The book of the navy; comprising a general history of the American Marine; and particular accounts of all the most celebrated naval battles, from the Declaration of Independence to the present time

Front matter

THE

BOOK OF THE NAVY;

COMPRISING

Preface

It has been well remarked, that " in a nation's career, a glorious past is the best guarantee of a glorious future." The preservation of a high-toned national spirit has been an object of especial care with every great and commanding empire, and this object can only be attained by cherishing the fame of the heroes and statesmen who have defended and governed their country, in times of peril and emergency. By giving the due meed of praise for great actions, — by recording the history of every brilliant public service, and placing it before the people in a popular and attractive form, — the spirit of noble emulation is kept alive ; and the arm of youthful patriotism is nerved for fresh encounters with toil and danger for the public weal.

Convinced of this truth, the author of the following work has attempted to do justice to the valor and patriotism of the naval heroes of the Republic, by presenting a simple and intelligible narrative of their noble achievements. Of the accomplishment of this task, the people must judge for themselves.

VI PREFACE.

When war was destroying our commerce and desolating our shores, the Navy was the cherished favorite of the people: for it was felt to be the right arm of national defence. Ten years of peace and prosperity caused the deeds of our gallant tars to be half forgotten ; and fifteen years of political strife succeeding thereto, appear to have thrown them completely in the background. Recently, threats of another war have made men begin to look around them for the means of resenting insult and repelling invasion ; and the Navy is once more rising in popular favor.

If the following record of the " glorious past" of our Navy can in any measure aid in speeding it onward to a " glorious future" the author will be amply rewarded for the labor it has cost him.

Philadelphia, July, 1842.

The Naval Songs in the appendix have heen inserted chiefly with a view to exhibit the state of national feeling with regard to ihe Navy, in the time of the last war. The poetry, to be sure, is not always of the highest order ; but the sentiment is patriotic and fervent.

Chapter I

Sketch of the Early History of the Navy. HERE is no species of historical writing more generally interesting, we had almost said, more certainly useful, than that which records the heroic deeds, and commemorates the exalted virtues of that hardy and chivalrous race of men " whose home is on the fe deep."

t The intense interest excited by the yj: development of traits of individual character, and the display of extraordinary personal qualities, is, in this case, greatly heightened by the magnificent theatre of action, as well as the uncommon nature of the scenes exhibited. To the landsman, the ocean, with all its wonders, is a new and unexplored world, and the men who inhabit it — with their

10 THE BOOK OF THE NAVY.

peculiar language, and singular habits and manners — a strange race, the subjects of never-ending speculation and wonder. When to this is added, that the ocean is the common highway of nations — the great mart where, in times of peace, men of all countries and languages, and of every variety of manners, habits and opinions, meet together in harmonious intercourse — and where, in war, the fiercest passions and most exalted virtues of our nature are alternately displayed — it is not at all to be wondejed at, that naval histories should, at all times, be found to contain deeply interesting portions of the annals of mankind. It is nowise surprising that the love of the marvellous, so deeply implanted in the bosom of man, should find a gratification in contemplating the character of the gallant tar, and should view it, with all its hardihood, indifference to danger, and generosity, as scarcely inferior to any that is produced in the best constructed tales of poetry or romance.

We should suppose, reasoning d, priori, that the Americans, descended from the greatest commercial nation in the world — bringing with them all the propensities of a commercial people, and extensively engaged themselves, almost from the first moment of their settlement, in commercial pursuits — would, in imitation of the mother country, as well as from obvious considerations of policy, have seized the earliest opportunity of laying the foundation of a navy, to which they had been accustomed to look, as the only safeguard of commerce, and for the creation of which their country afforded such admirable materials. Why this was not the case, can only be accounted for from the pervading sense of the immense power of the British navy, against the permanent supremacy of which, it was considered altogether hopeless to struggle. Though the framers of the Constitution confided to the Federal Government the power " to provide and maintain a navy," yet there is nothing in the history of the times to induce a belief, that it was in their contemplation, that measures should be immediately taken to create one — certain it is that no such measures were adopted

ORIGIN OF THE NAVY. 11

or even proposed ; and, on a careful examination, we think it will be found, that until the year 1811, the policy of laying the deep and broad foundation of such an establishment was never decisively adopted by the United States. In taking a retrospect of the history of the country during the Revolution, and for a considerable time afterwards, we are forcibly struck by the fact, that no attempt was made to call forth its naval resources, except for temporary purposes ; and then only under the pressure of great emergencies. As the most pressing exigencies could alone rouse the country to the employment of naval means, so when these passed away, our vessels of war were suffered to rot, and we relapsed into a state of total indifference on the subject. In fact, if the people of the United States had actually set out with the belief that a navy was in all respects useless, we aver that just such a course must have been, as actually was pursued, in relation to " this right arm of the national defence."

It will be found on examination, that for a great many years, nothing was ever voluntarily done for the navy. That the navy has, in fact, done every thing for itself, and may almost be said " to have been its own architect." The first measure adopted during the war of the Revolution, for awakening the naval spirit of the country, was the employment of two small vessels, one of 10 and the other of 14 guns, for the purpose of intercepting certain transports laden with munitions of war, and bound either to Canada or Boston. For the purpose of carrying this object into effect, a committee of three members of Congress, consisting of Messrs. Dean, Langdon, and Gadsden, were appointed in October, 1775. To this committee, subsequently enlarged to thirteen, was committed the general superintendence and direction of the navy. Soon after this, it was resolved by Congress to build thirteen vessels, principally for the purpose of destroying the merchant-ships of the enemy engaged in bringing supplies to their fleets and armies. From this period to the end of the war, the administration of the navy

12 THE NAVY OF THE REVOLUTION.

department underwent frequent changes. In November, 1776, "three persons, well skilled in maritime affairs/' were appointed to execute the business of the navy, under the direction of the marine committee. This system continued till October,1779, when Congress established a " Board of Admiralty," consisting of three commissioners, not members of Congress, and two members of Congress. In 1781, " an agent of marine" was appointed, with full authority " to direct, fit out, equip, and employ the ships and vessels of war of the United States, under such instructions as he should from time to time receive from Congress." On the 6th of September of the same year, the duties prescribed to the agent of marine were devolved on Robert Morris, superintendent of finance, who, it is stated by Mr. Goldsborough, " appears to have had the chief agency in the civil administration of the navy during the greater part of the Revolution." The largest vessels of war put into commission during the Revolution, were frigates of the second class. One ship to be called the America, and rated at 74 guns (though subsequently ordered to be armed with 56) was indeed built, but she was not completed till 1781, when John Paul Jones was elected by Congress to command her; she was never, however, put into commission, being on the 3d of September, 1782, presented to his Most Christian Majesty, "in testimony of the sense entertained by Congress of his generous exertions in behalf of the United States, and to replace the Magnifique of 74 guns, lost in the harbour of Boston."

The greatest number of vessels at any one time, in the service of Congress during the Revolution (exclusive of galleys and cutters) was twenty-five (employed in the year 1776) of which there were five frigates of 32 guns, twelve vessels from 24 to 28 guns, and eight mounting from 10 to 16 guns. And though several additional vessels were subsequently built, yet at no period during the war was its strength increased, its losses exceeding the inconsiderable additions made to it from time to time. The following is a list of the Captains appointed to command these vessels,

BRITISH MERCHANTMEN CAPTURED. 13

according to the rank assigned to them under the resolution of Congress of April, 1776, viz : — John B. Hopkins, Samuel Tomkins, Charles Miller, Nicholas Biddle, John Barry, Thomas Read, Charles Alexander, and James Nicholson.* In October 1776, the whole number of Captains was 24; James Nicholson being the senior. The primary object to which the naval force was devoted, was to intercept transports laden with supplies for the British army — which, besides depriving the enemy of their resources, was of vast importance to the colonies in furnishing them with arms, ammunition and clothing, of which they were nearly destitute. At a later period the naval force seems to have acted in conjunction with the numerous privateers which issued from every port against the commerce of the enemy, and with such decided effect, that it has been estimated that the number of captures in the course of the war amounted to 803, of which there were re-taken or lost 153, leaving a gain to the United States of 650, the value of which is estimated at eleven millions of dollars. This estimate must be considered as greatly below the real value, when we find it stated in the British publications of that day, that the number of English vessels employed in the West India trade alone, captured by the American cruisers up to February, 1777, amounted to 250, which, with their cargoes, were valued at ten millions of dollars. We have, indeed, authentic lists of upwards of 800 vessels captured during the years 1776 and 1777. It is also stated by Gordon, that of the 200 ships employed by the English in the African trade at the commencement of the war, valued at eight millions of dollars, only 40 remained at the close of the year 1777. f

The history of the naval operations of the American Revolutionary War consists chiefly of details of actions, singly of very trifling importance ; but which, taken in the aggregate, contributed greatly to the grand result. It would appear that there was a simultaneous movement in

* Journals of Congress, vol. ii. p. 208. t Southern Review, Nov. 1828.

NEGLECT OF THE NAVY.

every part of the American waters, where sailors were to be found, to annoy the enemy to the utmost extent which their very limited means allowed. This desultory warfare, however, was conducted with so much spirit, that it often led to the happiest results, bringing in supplies and munitions of war from captured ships, at critical moments, when they were greatly needed by the army.

Towards the close of the revolutionary war, the formation of a treaty with France, and the presence of a formidable French fleet on our coasts, led to the neglect of the navy, which was suffered to dwindle away, until finally, on the restoration of peace, the whole of the ships built or purchased during the war, had either been captured or destroyed by the enemy, or sold by the United States. When the Alliance, the last of these vessels, was sold (on the 3d of June, 1785,) the United States did not, it is believed, own a single vessel of war. It was not until the year 1790, when our difficulties with the Barbary powers had become serious, that the attention of the nation was again directed to the navy.

In the next chapter we shall notice some of the most remarkable exploits of our naval heroes, during the War of [ndependence.

AFFAIR OF THE GASPEE.

CHAPTER II Commencement of the Revolutionary War

SIMILAR spirit to that which actuated the first operations of the Americans, in the war of independence, on land, prompted their early warlike enterprises at sea. It was, in both cases, the rising en masse — the movement of the people in their original and elemental capacity, resisting oppression, and annoying the oppressor by any means that were within their reach, whenever an opportunity for action presented itself. The great activity of the colonists, in every species of maritime enterprise, which had been one of the most striking features in their character from the first settlement of the country, rendered them capable of doing efficient service in a naval war, so far as courage, capacity and zeal could ensure success. But the inefficient policy of Congress, to which we have already adverted, prevented that systematic and combined action, which was necessary to give complete efficiency to a national force. The spirit of the people, however, could not be repressed by any adverse circumstances. It broke out even before the battle of Lexington. An affair which took place in the waters of Rhode-Island, nearly three years before that event, shows the spirit of the colonists.

The commander of the Gaspee, an armed British schooner stationed at Providence, had been very assiduous in support-

16 AFFAIR OF THE GASPEE.

ing the trade laws, and excited additional resentment byfiring at the Providence packets, in order to compel them to salute his flag, by lowering theirs, as they passed his vessel, and by chasing them, even into the docks, in case of refusal. On the 17th of June, 1772, the master of the packet Hannah, conveying passengers to Providence, which was fired at and chased by the Gaspee for neglecting to pay the requisite tribute of respect, took advantage of the state of the tide (it being almost high water), to stand in so closely to the shore, that the Gaspee, in the pursuit, might be exposed to run aground. The artifice succeeded ; the Gaspee presently stuck fast, and the packet proceeded in triumph to Providence, where a strong sensation was excited by the tidings of the occurrence, and a project was hastily formed to improve the blow, and destroy the obnoxious vessel. Mr. Brown, a considerable merchant of Providence, and Captain Whipple, who afterwards held a commission from Congiess, took the lead in this bold adventure, and easily collected a strong body of armed and resolute men, with whom they embarked in whale-boats, to attack the British ship of war. At two o'clock the next morning they boarded the Gaspee, so suddenly, and in such numbers, that her crew were instantly overpowered, without hurt to any one, except her commanding officer, who was wounded. The captors having despatched a part of their number to convey him, together with his private effects and his crew, ashore, set fire to the Gaspee, and destroyed her, with all her stores. The issue of this daring act of war, against the forces of the king, was as remarkable as the enterprise itself. The British government offered a reward of five hundred pounds, together with a pardon, if claimed by an accomplice, for the discovery and apprehension of any person concerned in the traitorous attack upon the Gaspee ; and a commission, under the great seal of England, appointed Wanton, the governor of Rhode- Island, Peter Oliver, the new chief-justice of Massachusetts, Achmuty, the judge-admiral of America, and certain other

* Graham's United States, vol. iv., p. 319.

STATE OF NAVAL AFFAIRS. 17

persons to preside upon the trial of the offenders ; but no trial took place. Nobody came forward to claim the proffered reward : some persons who were apprehended in the hope that they might be induced by threats and terror to become witnesses, were enabled by popular assistance to escape before any information could be extracted from them ; and in the commencement of the following year, the commissioners reported to the British ministry their inability to procure evidence or information against a single individual.*

When the battle of Lexington had placed the colonies in an attitude of open hostility towards the mother country, Congress, instead of authorizing the fitting out of privateers and letters of marque, confined its orders to the capture of vessels bringing stores and munitions of war to the British forces in America. Massachusetts, the champion colony of the revolution, established courts of admiralty, and fitted out ships under her own authority. Other colonies followed her example ; but when, at length, the hardy tars of the country were freed from all restraint, and every species of naval warfare was fully authorized, their success in capturing the enemy's cruisers as well as her merchantmen, afforded a significant augury of the future glory of the American Navy.

It is computed that there were in the merchant service at the commencement of the revolution, 15,000 seamen and 198,000 tons of shipping; ship-timber was of course abundant, and the art of constructing ships was as well understood in America as in any quarter of the globe ; but of war-ships neither Congress nor the colonial assemblies possessed a single one. They had not even at their command the stores for the equipment of a sloop of war. The navy of Great Britain at this period consisted of 356 vessels, of which 140 were ships of the line.

With all these disadvantages, however, the war was actually commenced with greater vigour on the ocean than

* Graham's United States. 2* c

18 AFFAIR OF THE MARGARETTA.

on the land ; and a series of brilliant actions, achieved by private valour and enterprise, attested that the spirit of the people was not to be repressed by the want of means or energy on the part of their colonial or continental governments.

Soon after the battle of Lexington, a British tender, the Margaretta, with two large sloops under her convoy, arrived at Machias, in the northern part of New England. Their object was to obtain a supply of ship-timber/ This the patriotic inhabitants of the place refused them. Upon which the commander of the tender anchored opposite the place, and threatened to burn it down, if his demand was not instantly complied with. Captain O'Brien immediately headed a party of Americans, who took possession of one of the British sloops, within gun-shot of the tender. They then ordered the tender to strike, which she refused, when they commenced so brisk a fire upon her, that she was forced to cut her cables, and, with the other sloop, proceeded to sea. Captain O'Brien pursued with thirty-two men on board the captured sloop, and succeeded in getting possession of the tender by boarding. The loss, on both sides, was about twenty men killed and wounded. The British tender mounted four guns, and fourteen swivels. Her crew consisted of thirty-six men. Her captain was killed in the action.

With the guns of the tender, and others he had purchased, Captain O'Brien fitted out a privateer, mounting eight carriage-guns and nineteen swivels, having on board a crew of forty-two men. He proceeded on a cruise. Of this the Governor of Halifax was soon informed, who immediately ordered out two armed schooners to capture him. Each of these schooners had on board upwards of forty men. Captain O'Brien meeting them in the Bay of Fundy, captured one of them, by boarding, before the other could come alongside to her assistance. The other also was taken by him. Both were brought safe into Machias. Captain O'Brien conducted the prisoners to Cambridge, and deliv-

THE NAUTILUS. 19

ered them to General Washington, who approved his conduct, and recommended him to the Massachusetts government to be appointed to a naval command. He was accordingly appointed to command the two prizes he had taken. The one he named the Liberty, the other the Diligent. Each mounted eight carriage guns.*

On the 22d of August, the British armed vessels, Rose, Swan, and Glasgow, attempted to proceed to Providence. But, having arrived within eight miles of the town, two of them ran ashore, and the other came to an anchor. Soon after, an American sloop and brig hove in sight, and were immediately chased by the barges of the British vessels and two cutters. They ran ashore at Warwick, where they were boarded by the British. But a smart engagement soon commenced between them and two armed schooners, which were convoying a small fleet down the river. An incessant fire was kept up for the space of three hours ; while the British on board the sloop and brig used every exertion to get them off, but were repeatedly driven from the windlasses. They succeeded in cutting the brig's cable and carrying her off, but the sloop was retaken by the Americans, and brought into the harbour. The Americans, in this affair, had none killed or wounded.

About this time the British ship Nautilus, with two tenders, sailed to convoy four brigs to Boston. On the day after their departure one of the brigs was boarded by a party of American soldiers. Soon after, one of the tenders came up and grappled her ; but the soldiers lay concealed until the tender was fast, when they arose and discharged their small-arms into her, which did considerable execution. The crew of the tender at last succeeded in cutting their grappling-irons, and got off. The brig was conveyed by the soldiers safe into Bedford.

The inhabitants of Falmouth, having opposed the lading of a British vessel with ship-timber, Admiral Graves ordered Captain Mowat to proceed thither with several ships

* Clark's Naval History, vol. i., p. 17.

20 BRITISH NAVAL FORCE IN 1776.

of war, to destroy the town, if they did not deliver up to him their artillery and small-arms. On their refusing to comply with his demand, the British ships opened a cannonade on the town, and in a short time, almost the whole town was destroyed. To complete the demolition, a large body of seamen and marines were landed ; but the Americans having collected in considerable force, the British were compelled to retreat to their boats with the loss of several men.

On the 15th of November, the legislative body of Massachusetts passed an act authorizing the capture of British armed vessels and store-ships. Thus encouraged by their government, the ship-owners of New England used every exertion to arm and equip their vessels. The bay of Boston and the neighbouring sea-coast were soon covered with American privateers ; and soon were the British, to their great annoyance and distress, made sensible of the daring spirit and undaunted bravery of a people whom they affected to despise. The most distinguished commander of the New England privateers of this period was Captain Manly. He captured a number of very valuable vessels. Among them was the Nancy, of 250 tons burthen, bound to Boston with military stores: and a ship which he captured in sight of the British fleet in Boston harbour.

The exertions of the government of Massachusetts, in maritime affairs, did not end in encouraging her citizens to capture British vessels, but she actually maintained, at her own expense, a fleet of small active vessels, calculated for capturing merchantmen, and for procuring military stores.

In the southern sea-coast, few incidents, of an interesting nature, occurred during the year 1775. In the month of December, Captain Barron captured a British tender, which he carried safe to Hampton, in Virginia.*

The naval preparations of the British, for the year 1776, were great. Had they been at war with the most powerful maritime state of Europe, they could not have exerted * Clark's Naval History.

BURNING OF NORFOLK. 21

themselves more. This great force was destined to be employed against a people who had scarce a single vessel of war. In addition to the vessels already in service, the British ministry ordered sixteen sail of the line to be put in commission. Press-warrants were issued, and a bounty was offered, by proclamation, to all seamen that should enter the royal navy. 28,000 men, including 6665 marines, were voted for the naval service of the British, during the year 1776.

Lord Dunmore, governor of Virginia, forced by the people to abandon the State, took refuge in one of the vessels of a British fleet, on the coast. This fleet, which consisted of four vessels, being in want of provisions, sent an order to the inhabitants of Norfolk, for a supply. The citizens refused compliance. Irritated at this, and at the annoyance given to parties in attempting to land, by riflemen stationed behind houses and fences along the shore, Lord Dunmore, after having first signified his intention of destroying it, ordered, on New- Year's morning, a cannonade to commence on the place. Parties of marines and sailors were landed to fire the houses near the water. The flames spread and consumed the whole of this once flourishing city. Dunmore charged the Americans with participating in completing the destruction of the town ; but it is more probable that the Americans, enraged to desperation at this wanton destruction of their property, and believing their force incompetent to prevent the landing of the British, resolved to destroy their remaining houses, and remove their goods, lest they should serve to harbour or support the enemy. Every thing on the sea-coast that might in any way be serviceable to the British was removed farther into the country.

In the early part of January, five British vessels were sent to Warwick Neck, to land a party for the purpose of collecting live stock. But the Americans being apprised of their movements, two companies of artillery, with some field-pieces, were immediately marched to Warwick, where they were joined by the inhabitants of the place. They

22 AFFAIR OF THE GLASGOW.

commenced to fire on the British vessels, and soon forced them to retire to Newport, without having even landed.

At the close of the year 1775, Congress commissioned several vessels ; and appointed Ezekiel Hopkins to command them. This small fleet was fitted out in the Delaware, and consisted of only five vessels, mounting in all 100 guns. On the 17th of February 1776, they left Cape Henlopen. The commodore, judging it improper to remain on the coast appointed Abaco, one of the Bahama islands, a rendezvous for the fleet. There, he learned that there was a considerable quantity of military stores at New Providence, and he determined to make an attempt against it. For this purpose, the marines, to the number of about 200, landed, under the command of captain Nicholas, and attacked the fort, which, after a very weak resistance, surrendered. The next day the Americans took possession of the town without any opposition. There they found forty loaded cannons, fifteen brass mortars, and a great quantity of shot and shells ; but the powder, the principal object of the expedition, had been removed by the governor.

On their return, off the east end of Long Island, they took a schooner of six guns and eight swivels, and a bombbrig of eight guns, two howitzers, and ten swivels. On the following morning the Glasgow of 20 guns and 150 men, commanded by captain Tyringham Howe, hove in sight. The Cabot, being foremost of the squadron, bore down upon her : but after exchanging broadsides, the Cabot was so much damaged, by the superior weight of the enemy's metal, as to be obliged to abandon the contest, and refit. The Alfred came next alongside, and continued a close engagement for an hour and a half. During the action the Alfred had her tiller and main braces shot away. At day-break, the Glasgow, making all the sail she could crowd, stood in for Newport. The Americans had, in this action, ten men killed and fourteen wounded. The escape of the Glasgow excited much displeasure against the commodore. In his justification he alleged, that if he had pursued, it might

OTTER AND DEFENCE. 23

have brought on an engagement with the whole of Wallace's fleet, then committing great depredations on the coast of Rhode Island.

On the 23d of March, the continental Congress issued letters of marque and reprisal against the enemies of the United Colonies.

In March, 1776, the British sloop of war Otter, with several tenders, sailed up the Chesapeake Bay towards Baltimore, in quest of provisions. The Defence, captain Nicholson was immediately prepared for sea and manned. On her way up, the Otter took an outward-bound ship laden with flour. Captain Nicholson set sail, resolved to recapture the flour-ship. As soon as he appeared, the tender abandoned the flour-ship, and several other prizes, which were immediately taken possession of, and manned by Nicholson, in sight of the Otter. The latter, after remaining about two hours, without daring to attack the Defence, sailed down the bay in company with her tenders.