The Americans, in their moral, social, and political relations

Front matter

»iw:

?Pk-

.0 0.

Preface

The Americans haye been grossly misrepresented; and this not so much by ascribing to them spurious qualities, as by omitting all mention of those which entitle* therp to honor and respect, and representing the foibles of certain classes as weaknesses belonging to the nation.

The object of this publication will be attained, if it serve to inspire the English with more just conceptions of American worth, and increase the respect and friendship of America for England.

Regent Street^ London^ Dec, 24, 1836.

Erratum.— Page 80, line 16 from top, for " gratify," read mortify.

Chapter I

American Manners and Society. — Fashionable Coteries. — Dandies. — Aristocracy. — Its Composition and Peculiarities. -------13

CHAPTER n.

American Ladies. — Sanctity of Marriages. — Domestic Habits.^— Aversion to Public Amusements. — Churches. — Influence of the Want of a Church Establishment. — Keeping of the Sabbath. - . - - 31

Chapter VI

Progress of Education in the United States. — Common Schools. — American Instructers. — Low Estimation of American Teachers. — Colleges. — Medical and Law- Schools. — Theological Seminaries. — Education of the Clergy. — Public Libraries. - - - - 124

CHAPTER VIL

General Observations on Americans. — Definition of American Patriotism. — The Americans as a Moral and Re-

12 CONTENTS.

ligious People. — Different Religious Denominations in America. — Unitarianism. — The Respect of the Americans for the Law.— Observations on the Lynch-Law. — Its Origin. — Temperance and other Benevolent Societies. — National Charity. - . - - - 148

Chapter VIII

American Industry. — Quickness of Motion. — Agriculture. — The West. — Character of Western Settlers. — Influence of the Western Settlements on the Political Prospects of America. — Foreign Settlers. — Germans. — Irish. — Removal of the Indians. — American Servants. — Relationof the Rich to the Poor. - - 202

Chapter IX

Commerce of the United States.— System of Credit.— American Capitalists. — Banks. — Manufactures. — Mechanic Arts. — Wages and Hours of Labor. — Ingenuity of Americans. — Navigation. — Sailors. — The Fisheries. — Ship-building. ---__. 239

Chapter X

Internal Navigation of the United States. — Railroads. — Canals. — FaciHties of TravelUng. — Their Influence on the Political Condition of the People. — Steam-boats. — Public and Boarding Houses. — Hospitality of Americans. 301

Chapter XI

The Southern Planters.— Their Relation to the Inhabitants of the North. — Slavery. - . . _ 330

CHAPTER XH.

National Defence of the United States. — The Army. — The Navy. — The Militia. - - . . 375

CHAPTER XIII. Political Prospects of America. — Universal Suflraf^e

State of Parties. — Relative Position of Nortii and Soutli America. — Of North America, w ith regard to Enghmd and the rest of the World. — Conclusion. - -^ 3S9 v

THE AMERICANS

IN

THEIR SOCIAL, MORAL, AND POLITICAL RELATIONS.

Chapter I

AMERICAN MANNERS AND SOCIETY. FASHIONABLE COTE- RIES. DANDIES. ARISTOCRACY. ITS COMPOSITION AND

PECULIARITIES.

There is scarcely a theme with which English readers are more familiar than that of American manners. From the grotesque sketches of Mrs. Trollope to the lofty and elegant conceptions of Hamilton and Basil Hall, the British public have been entertained with the portentous matter of an American drawing-room. I may, perhaps, disappoint my readers by not following the beaten track, so fertile in amusement and rare sports ; for I shall neither repeat the silly prating of boys and misses, (which one may hear in every country,) nor shall I make those who entertained me the subject of scorn and ridicule. — Neither shall I write an eulogy ; for, the truth being told, there is enough in the moral and social condition of Americans to interest the general reader.

By American manners I do not mean those of the fashionable coteries, nor the peculiar customs of certain districts, to which the refinements of society have, as yet, hardly penetrated; but the general terms on which Americans associate with each other, and with strangers. 2

14 COMPOSITION OF AMERICAN SOCIETY.

Society, in America, is composed of a great number of heterogeneous elements, and the conventional standard, therefore, is less fixed than in any part ofEuro'pe. In the large towns it consists of persons from all parts of the world, with a valuable admixture of "Western," " Southern," and " Eastern people ;" wdiich names denote almost as many distinct varieties of the human race. Under these circumstances, an American drawing-room must often present anomalies, which, at first, will strike an educated Englishman; but which are hardly ever offensive, and may always be explained by the moral and political condition of the country.

In the absence of a court, or a powerful aristocracy, elegant accomplishments are seldom cultivated with a view to ornament society ; and are rather the property of a few, whose good fortune it has been to move in the higher circles of Europe, than a general characteristic of a polite education in America. The Americans have, with very few exceptions, no time to cultivate fashionable elegance, which they consider a mere ai)])endage to civilization ; but they are, notwithstanding, a highly sociable people, and, in their own way, both pleasing and instructive.

It has always been the fault of European writers to compare American manners, and especially those of the coteries styled " aristocratic," to the polished ease of the higher classes of Europe. Occasionally they have, indeed, condescended to speak of merchants and manufacturers, whom they have ever found equal to those of Liverpool and Manchester; but, with a forbearance which does credit to their ingenuity, they have not pushed the inquiry further, lest the superiority of the laboring classes might have compensated for the inferior accomplishments of the fashionable circles, and a certain nameless class in Europe altogether lacked its term of com})arison in the United States. They seem to have been aware of the fact, that America is really w hat Hamilton calls the city of Philadelphia — mediocre jya?- excellence ; her political institutions depriving jier of the splendor of a throne — the focus of polite society in Europe; but, at the same time, saving her from the pernicious influence of an idle and turbulent mob — the destruction of public morality

AMERICAN MANNERS. 15

and virtue. Tlie manners of Americans, therefore, are as far removed from the elegance of courts, as they are from the boorishness of the lower classes in Europe ; and, perhaps, equjilly free from the vices of both. The true manners of a people do not show themselves in the drawing-room — hs hommes du salon seressemhlent partout ; but in the common transactions of public and private life; and it is, therefore, neither good sense nor justice to select a particular class, and in a peculiar situation, for the term of comparison with Europe.

In order to understand the customs and manners of Americans, we must trace them to their origin ; when we shall find that most of what is valuable and substantial in their character is inherited from the English ; but that, at the same time, many of their foibles may be traced to the same source, and especially those for which they are most censured by the English.

I shall not here stop to apologise for my belief that the manners and morals of the English (and there is an intimate connection between them,) are essentially superior to those of the people on the Continent. There may be less pliableness in the address and carriage of an Englishman ; but there is something in the composition of his character which is sure to command respect; there is that dignity which is incompatible with low cunning or conceit, and least capable of stooping to a wilful falsehood. This character, in all its severity, and enforced by the most solemn injunctions of religion, has been transplanted to the shores of the new world, to lay the foundation of what are now called American manners and morals. New England, of all the colonies, has had the greatest influence on the establishment of national customs, as apart of her sturdy population has been always emigrating westward, to renew and perpetuate the principles which gave rise to the settlement of Plymouth. But the people of New England were English, and are so now, in their feelings and sentim.ents : to the English, therefore, must be attributed most of the peculiarities for which they are condemned, as, indeed, most of the virtues for which they are celebrated.

This does not seem to have been taken sufficiently into consideration by any English traveller whose work hiaf

16 ENGLISH WRITERS ON AMERICA.

gone forth to enlighten the public. It is truly surprising how certain pictures of American manners could have contributed so much to the diversion of English readers, when we reflect on the fact that they were drawn from a class of society which has no particular claim to refinement in any country, and which, in Europe, presents the same mixture of vice and folly as in America, without, perhaps, some of its redeeming virtues. It remains to be explained why the fair author should have exposed herself to the expense and inconvenience of a long voyage, when she might have found sufficient matter for her book at home. What absurd caricatures of English manners and customs are not daily drawn by French and German satirists, without derogating one iota from the dignity of English society, of which most of them have nearly as correct a knowledge, from personal observation, as the author of " Domestic Manners" has of the better circles in the United States. Peculiarities and anomalies will always exist in every country; but their number must naturally be greater in one whose boundless territory is divided into almost as many different states as there are counties in England. The peculiar features of a country, the physical distinction of its soil and climate, the principal occupation of its inhabitants, &c., imprint each a distinct character on the people, which it is difficult to efface, even by the means of education. What difference does not, in this respect, exist between a North-Briton and an inhabitant of the Isle of Wight ; or between the latter and a native of Yorkshire? And how preposterous would not be the idea of publisliing either of these characters as correct specimens of the English ?

Another remarkable trait of English travellers in the United States consists in their proneness to find the same faults with Americans which the people on the continent of Europe are apt to find with themselves. Thus, it has been remarked that Americans are much given to extolling the excellence of their own institutions, whether civil or political, and to undervalue those of foreign countries. This is precisely the complaint about the English, by their continental neighbors, the French and the Germans. If we were to investigate the matter, we should find the cause to be perfectly analogous in both countries : a cer-'

AMERICAN PRIDE. 17

tain satisfaction that they are themselves belonging to that glorious community whose achievements, in the field and at home, have " astonished the world."

Some apology may, indeed, be oftered fortius patriotic weakness, when we reflect on the actual superiority of British institutions, and especially on the immense influence they have had on the civilization and happiness of the human race. But all the causes of British pride are equally operating on Americans. They are of the same origin ; all the glory attached to the British name is that of their ancestors ; and they have themselves had an honorable share in its acquisition. Their fathers were the bold settlers who first transplanted British laws and British genius to a new world, to perpetuate them to the end of time. But they have improved upon them ; they have opened God's temples to all his worshippers; and, perhaps, for the first time on earth, raised the standard of equal liberty and justice. They have rallied round this standard to wage war against the most powerful nation in Europe — and they were not conquered. A second time they were arrayed in battle against England, and a second time they proved themselves not inferior to their proud progenitors. Are these no causes for national vanity ? And is this vanity not the highest encomium which they can possibly bestow on the English 1 Do not the English furnish the standard of American pride — the character to which they will not acknowledge themselves inferior? When did any one hear the Americans draw envious comparisons between themselves and other nations, save the English? And what, after all, is this pride or conceit but English, strengthened and improved by the republican institutions of America ? Is it not natural for men to be proud of belonging to a nation in proportion as they have a share in its government ? Is there, in this respect, no difterence between a British peer and a commoner ! Is it, then, a wonder that the Americans should esteem others in proportion to the franchise they have acquired ; and that as born legislators they should carry their heads sometimes higher than is consonant Avith the English idea of politeness ?

A second not less striking characteristic of American manners is a degree of seriousness, which, at first, might 3*

18 SERIOUSNESS OF AMERICANS.

almost be taken for want of sociability. An American is, almost from his cradle, brought up to reflect on his condition, and, from the time he is able to act, employed with the means of improving it. If he be rich, and have consequently a larger stake in the public weal, then every new law, every change of election (and there are many in the course of a year,) will make him reflect on the future : if he be poor, every change may offer him an opportunity to improve his circumstances. He is ever watchful, ever on the alert, not as most Europeans, as a mere spectator, but as one of the actors, engaged in maintaining or reforming the existing state of aff'airs. Something like it may, at times, be felt in England, and perhaps even in France ; but this cannot be compared to the eff*ects of universal suff'rage in America.

The whole mass of the population is constantly agitated ; an expression of public opinion is constantly demanded, constantly hoped for, constantly dreaded. There is no man so rich or powerful but can be made to quail under its influence ; nor any one so humble, in whom it may not raise hopes of success and preferment. It is an all-powerful organ of public justice, sparing none, from the president down to the most obscure citizen ; elevating, humbling, or annihilating whatever it meets in its progress, if justly the object of its reproach.

This state of incessant excitement gives to the Americans an air of busy inquietude, for which they have often been pitied by Europeans ; but which, in fact, constitutes their principal happiness. The Americans have no lime to be unhappy — and this is saying much in favor of their government. The duties of republicans are more arduous than those of men living under any other form of government; but then their performance is pleasing and satisfactory ; because it is connected with consciousness of power. No American would exchange his task for the comparative peace and quiet of Europe; because, in the words of Franklin, "he would be unwilling to pay too dear for the whistle." He finds his solace and quietude at home; abroad he is "up and doing." Peace there would be death to him. He would not, for the world, exchange his political activity for the speculative inertness of the Germans; the glorious privilege of having himself

RESTLESSNESS OF AMERICANS. 19

a share in the government of his country, for the ^^ dolce far niente'"' of the Itahans; the busy stir of an election, for the idiot noise of a Vienna prado. Let those, who are so prodigal of their compassion for the melancholy restlessness of Americans, but remember the painful stupor which befel the Romans after the overthrow of the republic, when, all at once, released from their active duties of citizens, they found in "tranquillity" the principal punishment of their abandonment of virtue.

In proportion as the liberties of a people are enlarged, and their franchise extended, they must necessarily become more active and serious. For an illustration we need only compare the character of the French, since the revolution of July, with that which they possessed under the old Bourbon dynasty, previous to the revolution of 1789. How much gaiety and outward politeness is there not missing; but how much understanding and rational liberty gained 1 What difference is there not between the bufioonery of "merry England," under the reign of Queen Flizabeth, and the sober, demure composition of John Bull since the acquisition of the habeas corjms, and the revolution ? And yet what unbiassed individual, in either country, would wish back " the good old times," or deny that the condition of the people has been materially improved by the change? Well, then, the Americans are, in common with the English, a more sober, calm, and reflecting people than, perhaps, any other in the world ; and, for this very reason, able to bear a larger proportion of rational liberty.

The influence of this character on the sociable circles of America is undoubtedly felt; but not in the manner generally described by Europeans. Thus, for instance, it does not destroy the spirit of hospitality, for which the Americans were always distinguished, although it has but too often been ill requited; it does not prevent them from receiving their friends in a cordial manner, or enjoying their own domestic fireside: but, being always accustomed to thought and reflection, their minds are, perhaps, too fraught with the events of the day and the apprehensions of the future, to preserve throughout that fashionable indifference on all topics, which can neither affect nor cheer any of the company present, and which, for

20 AMERICAN CONVERSATION.

that very reason, is considered essential to good manners in Europe. Tlieir sentiments are often expressed with warmtli bordering on enthusiasm, and require, therefore, a greater degree of attention and sympathy on the part of their audience, than Europeans of rank are willing to bestow on ordinary subjects of conversation. On this account, American society is sometimes fatiguing; and the complaint has often been made by foreigners, that it requires a certain preparation in order to understand or enjoy it. Its demands on a stranger are more numerous than is always agreeable ; and if he be a man of talent or reputation, he is expected to show off and entertain the company. The Americans, on such occasions, are always willing to listen, to learn, and, perhaps, to ques^ lion ; but Europeans are not always ready to teach or to answer, and still less disposed to receive instruction from their entertainers. In this manner, society proves often a task to men of consideration and learning, instead of offering them a convenient resj)ite, as in Europe.

The most bitter reproach, however, which has ever been heaped upon American manners, is their unhallowed custom of talking about trade and traffic. This, during a period of more than fourteen years, I confess not to have remarked half as often as Hamilton, and never, except from one man of business to another. I rather think an honorable exception was made in his favor, in order to acquaint him the better with American affairs, on which they knew he was about to write a book ; little suspecting that subjects so intrinsically mean, as mere trade and commerce, must necessarily be beneath the notice of an author. The Americans, I admit, show, on all such occasions, a morbid solicitude to forestall the good opinions of their guests; and would, perhaps, succeed better if they were more careless and reserved. Notwithstanding all this, we have his own acknowledgment as to the new ideas he acquiijed in this manner, which is at least a proof that American society was not without the means of improving his stock of information.*

*" Since my arrival," says Mr. Hamilton, "I have received much involuntary instruction in the prices of corn, cotton, and tobacco. My stock of information as to bankruptcies is very respectable ; and if the manufacturers of Glasgow and Paisley knew" only half as well as I do

IMITATION OF EUROPEAN MANNERS. 21

The Americans have also been reproached with an almost slavish imitation of European manners ; which, amongst the wealthier classes at least, is said to exist in a degree bordering on the ludicrous, This is decidedly the greatest and most merited charge that can be brought against them and that noble spirit of independence for which they are, in other respects, remarkable.

Every nation has an indisputable right to fix its own conventional standard, which must be based on its history and the general habits of the people, resulting from the climate, soil, and the political institutions of the country. No native of Russia would judge a West Indian by the conventional standard of Petersburg ; nor would an Englishman govern his conduct by the rules* of etiquette of Rome or Naples. What, in a mercantile community, might be perfectly just and proper, would, under a military government, be considered in a very different light ; and the ceremony of a Turkish divan would ill suit the council chamber of the King of England. The Americans alone seem to have given up the privilege of establishing conventional rules of their own ; and thus, with a singular complaisance, judge the manners of every foreigner, and sufter their own to be judged, by the standard of another country. The consequence of this want of independence is felt in the arrogance and presumption with which even the meanest and most ignorant of Europeans passes sentence on American manners, whenever they disagree with his own ; and in his unrestrained contempt for those whom he sees anxiously striving to imitate what a European valet or a footman is infinitely more successfiil in accomplishing; whilst their laws, their political institutions, and the industrious habits of the people, are in open contradiction, with the frivolities of mere fashionable life. How often have I not, myself, seen Europeans curl their lips at the apparent plainness of Americans, who were, in every respect, their superiors, save in the cut of the coat and the felicitous adaptation

how thoroughly the new market is glutted with their goods, they assuredly would send out no more on speculation."

If the learned author had gathered more such "respectable" information, he would, at least, have made his work more useful to his country.

22 IMITATION OF EUROPEAN MANNERS.

of a coxcomb's bow; and, what is worse, beheld these sentiments approved bj some American exquisite, who had just returned home, fraught with the follies of all countries, but seemingly light of the good sense of his own.

The at.tempt to create ffishionable and aristocratic distinctions, will, in America, never be crowned with success. Tlie reason is apparent. Every species of aristocracy must be based on wealth and power, and contain, within itself, the j)rinci|)le of perpetuity. Without these requisites their superiority will never be acknowledged, nor will they have the means of enforcing it. There exists, in the large cities of America, certain coteries, composed principally of wealthy families ; but their wealth is not permanent, an(4 they are perfectly powerless when opposed to the great mass of the people. JVot more than one fourth of all the men who possess property in the United States have inherited it ; the rest have acquired it by their own industry. Scarcely one fourth, therefore, could have been brought up in the elegancies of fashionable life ; the remainder are recruits and stragglers. But, in the total absence of monopolies, and with the immense resources of the country, the road to fortune is open to all; while those who possess property may lose it, and must, at any rate, ultimately divide it equally amongst their children. The elements of American coteries are, therefore, constantly varying; but every new change brings them nearer to a level with the people.

The abrogation of primogeniture, in America, has done more towards equalizing conditions than the spirit of exclusiveness will ever be able to overcome ; aristocratic pretensions may exist; but they will always remain impotent, and die with the respective pretenders. The absence of primogeniture acts as a constant moderator in society, humbling the rich and elevating the poor. It obliges the sons of the wealthy to join personal application to an honest inheritance, and elevates the hopes of the lower classes with the expectance of future prosperity. It is thus the strongest pillar of democracy in the constitution of nearly every State of the Union.

No aristocracy can exist or maintain itself without property. The nobility of France had virtually ceased to exist long before the hereditary peerage was abolished;

AMERICAN ARISTOCRACY. 23

while the patronage of the English would alone be sufficient to establish a power which would make itself felt, even if the House of Lords were reformed. There are even those * who beheve that in the latter case its power, instead of being confined to its usual channel, would extend itself over every department of state, and absorb, for a time at least, the main interests of the country. The American aristocracy, on the contrary, possess neither hereditary wealth nor privileges, nor the power of directing the lower classes. The prosperity of the country is too general to reduce any portion of the people to the abject condition of ministers to the passions and appetites of the rich. It is even gold which destroys the worship of the golden calf

But how can it be possible for the American aristocracy to lay claims to superior distinctions, when the people are constantly reminded, by words and actions, that thei/ are the legislators, that the fee-simple is in them, and that thei/ possess the invaluable privilege of calling to office men of their own choice and principles ? Are not the American people called upon to pass sentence on every individual whose ambition may prompt him to seek distinction and honor at their hands? And what is not done to conciliate the good will and favor of the people 1 Are they not constantly flattered, courted, and caressed by that very aristocracy which, if it truly existed, would spurn equality with the people ? Is the judgment of the people, expressed by the ballot-box, not appealed to as the ultimate decision of every argument and contest ? Aristocracy, if it shall deserve that name, must not only be based on the vain pretensions of certain classes, but on its public acknowledgment by law, and the common consent of others. This, however, is not the work of a generation, and requires an historical connexion with the origin and progress of a country.

Why, then, should the Americans recognise a superior class of society, if that class be neither acknowledged by law nor possessed of power ? How shall they be brought to worship those from whom they are accustomed to receive homage 1 — vvho are either men of their own election, and consequently of their own making, or the de-

* Heine.

24 REPUBLICAN PLAINNESS.

feated and unhappy victims of their displeasure ? The aristocracy of America may claim genius, and talent, and superiority, and they may be ambitious ; but it is an "ambition of so airy and light a quality that it is but a shadow's shadow " — a sort of fata morgana reflected from beyond the waters, whose baseless fabric can neither ex* cite apprehension, nor arrest the progress of democracy. Coteries there always were, and always will be, in large cities ; but they need not necessarily be connected with power. In America, moreover, they exist, principally, among the ladies; there being, as yet, but few gentlemen to be called " of leisure," or exclusively devoted to society. The country is yet too young, and offers too large a field for the spirit of enterprise and business, to leave to the fashionable drawing-rooms other devotees than young misses and elegants of from fourteen to twenty years of age. That such companies may, nevertheless, have their attractions, no one can reasonably doubt; but they are not composed of elements capable of changing the manners and customs of tiie country ; and, as long as their composition does not materially alter, must remain deprived of that influence which the higher circles in Europe are wont to exercise over all classes of society.

The manners of republicans must necessarily be more nearly on a level with each other than those of a people living under a monarchical government. There are no nobles to vie with the splendor of the throne ; no commoners to outdo the nobility. The dignified simplicity of the American President and all high functionaries of state is little calculated to furnish patterns of expensive fashions ; and, were all Americans, in this respect, exact imitators of the amiable plainness of General Jackson, their manners would soon cease to be an object of satire to English tourists. They would then present dignity without ornament, candor without loquacity, loftiness of mind unmingled with contempt for others. Europeans would then visit the United States, not to ridicule American manners, but for the purpose of studying them ; and, perhaps, carry home the useful conviction, that though republics are no fit schools for courtiers, they may, nevertheless, abound in good sense, agreeable address, and genuine cordiality of manners.

AMERICAN INTELLIGENCE. 25

When I said that the manners of republicans must be more nearly on a level with each other than those of a people living under a different form of government, I was far from conceiving it in the sordid sense in which it has often been applied to Americans. The tendency of American democracy is not to debase the wealthy in mind or fortune, but to raise the inferior classes to a moral elevation, where they need no longer be degraded and despised. It is not a drawback on individual distinction or merit, — which, on the contrary, it encourages more than any other government — but it is a great safeguard against the total abjectedness of the lower classes. The seeming equality of conditions in America is not effected by withholding certain privileges from the educated and wealthy, but by extending them to the middle, and even inferior orders of society.