Traditions and reminiscences, chiefly of the American revolution in the South : including biographical sketches, incidents, and anecdotes, few of which have been published, particularly of residents in the upper country

Front matter

Book__ll3A_

.11

TRABITIONS AND EEllNlSCENCES,

Preface

As I advance in years, I am sensible that my memory is failing me as to recent events, but not as to what I heard and saw in my youth. The remembrance of such occurrences, even in my childhood, is still vividly impressed on my mind, particularly of such as were connected with the Revolution. This partial failure of memory is but a gradual decline of my mental faculties, and reminds me that those incidents and facts which I now remember, may soon be forgotten in " the down hill of life."

My seniors and cotemporaries are also falling off rapidly, and in a few years little or nothing could be collected of the many interesting scenes and events, which may still be preserved by committiug them to paper. Occurrences which escaped the recording pens of historians, or w'ere considered by them comparatively unimportant, too local or too individual for a place in general history, may even now interest our reading community.

Historians of the iVmerican Revolution all lived on or near the sea coast — many of the sturdy sons of the forest were therefore unknown to them, and the daring acts and patriotic sufferings of such worthy persons have never been written or published. Most of these collections are derived from the families or connections of the parties, and many of them from documents which may still be seen ; some of them from tradi-

VI PREFACE.

tions — traditions from the lips of our parents and friends, whose memories we venerate ; and I transmit my collections to any who may have a curiosity to know some of the past events.

" I still had hopes ■

Around my fire an evening group to draw, 'And t!fell of all I heard — of all I saw." — Goldsmith.

My children, too, may have some curiosity to hear the traditions of their own family, and of the exciting scenes in the American Revolution in which they and their countrymen struggled and suffered together. I will, therefore, endeavor, by occasional biographical sketches, incidents and anecdotes, to elucidate some of the public events imperfectly described, or not recorded in history. Personal incidents being thus interwoven with -political and public transactions, will, I trust, be a relief to the narrative, without distracting or fatiguing the attention of readers.

Some of the following articles I have republished from newspapers and periodicals, where I considered them worthy of again being brought before the public, and of being more durably preserved in a book. For others I am indebted to friends who have kindly aided me with information and narratives. To these I return my thanks, and especially to the

Hon. a. p. BUTLER.

Hon. JOHN P. RICHARDSON.

Hon. J. B. O'NEALL.

Dr. a. L. HAMMOND, late of Augusta.

Mrs. MARY BROUN, of Charleston.

Mr. I. K. TEFFT, of Savannah.

Introduction

The people of these then Provinces were mostly emigrants from England, or were the children of such emigrants, w^ho, claiming the rights of British subjects, taught them to their descendants. They who could afford it, sent their sons home to England for their education, who thus became confirmed in the rights, privileges, and duties of British subjects ; many sent their daughters also. Each Province being chartered by the British Crown, with the exclusive right to raise all their own taxes, by their own Delegates in their Provincial Assemblies, the inhabitants were ev«r on the alert to oppose all other exactions.

The British government made numerous attempts of this kind, which excited discussion and opposition in public and private circles ; so that all persons, even of moderate education, were well informed on those subjects. In Marshall's Life of Washington, vol. i, in Stevens' Georgia Historical Collections, and in other histories, are various records stated of legislative provisions, remonstrances and resolutions against such proceedings. These, we believe, commenced in Virginia, were continued at intervals by other Provinces ; and the public mind was kept alive to the discussion by the memorials of Dr. Franklin and other Provincial Agents, sent for that purpose as charge d''affairs^ residing in England ; also by the publication of their correspondence and comments, in the public papers, on

Vlll INTRODUCTION.

the claims and grievances comj^lained of by the colonists. Among these were the able letters of Dr. Franklin to Gov. Shirley, which a parliamentary Avriter declared to be so full and conclusive, that scarcely any thing new against the right of Taxation could be adduced after these. But these, too, were forgotten or overlooked in the excitements of war and changes in the Ministry .or their measures.

In South-Carolina the opposition to these measures was always kept up against their constitutionality ; but on the question of expediency the mother-country had the power to decide, and the colonists had not the power to resist.

TRADITIONS AND REMINISCENCES.

Chapter I

Culpepper's Insurrection in Albemarle — Dr. Hugh Williamson — Separation of North from South-Carolina — Dispute between Gov. Boone of South-Carolina and the Assembly — Stamp Act and Commotions in South-Carolina — Col. Henry Laurens — Death of Miss Davis — Capt. Daniel Curling — Congress of 1765 in New- York — Liberty Tree and its Confederates — First Funerals without Mourning — Gen. Christopher Gadsden.

To the exaction of a tax on tobacco in 1677, forcible resistance was made in tlie northern part of Carolina, fifty-two yeai'S before its separation into North and South-Carolina, and one hundred years before the general American Revolution. This epitome of that revolution commenced in Albemarle, with John Culpepper at its head, who was Surveyor Greneral of the Province, and member of its Legislature. It was in opposition to a tax of two pence on each pound of tobacco, sold to any one who did not ship it to England ; thus giving England a monopoly of the tobacco trade, excluding even the colonists from jjuying tobacco even for their own use, except at a higher price than was paid by other British subjects, and extorting, at the same time, an unconstitutional tax from American subjects.

Culpepper and his associates seized Miller — the collector — took all the money that he had received in this office, and used it equitably in preserving the peace and defraying the exj^enses of his little State of Albemarle. The country prospered astonishingly in the actual enjoyment of free trade, during the three following years ; and the merchants of Boston, promptly availing themselves of the opportunity, carried on a brisk and profitable trade with Albemarle. The governraent being strong in Virginia and Maryland, the people were compelled to pay the tax, but clamored loudly. They demanded that they also should be exempt from the tax, or that their nearest neighbors of Albemarle should be compelled to pay it also.

Culpepper, finding that preparations were set on foot to crush his little sovereignty, went to England, and appealed to the throne for justice to his people, by a repeal of the tax, and mercy to himself for resisting the royal authority. He was there arrested, and about to be tried for high treason; l)ut when the ministry found that he would defend himself, by proving that their enaction was illegal, and that he was justified in resisting it, they shrank from the investigation, and Lord Shaftsbury contrived to hush up the question, lest it should be taken up by the House of Commons, and im])air the influence and duration of his ministry. He alleged that the laws of England had not yet been extended to this remote and obscure portion of America. But, if not extended, by what authority did his collector — Miller — extort upwards of <£3,000 sterling

PLAN OF CHARLESTON

AS LAID OUT BY JOHN CULPEPPER, IN 1680, WITH THE BUILDINGS AND FORTIFICATIONS IN 1704, BY EDWARD CRISP.

A Granville's Bastion,

B Craven's do.

C Carteret's do.

D Colleton do.

E Ashley do.

F Blake's do.

G Half Moon do.

H Drawbridge,

I Johnson's,

K Drawbridge,

L Palisades,

M Rhett's Bridge,

N K. L. Smith's Bridge,

O Minister's House,

P English Church,

Q French do.

R Independ. do.

S Anabaptist Church,

T Quaker Meeting House,

V Court of Guards,

W First Rice Patch in Carolina,

1 Pasquero and Garret's house,

2 Landsack's do.

3 John Crosskey's do.

4 Chevalier's do.

5 Geo. Logan's do.

6 Poinsett's do.

7 Elicott's do.

8 Starling's do.

9 M. Boone's do.

10 Tradd's do.

11 Nat. Law's do.

12 Landgrave Smith's do.

13 Col. Rhett's do.

14 Ben. Skenkiug's do.

15 Sindery's do.

COOrER RIVER

THE AMERICAN EE VOLUTION.

from tlie people of Albemarle ? If collected without law, why did he not arrest Miller, and try him for illegal practices ?*

Culpepper immediately returned to Carolina, and, in the year 1680, laid out the original streets of Charleston, running from south to north, intersected by others from east to west, at right angles.f

That the ministerial party should abuse Culpepper, might be expected, and not injure him ; but that American writers should join in" the outcry, without due investigation, is to be regretted. Even Dr. Hugh Williamson, a man of talents and a patriot, has fallen into this error. Dr. Williamson, the historian of North- Carolina, was the gentleman who obtained for Dr. Franklin the original letters of Gov. Hutchinson, of Massachusetts, and of Oliver, the Lieut. Governor, to the British ministiy, advising hostilities against the people of America. He was then in London, engaged in scientific investiga'f'ions, and had observed a chamber or office in which colonial paj^ers were kept for future reference. Concluding that the reported letters were probably there, he went, in the character of a messenger from the head of one of the departments, and called for the letters last received from Hutchinson and Oliver. They were handed to him, without suspicion, and immediately put by him into the hands of Dr. Franklin. Early the next morning. Dr. Williamson was the bearer of these despatches, and at sea, crossing over to Holland, on his way to America. This transaction gave rise to the violent philippic of Mr. Wedderburn, (afterwards Lord Loughsborough,) against Dr. Franklin, which has always been considered one of the most finished specimens of declamation in the English language.

* See Chalmer's Political Annals, p. 560, also Carroll's Collections, vol. ii., p. 340.

f The first buildings erected in Charleston were irregularly built and inclosed. On that part of it, appropriately callfd Zig Zag Alley, between Atlantic and Water Streets, the cows, as Knickerbocker says, had laid out the lines of that alley.

The separation of North from South-Carolina is an era in their history. This separation was officially ordered in 1729, but not effected until IT 32. The line was not run until 1735, and then very incorrectly executed. In 1763, instructions w^re received from the king for a re-survey, which, when completed, gave South-Carolina several of her best districts. These, previous to their being sub-divided, were known only by tiie aggregate name of " new acquisition." Chester District was certainly a part of it. After the revolution, another error was discovered, and repeatedly discussed with some warmth by the Governors of the two States. The tax collectors of both States contended for the right to extend each his warrants over the disjDuted portion of country, and the inhabitants refused to pay either, until the doubt was settled. It was finally adjusted about the year 1801, during the first administration of Gov. John Drayton.

To commemorate the separation of the northern from the southern part of the Province, a silver medal was struck in the year 1736, by order of the North- Carolina Legislature, only one of which is now known to us. This was found in a neglected cabinet in Philadelphia, in the year 1845, and a copy of it obtained in type metal by Dr. Blanding, late of Camden, South- Carolina, and sent to his nephew, Captain William Blanding, of Charleston.

The oT)verse represents Caroline, Queen of George II., with a sceptre in her right hand ; watering, with

THE AMERICAN EEYOLUTION. 5

lier left, a grove of young palmettos. Her figure divides these palmettos into two parts, representing the two Carolinas. The exergue is, " Caroline protecting," 1736, and over all, the words, " Growing arts adorn empire." The reverse represents George II., in the costume of Minerva — goddess of all the liberal arts and sciences — leaning on a spear in his right hand, at the foot of which, and behind him, are grounded the implements of war, — as the shield, helmet, sword, quiver, lance, standard, tfec, over which the laurel waves, emblematic of victory. In his left hand, the palm leaf, (the emblem of constancy, faithfulness, patience and triumph,) waving over the emblem of the arts, represented by a globe, scroll, pallet and brushes, volumes, bust, &c., crowned with an olive branch.

EXEEGIJE.

"GEORGE REIGNING."

And over all, in the l)order,

" BOTH HANDS FILLED FOR BRITAIN."

DISPUTE BETWEEN HIS EXCELLENCY, THOMAS BOONE, THE

GOVERNOR OF SOUTH-CAROLINA, AND THE

HOUSE OF ASSEMBLY.

In a MS. record by Christopher Gadsden, we find a message from Governor Thomas Boone, of South-Carolina, to the Assembly of that Province, dated 19th March, 1762, objecting to the election law of 1721, and recommending " a new law as absolutely necessary." This message was immediately committed, with due deference and respect to the ofiicer from whom it was received. On the 23d of the same month, the committee reported ; on the 24th, the Assembly discussed the report, and adopted the following message to the Governor :

" May it please your Excellency — This House having fully considered the election act now in force, and not knowing, or having heard, of any bad consequences from the method thereby directed, for issuing and executing writs of election, are of opinion that it is not necessary, at this time, to alter that law in those respects." By order of the House.

B. SMITH, Speaker.

t

Subsequent to this, a writ of election was issued to the church wardens in St. Paul's Parish, for the election of a member to represent that Parish in the Assembly, and a return made by them, that Christopher Gadsden was duly elected. It then is stated that the House sanctioned the election, that Mr. Gadsden was qualified before them, on the 13th September, 1762, and, by their order, went with two of their members, Mr. Bee and Mr. Sommers, to see that he takes before the Governor the required state oaths — one of which was for allegiance to Great Britain, the other disclaiming the right of the Pretender's family to the throne. The Governor refused to administer the state oaths to Mr. Gadsden, and summoned the whole Assembly to meet him in his council chamber.

He there objected to the election of Mr. Gadsden, because the church wardens had not been sworn previous to that ])avticular election. It appeared, however, that the church wardens had taken an oath, when elected to that office, that they would duly execute the duties of that office, of which holding these elections was a part. The Governor not only refused to admit the election of Mr. Gadsden, but dissolv^ed the House of Assembly for their late contumacy.

In the ensuing winter a new election was held, and a new Assembly convened, of which Christopher Gadsden was again elected a member. Their first act was a remonstrance presented to the Governor, against his late dissolution of that body, dated 4th December, 1742, declaring that it would tend to deprive that House of a most essential privilege — that of solely determining the validity of the election of their own members, and productive of the most dangerous consequences. They likewise enclosed the report of their committee on the subject, with the following resolutions :

Resolved, That it is the opinion of this committee, that the power of examining and determining the logaHty and validity of all elections of members, to service in the Commons House of Assembly of this Province, is solely and absolutely in, and of right doth belong to, and is inseparable from, the representatives of the people met in General Assembly.

THE AMERICAN REVOLUTIOI^. 7

Resolved, That it is the opinion of this committe', that the Governor cannot constitutionally take notice of any thing said or done in the Commons House of Assembly, but by their report; and that his censuring their proceedings is contrary to the usage and custom of Parliament.

Resolved, That it is the opinion of this committee, that Christopher Gadsden, Esq., having been declared by the last Commons House of Assembly a member thereof, duly elected, and having taken therein the proper qualification oath, his Excellency the Governor's refusal, when requested by message from that House, to administer to him the state oaths required by law, in order to enable him to take his seat therein, was a breach of their privilege.

Resolved, That it is the opinion of this committee, that the abrupt and sudden dissolution of the last Assembly, for matters only cognizable by tlie Commons House, was a most precipitate, unadvised, unprecedented procedure, of the most dangerous consequence, being a great violation of the freedom of elections, and having a manifest tendency to subvert and destroy the most essential and invaluable rights of the people, and reduce the power and authority of the House to an abject dependence on, and subserviency to, the will and opinion of the Governor.

On tlie 16th December, 1762, it was also resolved in the House,

That his Excellency the Governor, by having repeatedly and contemptuously denied the just claims of this House, (solely to examine and determine the validity of the election of their own members,) hath violated the rights and privileges of the Commons House of Assembly of this Province.

Resolved, That this House (having ineffectually applied to his Excellency for satisfaction for the breach of privilege) will not enter into any further business with him, until his Excellency shall have done justice to this House in this important point.

South-Carolina, like the other Provinces, had an agent resident in London, for the purpose of representing the interests of their Province on all occasions, and of presenting to the proper departments of the British government any communications that he may be instructed to make to the ministry, to 'their officers or committee of the colonial department, and to the other resident agents of the other Provinces, Also to execute any other instructions that may be sent to him. At this time Mr. Charles Garth was the resident agent of South-Carolina.

8 TIIADITIOyS AXD EE:MIXISCE^'CES OF

The Assembly appoiuted a numerous committee to address and corres])ond with Mr. Garth on this subject, statinof the particulars of their dispute with Governor Boone, inclosino: the documents and evidences in their cause, with the 2:rounds of their complaint. They did so, and instructed him to print the whole dispute, and submit it to the British ministry, ]\Ir Garth did as instructed, and a copy of this printed statement has been preserved by Christopher Gadsden and his descendants, and is now before me after a lapse of 88 years. As far as I have been able to discover, this is the only copy. From these it ajipears that the House also ordered, on the IGth December, 1762, their proceedings in this case to be published in both the gazettes of this Province. They were accordingly pul)lished, and may be seen in the Charleston Library, in the South-Carolina Gazette, at the dates above mentioned.

On the 13tli September, 1763, the Assembly adopted an address to his majesty, stating their unhappy difficulties with the Governor, showing that his assumed power of interfering in their popular elections would not only violate the charter of the Province, under which they were prospering and happy, but would be destructive of their personal rights as British subjects. This address was forAvarded to their agent, Mr. Garth, and presented with the documents at a meeting of the British ministry, and by them referred to their committee on the plantations.

The House still adhered to their resolution of having nothing more to do with Governor Boone ; laid all his messages and recommendations on the table, refused to pass a Tax Bill or appropriate money for the salaries of all officers, including the Governor, and not excepting their faithful agent, Mr. Garth.

At these proceedings the Governor was much irritated. It was the custom of all pro\nncial agents to inclose their communications for the Leo-i^Iatures to the Governors, sealed and directed. Governor Boone, contrary to usage, l>roke ojjen tlie seal, and then sent the letter of Mr. Garth with an abrupt message: no other letters of course came through this channel to or from the committee of correspondence.

On the 17th September, 17 ft^^, Mr. Gadsden reported to the House, that in obedience to their order, Mr. Moultrie and himself attended Sir John Colleton, to see him take the state oaths before the Governor at his own house, when Sir John Colleton, in their presence, informed his Excellency that he had taken the usual qualification oath in the House, and desired his Excellency to administer the state oaths to him. Whereupon his Excellency v\'as pleased to a.sk Mr. Gadsden and Mr. Moultrie, if tiiey had any message to deliver to him from the Assembly. Mr. Gadsden then answered that he and Mr. Moultrie attended Sir John Colleton by order of the House, to see him take the state oaths. Plis Excellency replied that the House had no right to order any person into his dwelling house, and thereujKjn called his servant to open the door for Mr. Gadsden and Mr. Moultrie; at the same time taking Sir John Colleton by the sleeve, and saying that if he had any business, he (his Excellency) was ready to transact it with him. Whereu[)on Mr. Gadsden and Mr. Moultrie bowed and retired. The Governor literally showed them the door.

Sir John Colleton then attended and stated that the Governor had administered to him the state oaths; but the usual evidence in such cases was wanting. The House therefore sent for the clerk of the crown to bring with him the roll, whereon were recorded the names of those who had taken the state oaths. The clerk attended but without the roll, as he had given it up to the Governor, with the power to administer such oaths. Sir John Colleton was admitted to his seat on his own testimony.

The House then sent for the treasurer with his books, to show the accounts of the public creditors

10 TRADITIONS AND REillNISCENCES OF

and funds: the treasurer attended, but stated that the papers had been dehvered up to the Governor by his written order dated the 5th inst.

Four other members of Assembly being duly elected, and having qualified before the House, were sent by its order, with Mr. Parsons and Sir John Colleton, to witness their taking the state oaths before the Governor. They returned, saying that they had gone accordingly, but that the Governor had refused, saying that he would not take any man's word, but would send for the journal and see, and then act as he should think proper. Whereupon, resolved in the House of Assembly, "That his Excellency the Governor, by his treatment of the members of this House, who waited upon him yesterday, to see several gentlemen, duly returned members of this House, take the state oaths, hath been guilty of new insults to, and breach of the privileges of this House."

Letters were now received from the agent in England, saying that he had called to inquire if any thing had been done in the dispute between the Governor and the Assembly, but was told that they could not decide on their ex parte statement, but had sent to Governor Boone leave of absence that he might come to England and be heard. This was very proper; the committee una-sked^ gave^ very politely, permission for Governor Boone to return to England, that he might be heard, but the Governor would not then accept the invitation, and they expecting him, would not proceed in the investigation.

On the 6th January, "l764, Thos. Smith and Mr. Brailsford having l)een elected members of the House, were qualified there, and sent with Mr. Pinckney and Mr. Drayton, to take the state oaths before the Governor. Whereupon the oaths were administered and the declaration signed ; the Governor having ceased to make objections as of late. A motion was therefore offered, "That the resolution of the 16th December, 1762, to do no more business with his Excellency the Governor, and the several subsequent

THE AlVfERICAN REVOLUTION. 11

resolutions tliereupon made and entered into, be vacated and discliarged. " But this was negatived, probably because Governor Boone had not made any acknowledgment of mistake, regret, &c., or given any declaration that he would not resume the offensive measures. Another meeting of the Assembly was then convened by Governor Boone, early in May, 1764, but as the House continued firm in their nonintercourse with him, although he had become more accommodating, he availed himself of his leave of absence, and sailed for England about the middle of May.

Lieutenant Governor Wm. Bull, his successor, then addressed the Assembly, and harmony was immediately re-established between the Legislature and the Executive; the liabilities of the Province paid, and peace established in South-Carolina. But not so in England as to South-Carolina's aifairs.

On the arrival of Governor Boone in England, he had the address, before the board of trade and plantations, b}^ exhibiting his repeated addresses to the Assembly, urging them to pro\'ide for the Huguenots, as instructed by the king ; to protect the frontier settlers from the Indians ; and to make appropriations for the public creditors ; that the House had taken unreasonable offence at his being thus urgent in the duties of his office ; that his zeal in executing the instructions of this board, and the commands of his majesty, while contending for the prerogative of the crown, was the cause of these complaints against him. His papers being all certified by the great seal of the Province, were admitted as e^'idence, while several of the documents from the House were rejected for want of the seals. The board reported, blaming the Governor for " having been actuated by a degree of passion and resentment inconsistent with good policy, and unsuitable to the dignity of his situation. " Also blaming the House for ha^dng " ^dolated their duty to his majesty, and his subjects of that Province, by totally interrupting the public business of the Prov-

12 TRADITIONS AISTD REMINISCENCES OF

ince for so long a time, a conduct highly deserving his majesty's royal displeasure. " They offered no opinion on the constitutional questions, the original cause of the dispute — the Governor's refusal to qualify an acknowledged member of the Assembly ; but go on to recommend what Governor Boone had withheld, the appointment of deputies to administer the state oaths to members elected to the House of Assembly.

Mr. Garth, the agent, appealed from such a vote of censure on his constituents the Assembly, and employed Mr. Dunning, a celebrated lawyer, to advocate their constitutional rights, and justify their motives and doino^s. After this Mr. Garth became a member of Parliament, and therefore ceased to be their agent, but continued their friend. Here the correspondence terminates, and the final decision of the ministry is not reported. It was, however, evident that the Governor was recalled, and no other attempt ever made by any Governor to control the ])opular elections.

Before this dispute terminated, the agitation about the stamp act commenced, and Mr. Garth gives a decided opinion that no petition would be received denying the right of Parliament to tax the American colonists. The stamp act, the tax on tea and other things, appear to have engrossed the public mind, both in England and America, during the next ten years, and to have ceased only with the ensuing war.

There can be little doubt that Governor Boone's interference with the election of Christopher Gadsden, was an exciting cause in South-Carolina, for the jealousy of their public and private rights ; that these feelings were confirmed and streugthed by the countenance to Governor Boone given him by the British ministry, and irritated by their assuming a right to tax and govern America in all cases whatsoever. We find the following names attached to different parts of the correspondence, and cannot doubt that this dispute roused in them, their families and friends, that spirit of resistance M-hich led to the revolution, and carried them through it triumphantly.

THE AMEEICAlSr EEVOLUTION. IB

Benjamin Smith, Charles Pinckney,

James Moultrie, Thomas Wright,

P. Manigault, Henry Laurens,

Thomas Lynch, James Parsons,

David Oliphant, Raw. Lowndes,

Isaac Mazyck, Thomas Bee,

Christopher Gadsden, William Scott,

J. Ptutledge, Ebin. Simmons, Wm. Roper,

STAMP ACT AND COMMOTIONS.

At lengtli tlie stamp act was passed in 1764, by the British Parliament, in which America had no representative. This was a direct tax imposed on the colonies, and was opposed by them with more warmth and decision than usual, because a violation of their charter and rights as British subjects. When the stamps arrived in Charleston, nobody would accept the office of Receiver, and they were landed in Fort Johnson, which at that time was a strong fortress, but very negligently guarded. One hundred and fifty men were secretly organized, armed, and sent down to the fort in open boats, to destroy the stamps, or otherwise get rid of them. They surj^rised the fort, possessed themselves of the stamj^s, manned and loaded the heavy cannon, hoisted a flag, and were prepared for action by the dawn of day. The captain of the armed ship which brought the stamps, came to a parley with them, and was assured that they would destroy the stamps unless he pledged himself to take them away with him immediately, and not land them anywhere in America. The condition was acceded to, the pledge given, and the obnoxious stamps immediately taken away. Col. Henry Laurens had used persuasive language to prevent this expedition, and in their excitement this may have caused a suspicion among the people that he had some of the stamjos concealed at his own house. He then lived in a beautiful cottage in the centre of that square between Anson street and East Bay, bounded by Laurens and