with the news, not only that Anderson had moved from Moultrie to Sumter, but also that he was heavily reinforced, the sixty soldiers thronging the parapet making so good a show as to give the impres¬ sion of a much larger num¬ ber. At this news Charles¬ ton was thrown into a ferment of rage and excite¬ ment. South Carolina troops were at once sent, on December 27, to take possession of Castle Pinck¬ ney, the seizure of which was perhaps the first overt act of war on the part of the secessionists. This was fol¬ lowed by the rebel occupa¬ tion of Forts Moultrie and Johnson, which were gotten into readiness for action, and shore batteries, some of them iron clad, were planted near Moultrie and on Cum¬ mings Point, an extremity of Morris Island near to Sumter; so that by the time the preparations were completed, Anderson’s gal¬ lant little band was effect¬ ively covered on four differ¬ ent sides.