Winning the Southwest; a story of conquest

Preface

THE political and social forces of the region lying west of the Mississippi have not yet been measured. Only as the American nation continues to grow do these forces assert their vital importance in shaping the destiny of this Republic. And who can gainsay the might of the Southwest as a vitally integral part of our national domain? Hence a story of the acquisition of this great section, the Southwest, seems worth while.

The expansion of empire is always fraught with romance. No literature of any race can surpass in human interest the story of the advance of the Anglo-Saxon across this continent. It is with the acquirement of that great area called the Southwest that this little book briefly deals.

No attempt has been made to give an exhaustive, sequential account of this conquest. Adequately to produce such a work would require volumes of space.

I have merely chosen seven men — all heroes of the frontier — and have sought to weave about their lives in a somewhat coherent manner some of the conspicuous facts of the struggle in which the Southwest was won for the Union.

While these men were thoroughly human and not free from faults, they were empire builders. They were men who dared. They did things that ordinary men could not have done. And today, after a long lapse of years, American blood is redder and American patriotism is brighter for what they did.

The plan of attempting to sustain a rather broad discussion of historical facts entirely by biographical methods may be unconventional, but I hope it will at least prove readable.

THE AUTHOR.

Contents

I KIT CARSON, FAMOUS SCOUT .... 13

II ROBERT F. STOCKTON 39

III " UNCLE DICK " WOOTTON 71

II

ROBERT F. STOCKTON won honors for the American navy in the conquest of California. It was Stockton who, supported by Fremont, and later by Kearny, drove the Mexican troops out of the State or forced them into submission. It was under the leadership of Stockton that Los Angeles, the capital, twice was taken. It was Stockton who first proclaimed American rule in California.

James K. Polk, who became President in 1845, was no ordinary statesman. He knew exactly what he wanted and how to get it. He wanted territory — the entire Southwest — all that lay between the Gulf and the Pacific.

North of our present Mexican boundary, Texas, under the leadership of Sam Houston, had been annexed under President Tyler by a joint resolution of Congress on March I, 1845, only three days before Polk came into office. The acquisition of New Mexico — which then included Arizona — seemed a logical undertaking, [39]

while to secure California, the jewel of the Far West, was Folk's consuming ambition. The territory lying to the eastward — the present states of Nevada, Utah, and a portion of Colorado— would come in as an incidental feature of the conquest. To win this region, over a half million square miles in extent, was no easy project. It required some kind of war which could be settled by a satisfactory " boundary adjustment."

Old Mexico, after a sufficient amount of prodding, finally condescended to start a war — in which she was, of course, badly whipped. This fracas cost the United States about $100,000,000 and 13,000 men, but Polk got what he wanted. The Mexican War was undoubtedly an arbitrary and high-handed act of aggression. When judged solely by the merits of the case, it is exceedingly hard to justify. Yet in the light of future events, when the temperament of the American and Mexican nations is once considered, a conflict must have been inevitable. The harsh, but exceedingly practical, policy of some statesmen has been: "The end justifies the means." With due respect for our Mexican friends, a comparative observation of the wonderful development which our Southwest has undergone during the last sixty years will justify the average American in believing that, right or wrong, perhaps after all Polk was right.

For many years before the war the possession of California had been desired. Senator T. H. Benton, of Missouri, and Congressman John Floyd, of Virginia, while struggling successfully to secure Oregon from Great Britain, had also called forcible attention to the great desirability of California. Interest had been further intensified by the stories of trappers and traders who were continually returning to the States with glowing reports of California's beauty, rare climate, and natural wealth.

In 1822 immigration slowly but surely set in for this region, following the opening of an ocean trade between the cities of Boston and Monterey. In 1830 Mexico passed a law which aimed to prevent American immigration into Texas and to stop any further colonization of her border. Yet this law had no serious effect upon Texas and New Mexican immigrants, for they kept right on coming. In California the act was scarcely felt, for the local Mexican officials there were continually jealous of their home government.

Because of their isolation from the Mexican capital they assumed considerable liberty in their conduct. Consequently, law or no law, they welcomed immigrants, as a means, no doubt, of increasing their revenues.

But it was a long journey to California, and American settlements grew slowly there until the discovery of gold in 1848. When conquered in 1846, California had only four hundred Americans out of a total population of about nine thousand. Most of these Americans were located at Monterey, then the leading trade center, and upon ranches in the Sacramento River Valley, usually not far from Sutter's Fort.

The Calif ornian Government, like that of many other Mexican States, was flimsy, due mainly to the plots of General Jose Castro, commander of the army, in his efforts to weaken the authority of Governor Pio Pico. Revolts were brewing continually, yet the foreigners and native Mexicans managed to live peaceably together. Left undisturbed, this region, like Texas, might in time have been forcibly absorbed by American settlers. However, a final occupation by so slow a process as colonization was not to be. A warlike administration at Washington, headed by an [42]

imperious, masterful President, deemed the immediate possession of California an absolute necessity. Through the services of such men as Stockton, Kearny, Fremont, Carson, and others of a similar type, Folk's ambition, a dream of empire, was fulfilled.

Historians probably will never cease to wrangle as to the real motives of the Federal Government in going to war with Mexico and taking this vast area. It seems a clearly established fact that many Southern statesmen, including the President, who was from Tennessee, wanted definitely to increase slave territory and pro-slavery political power by carving new states from the Southwest. Some writers take a broad view of the situation and observe that Mexico had been habitually exasperating in her treatment of American citizens, that she was aching for a fight, started trouble, and received her just deserts. They allege further that, had we not taken California, Texas, and the present Southwest country from a weaker neighbor, some European power, either France or England, would certainly have stepped in and gained a foothold at our very doors. Without doubt Mr. Polk was sincere in his belief that the interests of the nation were at stake, and that if we did not take California a foreign fleet might seize her, and she would thus be in more unworthy hands than ours.

Be all this as it may, we did take California and all the country in question, just as Polk intended, and this region is now an inseparable part of the Union. The main purpose of this story is to deal with facts as they are, and not as to what might have been. Nor do all these discussions of "ifs" and "whys" detract one iota from the record of those men who, by virtue of their courage and devotion to duty, were the real winners of the Southwest.

In accordance with the early plans of the Mexican War, Commodore Sloat had been ordered to occupy the seaports of California at the first news of hostilities occurring, while General Kearny, with his now famed Army of the West, was to march overland and cooperate with him. On May 17, 1846, Sloat learned that war between the United States and Mexico had begun. But he was now an old man, cautious and irresolute. Not until July 2 did he venture into the harbor of Monterey, the most important port, and he was followed by a British squadron under command of an Admiral Seymour. At Monterey, Sloat learned that John C. Fremont and his daring band had already started warlike operations in the well-known " Bear Flag Revolt. " He, of course, supposed that the latter was acting in pursuance of Federal instructions, and so, after much hesitation, he raised the stars and stripes over Monterey.

But conquering a country according to blanket instructions, thousands of miles from the home Government, was too adventurous a task for a man of Sloat 's advanced age, though it just suited such dashing leaders as Fremont or Kearny. Hearty cooperation between the land and naval forces, while imperative, could not be secured while Sloat directed the American fleet. The situation soon solved itself with the arrival from Honolulu of Commodore Stockton in the frigate " Congress," he having sailed from Norfolk around Cape Horn in the previous October, bearing sealed instructions from Washington.

Robert F. Stockton needs no introduction to naval history. Born at Princeton, New Jersey, on August 20, 1795, the son of Senator Richard Stockton, he entered the navy as a midshipman on September I, 1811. He first cruised with the

Atlantic Koine Squadron under Commodore Rodgers on the flagship " President/' where he earned the nickname " Fighting Bob." Later he served for a time as aid to the Secretary of the Navy, though he rejoined Rodgers' fleet and took an active part in the defense of Baltimore against the British. Because of his gallantry he was promoted to be a lieutenant in 1814. He served bravely during the war with the Barbary powers in 1815, after which he cruised for several years. In 1822 he founded a colony at Cape Mesurado, on the west coast of Africa, which, in 1847, became the present negro republic of Liberia. Subsequently he was sent to drive the pirates out of the West Indies, after which campaign he spent the years 1823 and 1824 in surveying the Southern coast. It was during the latter period that he was married to Maria Potter, of Charleston, South Carolina. From 1826 to 1838 he edited a New Jersey newspaper.

Reentering the service, he served as executive officer of the flagship "Ohio" in the Mediterranean squadron, being promoted to the rank of post captain in 1839. In 1841 he declined the appointment of Secretary of the Navy under President Tyler.

Stockton was one of the first commanders to apply steam power to warships, and in the steam sloop of war " Princeton" he carried the annexation resolutions from Washington to the Texas Government. In October, 1845, he was made commander-in-chief of the Pacific squadron, going, as previously mentioned, around South America to the Sandwich Islands and from thence to Monterey, which place Commodore Sloat had occupied only a few days before his arrival.

Stockton thus reached California in the prime of life. He was a man of Fremont's pattern — bold, not afraid of assuming responsibility, in full sympathy with any daring enterprise, such as the "Bear Flag Revolt/' and ready to fight Mexico herself if necessary.

Sloat retired and appointed Stockton commander-in-chief of all the American forces in California. Stockton at once sought Fremont, had a friendly understanding, and received from him a battalion of one hundred and sixty volunteers. In return, he appointed Fremont a major and Gillespie, one of the latter's men, a captain, to serve under his authority as long as considered necessary;

About July 26, Stockton sent his battalion down the coast on board the warship " Cyane " to San Diego, where he knew they might soon be wanted. On the 2Oth, Commodore Sloat transferred his flag to the " Levant " and sailed for home, leaving an exciting campaign open to his successor, who took immediate and full command.

On the day of Sloat's departure, Stockton issued a proclamation to the people of California, in which address, among other things, he declared that the Mexican Government and its military leaders had, without cause, for a year been threatening the United States with hostilities; that, in pursuance of these threats, they had, with seven thousand men, attacked a detachment of two thousand United States troops, by whom they were routed. General Castro, the Mexican commander-in-chief of the military forces in California, had* " shamefully violated international law and national hospitality by hunting and following, with wicked intent, Captain Fremont, of the United States army, and his band of forty men, who had entered California for * Bancroft.

rest and refreshment after a dangerous scientific expedition over the mountains/' Stockton asserted further that, until redress could be gained from Mexico, military occupation of Santa Fe and Monterey had been determined upon. Yet the native officials, instead of remaining under American protection to perform their duties, had fled, leaving the people in a state of anarchy and confusion. Since the local officials had left, Stockton felt it his duty to all concerned, and California in particular, to end the lawless depredations of Castro's men against peaceful inhabitants. As he could not accomplish this mission by remaining in any of the seaports, he would immediately march against "these boasting and abusive chiefs, who, unless driven out, will, with the aid of hostile Indians, keep this beautiful country in a constant state of revolution and blood. " He declared further that the general of the California forces was a "usurper, who had been guilty of great offenses, who had impoverished the country, who had deserted his post when worst needed, who had come into power by force, and who must be expelled by force " ; in fact, Mexico seemed compelled from time to time to abandon California to "the mercies of any wicked man who could muster one hundred men in arms."

In fairness to truth, however, it must be said that this proclamation was badly overdrawn, inaccurate in its presentation of Castro's attitude toward Fremont, and decidedly vague as to the real meaning it conveyed, which was simply a determination to occupy and hold California. Although bombastic, the document was fully in accord with the Mexican way of doing things, yet, as further events proved, Stockton's methods of warfare were not those of Mexico. In this official act Stockton may have been influenced by Fremont. Both of these men were ambitious, and, as they were acting at a long distance from home, with all honor for what they did, perhaps it was natural for them to picture their opposition as great as possible — to do a little "grandstand" work — in order to win a full measure of success when success was achieved.

Now to trace briefly the fortunes of the California Mexicans after the American invasion.

Immediately after Sloat's arrival General Castro had fled southward from Santa Clara with about two hundred men, accompanied by [50]

Juan B. Alvarado, a distinguished citizen but who held no military command. Halting at Los Ojitos, Castro sent word to General Pico at San Luis Obispo informing the latter of Sloat's invasion. For a time these quarreling leaders seem to have laid aside their differences and to have decided to defend Los Angeles, the capital, against the Americans.

On July 24, having assembled his legislators at Los Angeles, Pico aroused considerable patriotism by his oratory, as well as by the speeches of certain other speakers whom he had chosen for the occasion. Castro and his small army soon arrived, and measures for resistance were at once taken. Yet all plans of defense were entered upon in a decidedly listless manner, and cooperation, if any, on the part of subordinate officials, was lukewarm. Many people were in unquestioned sympathy with the invaders, while others held aloof from what seemed to be a useless struggle. Many had no faith in their leaders. While Pico and Castro made a show of friendship, their subordinates were in a continual quarrel. Indeed, while Pico was away the people of Los Angeles had organized to fight Castro. Hence the men of Southern California were slow to join the " regular " army. Appeals to citizens in the outlying districts for military duty were generally met by great " feelings " of patriotism — accompanied by regrets that the Indians were dangerous, and thus it was unsafe to leave home. The California Government had lost both credit and reputation. The ranch owners even hesitated to give firearms and horses for their country's cause.

In the meantime Fremont had landed at San Diego, while Stockton, with three hundred and sixty marines, had disembarked at San Pedro. Sailing out of Monterey on August I, the latter had stopped en route at Santa Barbara, raised the American flag, and left a small garrison, arriving at San Pedro on the sixth. On August 7 two Mexican envoys from Los Angeles visited Stockton, bearing a note from Castro, in which the latter asked an explanation for the Americans' presence, and at the same time sought to negotiate. To this Stockton would not assent.

Finding that there was no chance to parley, Castro and his officers held a council of war at a nearby mesa on August 9. Here he decided that he had done all in his power to oppose the Americans, and he regretfully admitted that he could not succeed in his purpose. He thought it best for him to leave the country at once to report the California situation to his supreme government. Furthermore, he respectfully invited Governor Pico to accompany him as a traveling companion as far as Sonora. Both leaders wrote affecting farewells to their people, extracts from both of which are herewith presented. On August 9 Castro delivered the following :

With my heart full of the most cruel grief, I take leave of you. I leave the country of my birth, but with the hope of returning to destroy the slavery in which I leave you. For the day will come when our unfortunate fatherland can punish this usurpation, as rapacious as unjust, and in the face of the world exact satisfaction for its grievances.

On the following day Pico wrote this address :

My friends, farewell! I take leave of you. I abandon the country of my birth, my family, my property, and whatever else is most grateful to man, all to save honor. But I go with the sweet satisfaction that you will not second the deceitful views of the astute enemy ; that your loyalty and firmness will prove an inexpugnable barrier to the machinations of the invader. In any event, guard your honor and observe that the eyes of the entire universe are upon you.

On the night of August 10, Pico and Castro abandoned their country to its fate and left Los Angeles for Mexico. Having addressed their farewells, flight seemed their best means of safety. In spite of their loud expressions of grief and regret, it was their own misconduct and avarice which had destroyed confidence in themselves and made the occupation of California by a small American force easily possible.

In the meantime Stockton had been drilling his three hundred and sixty marines, and on August ii he started for Los Angeles. On the afternoon of that day he learned of Castro and Pico's retreat, whereupon he sent one hundred and fifty of his men back to San Pedro. His progress was slow, as he had only oxen or the men themselves to draw the artillery. Reaching Castro's camp, he found ten abandoned cannon, four of which had been spiked. After a march of two days Stockton's men drew near the city, where they were joined by Fremont and his party, who had come up from San Diego. The combined forces then entered Los Angeles without opposition on August 13, 1846, and the American flag for the first time waved over the capital of California.

Thus far the conquest had certainly been an easy one. Conciliatory measures were at once adopted. The officials and captured native soldiers were paroled, while many of the citizens were not even required to comply with this formality. A number of foreign residents who desired peace are said to have effectively used their influence in advising submission to American arms.

Stockton's second proclamation appeared on August 17. It was merely an announcement that the country now belonged to the United States and as soon as possible it would be governed the same as all federal territories. Until a new government could be set up, military rule would, of course, prevail, yet the people could at once choose local civil officials if those already in office declined to serve. Like Kearny in New Mexico, Stockton promised thorough protection of life and property and complete religious toleration. Peace would be preserved by an armed force.

Although he signed himself " commander-in-chief and governor of the Territory of California/' Stockton did but little toward organizing an effective government for the present. He merely proclaimed himself governor and announced an election of alcaldes and petty officials to be be1 * on September 15. Yet he devised man^ iiuure plans, chief of which was the formation of a territorial government, with Fremont at its head, to conduct matters after he had left. He also developed the outline of a constitution, though he did not attempt to put it into effect. Stockton then decided to withdraw from military affairs and take up his work in the navy, his plan being to conduct war along the western coast of Mexico. Fremont was ordered to increase his battalion to three hundred men, to fortify and garrison the neighboring towns, and to meet him in San Francisco on October 25, where final arrangements would be made. On August 28, Stockton forwarded a full report of his proceedings to Washington by the overland route, in charge of Kit Carson. On the 3 ist he appointed Gillespie commandant of Southern California, with orders to preserve martial law and enforce the proclamation of August 17, and on September 2, 1846, he issued a general order appointing Fremont military commandant of the Territory, which was to be divided into three parts.

Stockton then sailed for San Francisco, stopping at Santa Barbara long enough to take on the garrison he had formerly left ther ' »nd also Midshipman McRae, who had dispatctfes" i MI Washington. Fremont and his men marched northward, leaving Gillespie and his tiny force in sole charge at Los Angeles. The conquest of California seemed complete. Stockton no doubt believed that the Mexicans would at once prove good citizens and that his schemes of government would automatically adjust themselves. But in this he was mistaken. The volatile temperament of the natives had yet to be taken into account.

Arriving in San Francisco early in October, Stockton was given a flattering reception, and in a speech delivered on the present site of Montgomery Street he gave an elaborate account of the capture of Los Angeles. His ambition ran high. He even planned to raise a force of one thousand men, sail down the coast, march inland, and assist General Taylor in the war with Mexico.

But things soon went wrong. A large war party of Walla Walla Indians created a big scare by invading from the north. They soon were pacified, yet scarcely had this danger passed than a messenger named John Brown, nicknamed " Lean John," arrived from Los Angeles late in September with a report that all Southern California was in revolt and that Gillespie was in serious need of help. "Lean John" had made the trip over a route of about five hundred miles in just six days. Stockton at first thought the report greatly exaggerated, but he at once sent a warship with an advance detachment under Mervine to San Pedro, while he and Fremont followed a little later.

Captain Gillespie, it seems, had much to contend with, although his duty of maintaining peace and easy military restrictions had at first seemed easy to enforce. One thing led to another. A sham attack was made upon the garrison, and the latter retaliated with strict martial law. It was soon easy to believe that a war had started, and a native force of about three hundred was quickly organized, with many of Castro's former officers, recently paroled, in chief command. They justified breaking their paroles on the ground that Gillespie's unjust conduct toward them had renewed war, so releasing [ 58 ]

them from all obligations toward their late conquerors.

The rebels established their main camp at Paredon Blancon, just outside the city. On September 24 they posted a proclamation which enumerated their grievances and appealed to Mexican patriotism to wreak vengeance upon their oppressors and any citizens who might not support the patriotic cause. The city was at once surrounded, and Gillespie's party was summoned to surrender.

The first skirmish took place at Chino Rancho, about twenty-five miles eastward, where Stockton had placed a small force of twenty foreigners under Benito Wilson. This little party was at once attacked, and, their ammunition giving out after a siege of two days, they surrendered as prisoners of war and were marched back to Los Angeles. The insurgents had scored a victory. Gillespie and his men meanwhile had but little food, and, after repeated demands to surrender, he was offered permission to march out unmolested to San Pedro if he would abandon the city. He accepted these terms and set out with the honors of war, reaching San Pedro in safety.

Santa Barbara and San Diego were likewise evacuated, and all Southern California was thus retaken by the natives, who now seemed to have everything their own way.

Meanwhile Captain Mervine, who had promptly sailed from San Francisco, arrived at San Pedro on October 6 with three hundred and fifty men, and, joining forces with Gillespie, the entire command started for Los Angeles on the following day. While they had no cannon nor horses, they did not think the Calif ornians would put up much of a fight. Marching in solid ranks, they were attacked on the second day by a mounted band of Mexicans under Carrillo. The latter would simply wait until the Americans came within range, when they would fire their cannon and gallop ahead to reload it. This went on until six Americans were killed and several wounded, although no Mexicans were hurt.

Unable to catch the enemy, Mervine and Gillespie retreated to San Pedro, burying their dead on a little island, which is now called Isla da las Muertas. For several weeks their forces remained at San Pedro, closely watched by the enemy, who kept at a respectable distance. By October 31 the insurgent Government was fully [60]

reorganized and in complete operation, and the American invasion seemed to have been a failure.

Commodore Stockton had left Monterey in the " Congress " on October 19, arriving at San Pedro four days later, where he learned what had transpired in his absence. The Mexicans under Carrillo were supposed to number at least eight hundred, but writers of the time declare that Carrillo would display his men on the hills in such manner that each man would be counted six or seven times. He is also said to have frequently ordered large numbers of riderless horses to be driven so as to raise great clouds of dust According to so good an authority as Bancroft, Carrillo had but one hundred men, which makes it appear that the Americans were, for at least once, badly bluffed. Nevertheless, Stockton had become cautious, and he decided to attack the capital from San Diego, which would give him a more secure base. Early in November he accordingly sailed for San Diego with part of his men. It was here that Stockton learned of Kearny's approach from Santa Fe, and on December 3 he sent Captain Gillespie with a small squad to assist Kearny.

The Mexican commander, Flores, had sent out [61]

two detachments, one under Andres Pico and the other under Captain Cota, to watch the invaders' movements and to cooperate, if possible, in destroying any isolated band of Americans. The natives naturally were surprised to learn of a new invasion from the East, and it was with Pico's command that Kearny and Gillespie fought the ill-fated battle of San Pascual on December 6, 1846. As told in the story of Kearny, his fatigued, crippled, and half-famished command finally sought friendly shelter with Stockton in San Diego on December 12. The latter now assumed the rank of commander-in-chief, with Kearny in active command of the troops, and preparations for a final advance were at once begun.

On December 29, 1846, the combined American forces, six hundred strong, moved out of San Diego for Los Angeles. Out of the entire number only eighty-four were mounted. The men were poorly clothed, being obliged to wear shoes made by themselves from canvas, a poor protection against cactus needles. The weather was cold and the roads were heavy. The animals were thin, weak, and continually giving out.

Men often had to drag their ammunition and baggage wagons through deep wet sand and over steep grades. Yet, through the entire march of one hundred and forty-five miles the little army pushed on, as Stockton says, " with alacrity and cheerfulness." They left San Bernardo on January i, 1847, and camped successively at Buena Vista, San Luis Rey, and Las Flores, without incident. Leaving the latter place they met three messengers with a note from Flores, in which a truce was suggested as a means of avoiding further bloodshed. To this Stockton would not listen, and he declared that if Flores were caught he would be shot as a traitor for breaking his parole.