A history of the civil war in the United States, from its commencement in 1861, to January, 1862.

Front matter

f UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. !

LIEU"^ OEN?^ WINFIELD SCOTT.

Engravzd espressljforfieStslorTofthe Civil War in the Vniled Stales.

Preface

panic, justly concluding they have trouble enough of their own. Every source of obtaining any correct information is obstructed, and when, the accounts of battles are published in their papers, if it has been a defeat, they torture it into a victory. It was therefore impossible to place any reliance in their statements.

Our great object in preparing the work, was to lay before the public, in a concise and regular manner, the leading incidents of the war, that by perusing it could be seen that the success of the Federal arms had been much greater than at first thought might be imagined^ The victories have been numerous, and in nearly all cases fought at great odds in favor of the enemy. Taking, then, a view of the war from the time of its absolute commencement, in April, wonders unparalleled have been accomplished. If we have added by this narrative our might to strengthen the cause of the Union, we feel doubly repaid for our labor, and dedicate our work to the Union and ITS Deeenders.

The Author.

Philadelphia f January^ 1862

Contents

PAGE.

Introduction, -------5

Chapter II. — Secession of South Carolina, - - » 31

Chapter III. — The Committee of Thirty-three, - =42 Chapter IV. — President Buchanan's Position, - - 56

Chapter Y.— Major Anderson Evacuates Fort Moultrie, - 66 Chapter VI. — Seizure of the Forts and Arsenal at Charleston, 73 Chapter VII. — Seizure of the Forts in Georgia, - - 77

Chapter VIII.— Reinforcements Sent to Fort Sumter, - 95 Chapter IX.— Seizure of the Forts in l^orth Carolina, - 100 Chapter X. — Secession of Georgia, Louisiana and Texas— Inaugural Address of Jefferson Davis, - - - - 114

Chapter XI. — Parson Brownlow and George D. Prentice— The

Inauguration of Mr. Lincoln, . . - _ 120

Chapter XII. — President Lincoln's Inaugural Address — The

Bombardment of Fort Sumter, - - - - 125

Chapter XIII. — Evacuation of Fort Sumter, - - 133

Chapter XIV.— Destruction of JS'orfolk Navy Yard and Harper's

Ferry Armory, - 143 Chapter XV. — Occupation of Virginia, and Death of Colonel

Chapter XVI. — The Capture of Romney and Phillippi, in Western Virginia — Position of the Federal Army, - - 162 Chapter XVII. — Battle at Great Bethel — Death of Lieutenant Greble — Evacuation of Harper's Ferry by the Confederate Troops, 168 Chapter XVIII. — Battle of Boonville — Death of Captain Ward —

Battle of Falling Waters, ----- 173

Chapter XIX. — Meeting of the Extra Session of Congress — Battle of Carthage — Battle of Rich Mountain — Battle of Cheat Mountain, and Death of General Garnet, - - - 180

CONTENTS.

PAGE.

Chapter XX.— The Battle of Bull's Run, - - - 189

Chapter XXI. — The Battle of Wilson's Creek— Death of General

Chapter XXII. — General Fremont in Missouri — Expedition to

Hatteras Inlet, 212

Chapter XXIII. — Retreat of General Floyd — Capture of Lexington, Missouri, by the Confederate Army, - - 220

Chapter XXIY. — Attack on the Zouaves at Fort Pickens —

Battle at Bolivar Heights, - 226

Chapter XXY.— Battle of Ball's Bluff, - - - 231

Chapter XXVI. — Battle at Fredericktown, Missouri — Charge of

Zagoni's Cavalry — Capture of Romney, Yirginia, - 236

Chapter XXYII. — Capture of Forts "Walker and Beauregard at

Chapter XXYIII. — Capture of Mason and Slidell — Shelling of

the Confederate Troops on Santa Rosa Island, - - 248

Chapter XXIX. — Parson Brownlow in the Field — General Pope

in Missouri, - 264

Chapter XXX. — Battle at Warrensburg, Missouri — Battle at Drainesville — Table Showing the Strength of the Army and Navy, 259

Chapter XXXI. — Disbanding of Humphrey Marshall's Forces —

Battle at Spring Mills, Kentucky, - - - - 265

Chronological Table of Events, from December, 1860, to January, 1862, - - 278

Introduction

It has been asserted that when a nation reaches a certain degree of power and opulence, it then has within itself the means of its own destruction. What that certain degree may be, has never been settled, nor do we now advance the theory for the purpose of argument. It is a fact beyond dispute, however, that when a people, by a long-continued peace, and seasons of unbounded prosperity, become so involved in the transactions of commerce, trade and traffic, that they almost forget they have a government, then they entrust its care to corrupt political administrators. Such is the history of every government conducted on a republican basis, and if not directly, has been indirectly the cause of the destruction of that form of government. This, to a certain extent, has been the misfortune of the people of the United States, and has almost swallowed by its dreadful results the Federal Grovernment. It is, nevertheless, true, that the people engaged in politics, and exercised the elective franchise to its fullest extent; but they placed too much confidence in dishonest politicians, and too often drew party lines to the exclusion of honesty and integrity. Engaged in the various civil pursuits of life, the people little dreamed of the immense mine that disappointed politicians and their minions were laying at the very base of the Republic, almost powerful enough to utterly destroy it. When, however, the thunder burst upon them from Fort Sumter, and the peril became glaringly visible, they wakened to the danger, and were astounded at its immensity. Immediately political lines vanished, and the Northern States be-

INTRODUCTION.

came one great Union party. The Soutliern States were divided upon tlie question of Union and Secession, but the latter party, led by men of bad principles and dishonest at heart, became the strongest and most powerful, and by ostracism and acts of violence, overpowered and crushed the Union party. By falsehood and misrepresentation, they caused the honest people of the South to believe the political triumph of the Republican party, as it is called, was an aggressive movement — an invasion of their rights, and an attempt to interfere with and eventually destroy their local institutions. By this duplicity they involved the Southern States in a most formidable insurrection.

During the days of John C. Calhoun, South Carolina became dissatisfied, and insurrection began to raise its v/icked head ; but, by the promptness and energy of Andrew Jackson, the President, it was smothered, only to be revived in 1861.

During the latter part of the year 1849, and the beginning of 1850, and previous to the passage of the famous compromise measures of Henry Clay, there were ominous threatenings of rebellion, and it was upon one or two occasions ciirrently reported that the members of Congress from the South had deserted their places, and were about to return to their respective States. The difficulties at this time were caused by an angry discussion of the subject of slavery, that had for some years before and up to this period occupied the time and attention of members of Congress from the two extremes of the Union. But now it assumed a more formidable aspect, and for a time threatened the most disastrous results. The contest, however, was confined to the halls of Congress, where a war of sharp and bitter words was vigorously waged. It was afterwards remarked by a Senator who had coolly listened to the angry debate, that the people did not know how closely they had approached a dissolution of the Union.

INTRODUCTION.

The debate arose upon the construction of the Constitution involving the question whether Congress, under the Constitution, had the power of legislating slavery into, or excluding it from territories about to be organized. In January, 1850, Henry Clay, then Senator from the State of Kentucky, introduced his compromise bill, with a view of conclusively settling this agitating question. It was drawn with great skill and care, and was abl}'' supported by him with all the power of his convincing arguments and persuasive eloquence. The bill contained, among others, the following important provisions : That it was improper for Congress to legislate upon the question of slavery in the territories acquired by the United States from Mexico, either for its introduction or exclusion ; that territorial government should be established for the territory recently obtained ; that slavery should not be abolished in the District of Columbia while it existed in Maryland, but the sale of slaves brought into it from other States, or their transportation through it to other markets should be prohibited. For some months the bill occupied the attention of Congress, and when the time for its passage arrived, the propositions of Mr. Clay were so altered, modified and amended that the original was almost invisible. At the same time the Fugitive Slave Law was passed, which gave to the Slave States the right, under certain legal restrictions, of recovering the slaves who had fled to the Free States. In some of the States the Fugitive Slave Law was obnoxious to the people, and the legislatures of such States declared it unconstitutional, and null and void, and exonerated the citizens from complying with its pro visions. Residents in the Slave States, who had information that their slaves were in the Free States, armed with the legal documents under the law, resorted to those States to reclaim their property. The people, in many instances, refused to comply with their demands, which not unfrequently resulted

INTRODUCTION.

in fatal consequences to one or tte other of tlie contending parties. The question was in this way brought directly from the halls of Congress to the people.

For about four years after the adoption of the compromise measures, the country was comparatively quiet, except an occasional conflict occurring upon an attempt to recover a fugitive slave. The people seemed to have almost forgotten the crisis through which they had passed, and the government being in a flourishing condition and judiciously administered, they paid but little attention to politics. In 1852 the two great national parties, embodied the propositions of the Compromise in their platforms, and with this as a part of their creed of faith, they put their candidates for the Presidency in the field. Lieutenant General Scott was the nominee of the Whig paity, while Franklin Pierce, who had acquired some fame in the Mexican war, led the Democratic forces. The contest was not a very warm one, and did not partake of that interest it deserved. The result was the utter overthrow and defeat of the Whig party, from which it never recovered. It was now supposed that the slavery question was for ever settled, and the country haa quieted down and appeared satisfied that a subject so perplexing and exciting was dismissed. In January, 1854, Stephen A. Douglas, Chairman of the Committee on Territories, a Senator from the State of Illionis, introduced a bill for the organization of the Territory of Nebraska. The bill contained a clause repealing the Compromise of 1850, and again opened to Congress the discussion of the slavery question. It provided that the people should be free to regulate their own domestic institutions,-subject only to the Constitution of the United States.

About the same time the Territory of Kansas was organized, and in both instances the lawful citizens were left free to decide upon the question whether slavery should or should

INTRODUCTION.

not exist in the territories. Citizens who had emigrated to he territories from slave States claimed that under the territorial government they had a right to be protected in the occupation of their slave property. This was denied by the opponents of slavery, and acts of violence followed. Then arose a contention whether Kansas should be a free or a slave State. Preparations were made to adopt a Constitution, and after the preliminaries had been properly arranged the question in regard to slavery came directly before the people of the territory. Then followed infringements and outrages upon the legal rights of voters, each party desiring to overpower the other — one for the introduction of slavery and the other opposed to it. It became a matter of such serious importance, that the House of Kepresentatives of Congress appointed a committee to investigate the matter. The committee after a labored term, returned to Washington, laid their report before the House, and it was ordered to be printed. From that report, which is a State paper, we make extracts to show to what extremes of hostility and individual cruelty and the subversion of law and justice this question of slavery has led :

" On the morning of election, the Judges appointed by the Grovernor appeared and opened the polls. Their names were Harrison Burson, Nathaniel Ramsay, and Mr. Ellison. The Missourians began to come in early in the morning, some 500 or 600 of them, in wagons and carriages, and on horseback, under the lead of Samuel J. Jones, then Postmaster of Westport, Missouri, Claiborne F. Jackson, and Mr. Steely, of Independence, Mo. They were armed with double-barreled guns, rifles, bowie-knives and pistols, and had flags hoisted. They held a sort of informal election, off" at one side, at first for Grovernor of Kansas, and shortly afterwards announced Thomas Johnson, of Shawnee Missions, elected Governor.

"The polls had been opened but a short time, when Mr, Jones marched with the crowd up to the window, and demanded that they should be allowed to vote without swearing as to 1*

INTRODUCTION.

their residence. After some noisy and threatening talk, Claiborne F. Jackson addressed the crowd, saying they had come there to vote, that they had a right to vote if they had been there but five minutes, and he was not willing to go home^ without voting, which was received with cheers. Jackson then called upon them to form into little bands of fifteen or twenty, which they did, and went to an ox-wagon filled with guns, which were distributed among them, and proceeded to load some of them on the ground. In pursuance of Jackson's request, they tied white tape or ribbons in their button-holes, so as to distinguish them from the 'Abolitionists.' They again demanded that the Judges should resign, and upon their refusing to do so, smashed in the window, sash and all, and presented their pistols and guns to them, threatening to shoot them. Some one on the outside cried out to them not to shoot, as there were Pro-Slavery men in the room with the Judges. They then put a pry under the corner of the house, which was a log house, and lifted it up a few inches and let it fall again, but desisted upon being told there were Pro-Slavery men in the house. During this time the crowd repeatedly demanded to be allowed to vote without being sworn, and Mr. Ellison, one of the Judges, expressed himself willing, but the other two Judges refused ; thereupon a body of men, headed by * Sherifi' Jones,' rushed into the Judges' room with cocked pistols and drawn bowie-knives in their hands, and approached Burson and Ramsay. Jones pulled out his watch, and said he would give them five minutes to resign in, or die. When the five minutes had expired and the Judges did not resign, Jones said he would give them another minute, and no more. Ellison told his associates that if they did not resign, there would be one hundred shots fired into the room in less than fifteen minutes, and then, snatching up the ballot-box, ran out into the crowd, holding up the ballot-box and hurrahing for Missouri. About that time Burson and Ramsay were called out by their friends, and not sufi'ered to return. When Mr. Burson went out, he put the ballot poll-books in his pocket, and took them with him ; and, as he was going out, Jones snatched some papers away from him, and shortly afterward came out himself, holding them up, crying ' hurrah for Missouri.' After he discovered they were not the poll-books, he took a party of men with him and started off to take the poll-books from Burson. Mr. Burson saw them coming, and he gave the

INTRODUCTION.

books to Mr. Umberger, and told him to start off in another direction, so as to mislead Jones and his party. Jones and his party caught Mr. Umberger, took the poll-books away from him, and Jones took him np behind him on a horse, and carried him back a prisoner. After Jones and his party had taken Umberger back, they went to the house of Mr. Ramsay, g,nd took Judge John A. Wakefield prisoner, and carried him to the place of election, and made him get up on a wagon and make them a speech ; after which they put a white ribbon in his button-hole and let him go. They then chose two new Judges, and prO' ceeded with the election.

" They also threatened to kill the Judges if they did not receive their votes without swearing them, or else resign. They said no man should vote who would submit to be sworn; that they would kill any one who would offer to do so. They said no man should vote this day unless he voted an open ticket, and was ' all right on the goose,' and that if they could not vote by fair means, they would by foul means. They said they had as much right to vote, if they had been in the Territory two minutes, as if they had been there for two years, and they would vote. Some of the citizens who were about the window, but had not voted when the crowd of Missourians marched up there, upon attempting to vote, were driven back by the mob, or driven off. One of them, Mr. J. M. Macey, was asked if he would take the oath, and upon his replying that he would if the Judges required it, he was dragged through the crowd away from the polls, amid cries of ' Kill

the d d nigger thief! ' 'Cut his throat ! ' ' Tear his heart

out ! ' After they got him to the outside of the crowd, they stood around him with cocked revolvers and drawn bowie-knives, one man putting a knife to his heart, so that it touched him, another holding a cocked pistol to his ear, while another struck at him with a club. The Missourians said they had a right to vote if they had been in the Territory but five minutes. Some said they had been hired to come there and vote, and got a dollar a day, and they would vote or die there. They said the 30th day of March was an important day, as Kansas would be made a Slave State on that day. They began to leave in the direction of Missouri in the afternoon, after they had voted, leaving some thirty or forty around the house where the election was held, to guard the polls until after the election was over."

INTRODUCTION.

Notwitlistaiiding these troubles a constitution was prepared bj the people of Kansas, and forwarded to Congress bj commissioners appointed for tbat purpose. It failed, however, to become a law, and Kansas remained a territory until the year 1860, when it was admitted into the Union as a free State.

After the overthrow of the Whig party, in 1852, it disappeared from the arena of politics as a national party, preserving its identity in a few localities. In its stead arose a party that for a short time threatened by its rapid growth to overwhelm the Democratic party and utterly destroy it. The Native American party had existed for many years, but had never reached formidable proportions. When the Whig party was left without leaders, and the results of 1862 disheartened its members, they sought refuge in the Native American party. Secret organizations were effected, men were initiated into its mysteries, and all the preliminary preparations for elections were carried on within doors. Men were nominated for office and elected, without even knowing that their names had been mentioned favorably in connection with the trust committed to them. They were astounded — astonished, and the thing seemed so novel that in a very few months it d)"ew away great portions of the Democratic party. This new party received the euphonious name of Know Nothing, supposed to have originated from the circumstance that when members were- questioned in regard to the strangely political proceedings, they knew nothing. With this party, for a short time, the temperance cause was united, and the famous Maine Law was passed in almost every Northern State. In almost every local election the Democracts were defeated by immense majorities. This was a strange phenomena in politics, and the sudden revolution could scarcely be accounted for, The Democrats had achieved a great national victory a year or two before, which made this sudden change the more astounding.

INTRODUCTION.

About the year 1855, the Republican party made its appearance in the councils of the Native American party, and soon rose to a prominent and commanding position. It continued its connection with tha.t party until the spring of 1856.

The time for an election of President of the United States was rapidly approaching, and the different parties commenced active preparations to place their candidates in the field. What remained of the Democractic party perfected its organization, and appointed its delegates to a National Convention, to meet in Cincinnati, Ohio. That convention assembled, and after the usual preliminary proceedings nominated James Buchanan, of Pennsylvania, as the candidate.

The Native American (or Know Nothing) and the Republican parties united, were the only formidable opponents to the Democrats. It was the desire of the leaders of the two former parties to unite their strength against the Democrats, and by concert of action ensure its defeat. Delegates were appointed to a national convention, to assemble in Philadelphia, in April, 1856, to nominate a candidate for the Presidency. That convention assembled, and an effort was made to nominate Millard Fillmore, of New York, who had filled the office of President of the United States to the satisfaction of the people, from the death of President Taylor, in 1849, to the expiration of the term, in 1853. Mr. Fillmore had made himself obnoxious to the Republicans by signing the Fugitive Slave Bill. To the Native Americans he was acceptable, because of his Native American proclivities. The latter party desired to exclude the slavery question from the convention, and nominate only on Native American principles. This did not suit the other branch of the convention, as the Republicans had many foreigners in their ranks, enemies to Native American principles, who were unfavorable to slavery and opposed to its extension ; they must, therefore, have a

INTRODUCTION.

candidate embodjingj to a certain extent, the above principles. After a session of a few days, the Republican portion of the convention withdrew, held a meeting and appointed a convention to meet in New York City, in the following June. The Native American convention nominated Millard Fillmore, of New York, as their candidate, and then adjourned.

The Convention appointed for June assembled, and after adopting a platform, nominated John C. Fremont as the candidate of the Republican party, and from thence henceforward it became a distinct and separate organization. It is supposed to have its origin in the long contest that took place in Congress, 1855, for Speaker of the House of Representatives, which resulted in the election of Nathaniel P. Banks, of Massachusetts. Its principles on the question of slavery may be thus briefly embodied : — ^Opposition to the extension of slavery, confining it strictly within its present bounds, but a non-interference with it in the localities where it now exists.

When the candidates were thus in the field, the slaveholding States threatened that if John C. Fremont was elected, it would be sufficient cause for their separation and withdrawal from the Federal Union. The contest was a severe one, and resulted in the defeat of the Republican party. James Buchanan was elected, and on the 4th of March, 1857, was inaugurated as President of the United States.

At>out this time a secret organization sprung up, entitled the Knights of the G-olden Circle, whose avowed object was the overthrow of the Federal Grovernment, and the creation of a Southern Confederacy. Its operations were confined mostly to the South, and but little attention was paid to it in the North. The country remained in peace and quietness until the Spring of 1860, when the political campaign' for the Presidency was opened with vigor and unusual bitterness.

A HISTORY

OF THE

CIVIL WAR IN THE UNITED STATES.

CHAPTER I.

THE POLITICAL CAMPAIGN OF EIGHTEEN HXJNDEED AND SIXTY.

Early in the year 1860, preparations were made by the different political parties to hold their National Conventions and nominate candidates for President of the United States, to be elected in the following November. The Democratic Convention met at the City of Charleston, S. C. It was a boisterous session, and several antagonistical elements were at work. A part of the delegates were determined that Mr. Douglas, of Illinois, should receive the nomination, while the remainder were as firm that Mr, Breckinridge, of Kentucky, then Vice- President of the United States, should be nominated. This antagonism resulted in the Convention failing to make a nomination, and it adjourned to meet in a few weeks following, at Baltimore ; but before leaving Charleston, each wing of the party adopted a platform, which was re-adopted at Baltimore,

In order that the reader may clearly understand the position of the two wings of the Democratic party, we present the two platforms side by side : 15

DOUGLAS PLATFORM.

1. Resolved, That we, the Democracy of the Union, in Convention assembled, hereby declare our affirmance of the resolutions unanimously adopted and declared as a platform of principles by the Democratic Convention at Cincinnati, in the year 1856, believing that Democratic principles are unchangeable in their nature, when applied to the same subject matters ; and we recommend, as the only further resolutions, the follov/ing :

Inasmuch as differences of opinion exist in the Democratic party as to the nature and extent of the powers of a Territorial Legislature, and as to the powers and duties of Congress, under the Constitution of the United States, over the institution of slavery within the Territories,

2. Resolved, That the Democratic party will abide by the decisions of the Supreme Court of the United States on the questions of Constitutional law.

3. Resolved, That it is the duty of the United States to afford ample and complete protection to all its citizens, whether at home or abroad, and whether native or foreign.

4. Resolved, That one of the necessities of the age, in a military, commercial and postal point of view, is speedy com-

ERECKINRIDGE PLATFORM.

Resolved, That the Platform adopted by the Democratic party at Cincinnati be affirmed, with the following explanatory resolutions :

1 . That the government of a Territory organized by an act of Congress, is provisional and temporary ; and during its existence, all citizens of the United States have an equal right to settle with their property in the Territory, without their rights, either of person or property, being destroyed or impaired by Congressional or Territorial legislation.

2. That it is the duty of the Federal Government, in all its departments, to protect, when necessary, the rights of persons and property in the Territories, and wherever else its Constitutional authority extends.

3. That when the settlers in a Territory having an adequate population, form a State Constitution, in pursuance of law, the right of sovereignty commences, and, being consummated by admission into the Union, they stand on an equal footing with the people of other States ; and the State thus organized ought to be admitted into the Federal Union, whether its Constitution prohibits or recognizes the institution of slavery.

4. That the Democratic par-

CIVIL WAR IN THE UNITED STATES.

ir munication between the Atlantic and Pacijfic States ; and the Democratic party pledge such Constitutional Government aid as will insure the construction of a railroad to the Pacific coast at the earliest practicable period.

5. Resolved, That the Democratic party are in favor of the acquisition of the island of Cuba, on such terms as shall be honorable to ourselves and just to Spain.

6. Resolved, That the enactments of State Legislatures to defeat the faithful execution of t^ie Fugitive Slave Law, are hostile in character, subversive of the Constitution, and revolutionary in their effect.

7. Resolved, That it is in accordance with the true interpretation of the Cincinnati Platform, that, during the existence of the Territorial Grovernments, the measure of restriction, whatever it may be, imposed by the Federal Constitution on the power of the Territorial Legislature over the subject of the domestic relations, as the same has been, or shall hereafter be, finally determined by the Supreme Court of the United States, shall be respected by all good citizens, and enforced with promptness and fidelity by every branch of the General Government.

ty are in favor of the acquisition of the island of Cuba, on such terms as shall be honorable to ourselves and just to Spain, at the earliest practicable moment.

5. That the enactments of State Legislatures to defeat the faithful execution of the Fugitive Slave Law are hostile in character, subversive of the Constitution, and revolutionary in their efi:ect.

6. That the Democracy of the United States recognize it as the imperative duty of this Government to protect the naturalized citizen in all his rights, whether at home or in foreign lands, to the same extent as its native-born citizens.

Whereas, one of the greatest necessities of the age in a political, commercial, postal and military point of view, is a speedy communication between the Pacific and Atlantic coasts ; therefore, be it