The voyages of the Norsemen to America

Front matter

Boston Library Consortium IVIember Libraries

This series of Scandinavian Monographs is published by The American-Scandinavian Foundation to promote the study of Scandinavian history and culture^ in the belief that true knoxvledge of the North -will contribute to the common profit on both sides of the Atlantic

SCANDINAVIAN MONOGRAPHS VOLUME I

Preface

THE original material on which our knowledge of the Vinland voyages is based is of very limited extent. Every term and sentence in the sagas which has any bearing on these voyages has been carefully examined and discussed. All evidence that has come to light, whether in Europe or in America, has been scrutinized by competent critics. It might, indeed, seem that the whole field had been covered, and that the last word on the problems involved had been said. I found, however, after having studied the more important works on the subject, that justice had not been done to it from the point of view of the navigator. When this book was planned, no work existed which gave a comprehensive presentation of the means and methods of navigation possessed by the Norsemen, and of the bearing of these features on the question of the discovery of America. Dr. Nansen's book. In Northern Mists , which was published while the present volume was in preparation, dealt rather fully with this aspect of the matter, but did not contain any description or illustrations of the coasts of America likely to have been visited by the Norsemen.

After having been interested in the subject for a long time, I decided about four years ago to study it vi PREFACE

more seriously and to write an article about it, dealing especially with the navigation and allied matters. I soon found that, in order to make the essay useful to the general public, it was necessary to embody in it, not only an abstract of the sagas themselves, but also a great deal of introductory and accessory matter giving an insight into the history, life, and character of the Norsemen. Thus the article grew to a pamphlet. Further study showed me that even eminent authorities differed on important historical and geographical questions relating to the voyages. I was thus led to an inquiry into the controversial points, comprising an analysis of the saga accounts, the result of which I decided to include in the work. This required the addition of several chapters, and the pamphlet grew to a book.

Some may judge that I have gone beyond my capacity as a naval man, for I have indeed trespassed on the territory of the historian, the ethnologist, and the botanist. It will perhaps be admitted, however, that after specialists have performed the technical task of bringing together and presenting the facts that bear on vexed questions, a verdict can well be given by a layman, provided it is based on a careful study of the available material.

It has been my aim to place the sources of infor-

PREFACE vii

mation as objectively as possible before the reader, and to state the arguments for and against each question in an impartial manner. My conclusions in many cases take the form of alternatives, a natural consequence of the analytical treatment, but I have always indicated w^hat I consider as the most probable solution. This mode of treatment has also necessitated many repetitions, especially of statements of the sagas, but it is believed that this drawback is more than compensated for by the greater facility with which the reader is enabled to weigh the evidence and to follow the arguments.

I am indebted to Professor William H. Schofield for his assistance in the preparation of the volume as to literary form, as well as for several valuable suggestions, and to Professor Finnur Jonsson for aid in the interpretation of various points in the Icelandic text of the sagas and certain matters of history. My thanks are due also to Vice- Admiral C. F. Wandel, Chairman of the Danish Greenland Committee, for his permission to reproduce the numerous illustrations from Meddelelser om Grbnland which appear in

this work.

William Hovgaard

Boston, May, 1914

Contents

PREFACE V

INTRODUCTION XV

I. ICELAND AND THE EARLY HISTORY AND LIFE OF THE

Introduction

THE records of the Vinland voyages as found in the sagas have come to us, like the sagas themselves, in a somewhat peculiar way. Perhaps through several generations the original accounts were transmitted orally before they were finally written down. This mode of transmission is not unlike the reflecting of an image from mirror to mirror until it is fixed on a photographic plate. In such a process the image gradually loses in distinctness, becomes blurred and distorted, and assumes new characteristics and color. The camera itself may be imperfect, or separate images may reach the same plate successively, producing a superposed and confused result, which the photographer may try to render intelligible by retouching. In other cases a single object or scene, viewed from different sides, may look so dissimilar that the images reaching the camera may seem to be of different origin. Sagas likewise, when reflected from mind to mind, may lose in accuracy and be changed and colored by the ignorance, the superstition, the carelessness, or the fancy of the saga-tellers. Tales of events resembling one another, as for instance different voyages to the same place, may be thought to relate to one and the same event ; a process of merging and superposition takes place, and a writer is tempted to render his version more intelligible by altering or omitting various facts. The same event may also be seen differently by different people, each having his own point of view, prejudices, and interests, and thus diverging and even contradictory versions may be produced . We must, therefore, in a critical examination of saga-records, make due allowance for such sources of error.

xvi INTRODUCTION

Great weight has been attached by some to the age of the sagas, and it has been presumed that the older liave greater historic value than the younger. This, however, appears contrary to the generally accepted opinion that history cannot be written satisfactorily till after the lapse of one or more generations, not only because the records may not always be available immediately, but also because the true perspective of the events cannot be obtained till some tirne after their occurrence, and because the opinion of the contemporaneous historian is liable to be biased and influenced in other ways. Another ground on which the validity of the sagas has been attacked is that they contain several tales as well as isolated statements that are obviously based on fables or myths. This is a feature to be expected in records from those superstitious times, especially in accounts of voyages to distant lands. The existence of such fictions and mythical elements does not wholly invalidate accounts which are otherwise sober, objective, and realistic; in some cases they may even shroud a valuable and interesting truth which can be unveiled by research. Finally, the oral transmission to which the sagas were subjected has been used as a ground for attack. Yet, in spite of the fact that this transmission in many cases extended over long periods of time and took place through several persons, it was on the whole remarkably accurate. The Icelanders had extraordinary memories, which were often aided by compositions in verse, and the art of saga-telling reached an exceedingly high standard. Oral transmission did not, therefore, necessarily affect the accuracy of the records to any great extent. On the other hand, it has steadily been overlooked that at the time of the Norse colony in Greenland true believers were strongly prejudiced

INTRODUCTION xvii

against heathens in general and in particular against heathen natives, who were considered as little better than animals or else as supernatural beings, "trolls," with whom no intercourse was allowed by the Church. This undoubtedly in some cases influenced the accounts in the sagas, and may have led to the suppression of important facts.

These introductory remarks may appear to be elementary, but they present guiding principles and views which it is desirable to state clearly and to emphasize at the outset, since they form the basis of the following discussion and give the clue to the proposed solution. The little chapter of the world's history here treated has been the occasion of many books and articles, but unfortunately a great part of this literature is without scientific value, being of an amateurish or popular nature. Theories that were the product of little work and much fancy have in several cases attained a certain authority, and it has taken much time and labor for historians to disprove them. The effect on the public has been, in general, to obscure the subject, and to create a distrust of the entire account of these voyages. A problem like the present, which touches a number of different sciences — history, ethnography, botany, zoology, navigation, etc. — requires for its elucidation the cooperation of men from all these various fields. Of late several serious investigations have been made and published, that will be extensively referred to and discussed in this book. Still, the author believes, sufficient attention has not been paid to the peculiar conditions under which the navigation of the Norsemen took place. For a full understanding of the accounts of the sagas it is necessary to keep in view both the shortcomings and the advantages under which the Norsemen labored as seamen and navixviii INTRODUCTION

gators. The present work comprises, therefore, a study of the material at their disposal, and their proficiency in seamanship and navigation. It is essential, moreover, to study carefully the geography as well as the hydrographic and climatic conditions of the coasts of America which the Norsemen are likely to have visited. We must, in particular, try to form a mental picture of how these coasts would appear to the exploring navigator, their aspect as seen from the sea, their general character, the existence of bays and harbors, and their animal and plant life. The geographical chapter is written with this object in view, and is accompanied by a number of pictures showing the appearance of the coasts and fiords. These pictures form a most important supplement to the description, being a feature which, to the author's knowledge, has not been embodied in any previous volume.

After the accounts of the Vinland voyages had been almost forgotten for several hundred years, they were again brought to light at the beginning of the seventeenth century. General attention was not, however, drawn to the discoveries of the Norsemen till Torfaeus published his book on Vinland in 1705.* When, in 1837, Rafn's Antiquitates AmericansB appeared, it was the most complete work on the subject, and the first to contain in print the complete text of the sagas relating to the discoveries. Torfaeus and Rafn, as well as other writers during this period, based their accounts on the version found in the so-called Flatey Book^ where it occurs under the name of GrsBnlendinga pdttr. The authority of this version stood unchallenged until Dr. Gudbrand Vigfusson, and later Dr. Gustav Storm, took up the matter and

* Historia Vinlandise Antiquse, Copenhagen, 1705.

INTRODUCTION xix

gave as their opinion that another version, presumably older, contained in the Saga of Eric the Red (often erroneously referred to as Thorjinn KarlseJuP s Saga), was more logical and reliable than the Graenlendinga pattr. Dr. Storm even maintained that this latter version was entirely untrustworthy, and his opinion has since been generally accepted by historians. Thus it came about that the version in the Flatey Book, which formerly had such a high reputation, has of late been discredited. Recently, another great authority, Dr. Fridtjof Nansen, has stated as his opinion that both the aforesaid accounts are unhistoric and little better than realistic novels.

We shall here attempt to show that such sweeping conclusions are not justified in the present case, and that both accounts, in spite of their obvious shortcomings, may probably be considered as essentially historic and essentially of equal value. This statement refers in particular to the description of the voyages, considered apart from the framework of names, genealogy, and chronology into which they are set. In order that the reader may be able to form an opinion of the historic value of the saga accounts, and of the relative weight which should be given to their evidence, he should be acquainted with the economic conditions and the political events which led to the settlement of Iceland and Greenland, and finally, as an almost unavoidable sequel, to the discovery of the American continent. He will then realize that this event was a natural, although an extreme, link in the expansive, westward movement of the Scandinavian peoples. He should, moreover, be acquainted with the character of the Norsemen, their life and institutions, and with the geographical and climatic conditions of Iceland and

XX INTRODUCTION

Greenland, whence these expeditions set forth. In the chapters on Iceland and Greenland a brief synopsis is, therefore, given of these subjects, comprising a description of the houses, implements, and mode of living of the Norsemen, which will be of particular interest to those who may search for or investigate possible traces left by these early explorers on the coasts of America. The plans of houses and the pictures of implements and utensils from the old Norse colony in Greenland, which accompany Chapter II, are given with this particular object in view.

The chapters containing the geographical analysis and the reconstruction of the voyages form in a sense the conclusion and summary of all the foregoing chapters. It is shown that in all probability the voyages of Leif and Thorvald, as described in the Grsenlendinga pdttr^ extended much farther south than the expedition of Karlsefni, described most fully in the Saga of Eric the Red. By an intermingling of the two main accounts has arisen the confusion that has caused so much difficulty to students of this problem.

A comparison between the old Norse game knattleikr and the Canadian game lacrosse is reserved for the Appendix, because the result of this discussion has no bearing on the details of the geographical and historical analysis of the voyages.

The generic term "Norsemen' ' is here used to mean either Greenland ers, Icelanders, or Norwegians, wherever it is not desired to specify the nationality of these peoples. The term

Vinland ' ' is used in preference to the more common term "Wineland," because the latter implies a precise meaning of the word Vin, and a feature of the land which it is not desirable to assume at the start.

INTRODUCTION xxi

The following abbreviations will frequently be found : Gp: Grselendinga pdttr (Tale of the Greenlanders) ; ER: Eireks Saga Rauda (Saga of Eric the Red) ; F'B: Flatey Book; GHM: Gfonlands Historiske Mindesmserker ; MG : Meddelelser om Gronland ; AM : Amamagnaean Collection.

Chapter I Iceland And The Early History And Life Of The Icelanders

ICELAND extends from about lat. 63° to the Arctic Circle and is a roundish island about one-fourth greater than Ireland. Its interior consists mainly of a high plateau of barren volcanic masses, such as tufa, trap, and basalt, covered by large glaciers. Volcanoes and hot springs are numerous on the island, and earthquakes and ash-falls are not uncommon. From the large glaciers and lakes flow great rivers in all directions. In the southwestern part of the country is found an extensive lowland between Reykjaness and Eyjafjallajokul, and on the west coast is found another less extensive lowland at Borgarfiord. The contour of Iceland, save in the south, is diversified by deep fiords, often separated by bold headlands and continued inland in long valleys. '^The south and west coasts are under the influence of the Gulf Stream, and have, therefore, a mild insular climate and ice-free harbors. The east and north coasts, which are exposed to the ice-laden Arctic current, have a much harsher climate.

At the time of the settlement there were in many of the valleys large forests of scrub birch, which were later for the most part destroyed. On the lowlands were found good pastures, and the cattle could go out all the year and graze. On the higher ground there was good grass for the sheep. The sea abounded in many kinds of fish and whales, and the rivers in salmon. Birds were numerous.

For several hundred years the Scandinavian peoples exhibited a remarkable power of expansion, causing a movement which was at its height from about the year 800 till near the middle of the eleventh century, the so-called Viking Period. This movement had a gradual development. It extended both east and west, and probably commenced several centuries before the Viking Period proper. Prior to the eighth century it was apparently confined to the Baltic, but from that time we begin to hear about vikings in western Europe. At first they sailed, chiefly from southern Jutland, along the Frisian coast of the North Sea, gradually extending their expeditions to France and England. Soon they ventured directly across the North Sea from Jutland and Norway to the coasts of England and Scotland, to the Scottish Isles, and thence to Ireland. Finally, the cruises were extended along the Atlantic coasts of France and Spain and into the Mediterranean.

In the time of Charlemagne we hear of the depredations of vikings on the coasts of Frisia and France. The emperor made great eiforts to defend the coasts, and even entrusted a Danish chieftain with the coast defence of Frisia. After the death of Charlemagne, however, there was no strong central government on the Continent capable of acting vigorously against the intruders. The Prankish empire was weak, owing to internal strife, and similar conditions existed in England, where the Anglo-Saxon kings were unable to repel the attacks of the Danes.

The viking ships often operated singly or in small numbers, but sometimes they combined under prominent chieftains or princes to form veritable fleets, carrying hundreds of warriors. The advanced shipbuilding and seamanship of the Scandinavians secured to them an uncontested maritime superiority. This enabled them with impunity to descend unexpectedly anywhere on the coasts, which were naturally very difficult to defend. The simplest and perhaps the only way in which the attacks of the vikings could have been effectively checked, was by meeting them on the sea, but no serious attempt was made in that direction.

The vikings commenced by looting the coasts of the rich western countries in occasional raids. At first these raids took place only in summer, but soon the invaders, having seized upon some base on the coast, commenced to winter in the country, and finally, when the resistance of the inhabitants was broken, they settled there, dividing the soil between them, and acting as masters and conquerors. They not only harried the coasts, but penetrated far up the rivers to the wealthy cities in the interior of England, France, and Germany. In many cases Scandinavians entered the service of foreign princes, and took over the defence of their lands against other vikings. In this way whole armies of Scandinavians were organized both in England and France, some fighting on the side of the native inhabitants and some fighting against them. The conquerors, however, soon yielded to the more advanced civilization with which they came in contact. They adopted the Christian faith, and after a few generations they assimilated with the more numerous native population, by whom they were ultimately absorbed.

The Scandinavians were not content to settle in the rich, densely populated countries; they also went to colonize poorer and more sparsely settled lands, such as the Faroes and the Scottish Isles; and their enterprising spirit carried them even to new, largely unexplored and uninhabited places like Iceland and Greenland. Especially to Iceland a large stream of emigration took its course, and, once settled on this island, the Scandinavians — in this case Norwegians, or Norsemen, as we shall here call them — were little subject to amalgamation with foreign nationalities. They preserved not only their own characteristics, their traditions, customs, and laws, but also their language. In this way Iceland, together with the Faroes, came to form a lasting addition to the Scandinavian soil, implying an actual expansion of the pure Norse population.

The deeper cause of this great movement can only be conjectured, but it is generally assumed that one of the principal factors was overpopulation. It seems likely, indeed, that this condition would persist where the people, as in Scandinavia at that time, were vigorous and healthy, and where warlike occupations were so highly esteemed that the peaceful pursuit of cultivating the soil may have been more or less neglected. The viking expeditions provided a natural outlet for the surplus population. Many persons settled abroad, many died, and those who returned often brought home rich booty, which helped to relieve the economic pressure. The warlike spirit of the Scandinavians, their love of adventure, and the easy access to wealth which presented itself by harrying the rich western countries of Europe acted as mighty stimulants to renewed efforts. Piratical expeditions became a regular institution, a permanent feature in the life of the people.

Finally, the Scandinavian countries were brought under the rule of kings, and they consolidated their power by gradually destroying the privileges and independence of the numerous chieftains who before that time had ruled practically as petty kings, each in his own district. This process of unification necessarily met with bitter opposition from the chieftains. Many of them were banished from the country, while others preferred to leave their homes voluntarily, rather than submit to over lordship, and above all to the payment of taxes, which they considered as a sign of humiliating dependence. Thus the internal political conditions gave a great impetus to emigration.

It appears that the settlement of Iceland in particular may be explained largely as a consequence of the political and social conditions in Norway during the ninth century, when that country became grouped in larger and larger political units, ending in the complete consolidation under one king, Harald Fairhair, in the year 872. In Grettir^s Saga we read: "There were then many great men who had fled from Norway westward over the sea, for King Harald outlawed all who had fought against him and took possession of their estates. ' ' And Snorri wrote : "During the war period, while King Harald tried to make himself master of the whole of Norway, lands were found and settled far away in the ocean, the Faroes and Iceland. Many people also went to Hjaltland [the Shetlands] , and many chieftains fled as outlaws from King Harald, and went on viking expeditions to the western countries [in Festerviking] ; during the winter they were in the Orkneys or Hebrides [Suder Isles, Sodor] , but during the summer they harried in Norway and did great damage."

The depredations on Norway here mentioned became so destructive that King Harald at last found it necessary to undertake a great punitive expedition. On this journey, which extended as far as the Isle of Man, Harald completely broke the power of the vikings settled in the Scottish

Isles, and subdued these regions to the crown of Norway, under which they remained for several hundred years.

The vikings, thus driven away from the Scottish Isles, now went in great numbers to Iceland, and were apparently joined by many Norse chieftains who were then living in Scotland and Ireland. The settlement of Iceland took place between the years 874 and 930, the so-called " Landnama-Time" (the Time of Land-takings or Settlements), and the various families and their settlements are described in the Landndma Book^ written about the year 1200. This book, which is a very remarkable historical document, mentions four thousand homesteads scattered around the coasts and valleys of the island. At the end of the Landnama- Time there were nearly four hundred chieftains in Iceland, each with his tenants and thralls, and their families. The total population was then probably about 20,000, but by the census taken in the year 1100 it was found to be about 50,000, the settlers being apparently very prolific.

While the chieftains and the freemen were mostly Norse, there were among the thralls a great number of Irish, Scotch, Germans, and other foreigners, who had been taken prisoners on the viking expeditions. Settlements were made all around the coasts of Iceland in the fiord valleys, but the most important grew up on the lowlands in the southwestern and western parts, and there was centred the historic life of the island. The most prominent and wealthy of the early settlers became the religious as well as the temporal leaders of their respective communities. Each chieftain presided at the court {thing) ^ and maintained the peace, in his neighborhood; he also performed the religious ceremonies at the temple {hof) in his capacity as priest (godi), and thus each district became, as had been the case formerly in Norway, a small independent state, self-contained in its administration and religion. The frequent lawsuits and feuds that arose between the different chieftains and their communities soon made it necessary to organize into larger units with common laws, and finally, in 927, the Althing, common for the whole island, was established. The Althing stood above the local courts and comprised also the legislative body {logretta) ^ which controlled all laM^s and licenses, and was the supreme power in the land. The Althing held its sessions once a year at Thing vellir, in the southwestern part of the island. Here the chieftains met, accompanied by their followers, in order to settle lawsuits and determine legislation. Permanent laws were adopted and gradually became very particularized and detailed. The important function of proclaiming the laws to the assembled people from the Lawhill {logbergi) was assigned to a certain man, who was also president of the legislative body, and was called the law-speaker {logsogumadr) . At that time, before the laws had yet been written down, the law-speaker had to "say" the law from memory. The punishments for breaches of the peace and for other offences were often very severe ; they might consist in banishment from the district or from the whole island for a certain length of time or for life. The offender might be made an outlaw, "not to be fed, not to be forwarded, not to be helped or harbored in any need." Any one had a right to kill him, and all his goods were forfeited. Most frequently differences were settled by money taken in compensation, but often duels were fought to decide the issue. Unless some legal settlement were reached, the Icelander would consider it as his duty to avenge the wrong or injury done to him or his family. Sometimes he refused to accept a fine as atonement for manslaughter of near relatives, whereupon bloody feuds ensued, which lasted many years. In these feuds incredible perseverance, energy, and courage were often exhibited in order to fulfil the sacred duty of revenge.

With the establishment of the Althing Iceland virtually became an aristocratic republic, and existed as such for more than three hundred years.

The first period after the settlement up to about the year 1030 has been called the Heroic Age. It was during this time, as explained above, that the political and judicial organization of Iceland was accomplished, and then Christian ideals commenced to find their way to the people. Hence it was a period of strong fermentation and development, full of unrest : family feuds, duels, lawsuits at home, and viking expeditions abroad. It was not, however, a period of anarchy, as might be inferred from a superficial reading of the records. The sagas describe primarily stirring events, and only a more careful study reveals to us the normal, quiet state of life, and brings out the Icelander's innate love of right and justice, and his fundamentally law-abiding spirit.

Christianity was formally introduced in the year 1000, and the first bishop was consecrated in 1056 under the Archbishop of Bremen; but later both Iceland and Greenland were placed under the Archbishop of Lund, and in 1152 they came under the newly erected archiepiscopal see at Nidaros (Trondhjem). At first the Church had no independent legislative or judiciary power, and exerted but little influence on the life and habits of the Icelanders. If the chieftains did not themselves act as priests, they at least nominated the priests, and the churches which had taken the place of the temples belonged to their estates. The end of the eleventh and the beginning of the twelfth century was the most quiet and peaceful period in the history of Iceland. It was then that saga-telling became fully developed, dealing with the heroic deeds of the previous generations, and the foundation was laid for the rich literature which soon commenced to be written down.

In the course of the twelfth century, and especially after Iceland had come under the Archbishop of Nidaros, the increasing claims of the Church to greater power and independence called forth bitter strife, and at the same time serious feuds arose among the leading families. Gradually the wealth and the political power of the island became concentrated in the hands of a few leaders, who were able to muster real armies of a thousand men or more. Hence arose a devastating era of warfare, the so-called "Sturlunga Period," in which, at the beginning, the priests also took part. So far Christianity had been unable to modify perceptibly the heathen code of honor and morals, which carried with it so much strife and bloodshed. During the thirteenth century the Church attained greater autonomy, and the bishops were made entirely independent of the chieftains and their disputes. Meanwhile, the warfare between the chieftains assumed greater and greater proportions, and the King of Norway, who was desirous of adding Iceland to his dominions, obtained ample opportunity for interference. Steadily the wealth and political power of the republic were undermined; the King of Norway acquired more and more influence, and in 1262 Iceland came under his sway.