Umayyads and ʻAbbásids, being the fourth part of Jurjí Zaydán's history of Islamic civilization

Front matter

(Translations of the three Inscriptions on the Cover.)

/. Arabic.

"These are our works which prove what we have done ; Look, therefore, at our works when we are gone."

Tome III : Histoire de Ghazan, d ' Oldjaitou, et de Abou-Said

An abridged translation of the Ihyd.'u'1-Muluk, a Persian History of Sis tan by Shah Husayn,from the British Museum MS. (OR. 2779)-, by A. G. Ellis.

The geographical part of the Nuzhatu'l-Qulub of Hamdu'lldh Mustawfi of Qazwm, with a translation, by G. Le Strange.

Ydqufs Dictionary of Learned Men, entitled Irshd.du'1-arib ila ma'rifati'ladib, or Mu'jamu'l-Udaba' : Vol. I, edited from the Bodleian MS. by Professor D. S. Margoliouth, D.Litt.

The ChaMr Maqdla of Nidhd?ni-i-',Arudi-i-Samarqandi, edited, with notes in Persian, by Mirzd Muha?nmad of Qazwin.

The MarzuMn-ndma of Sa''du'd-Din-i-Wardwini, edited by Mirzd Muhammad of Qazwin.

The Travels oflbn Jubayr, the late Dr. William Wright's edition of the Arabic text, revised by Professor M. S. de Goeje.

The Futuhu Misr wa'l-Maghrib wa'l-Andalus of AbuH-Qdsim '"Abdu'r- Rahmdn b. Abdu'lldh b. ''Abdic l-Hakam al-Qurashi al-Misri (d. a.h. 257), edited by Professor C. C. Torrey.

The Qd.bus-nd.ma, edited in the origi?tal Persian by E. Edwards.

Ta'rikhu Misr, the History of Egypt, by Abu lUmar Muham?nad b. Yusuj al- Kindt (d. a.h. 350), edited from the unique MS. in the British Museum (Add. 23,324) by A. Rhuvon Guest.

The Dfw^n of Hassdn b. Thabit (d. a.h. 34), edited by Professor H. Hirschfeld.

The Ta'dkh-i-Jahdn-gusM of lAtd Malik-i-fuwayni, edited from seven MSS. by Mirzd Muhammad of Qazwin.

This Volume is one of a Series published by the Trustees of the

J. TV. GIBB MEMORIAL:'

The Funds of this Memorial are derived from the interest accruing from a sum of money given by the late MRS. GIBB of Glasgow, to perpetuate the Memory of her beloved son

and to promote those researches into the History, Literature, Philosophy, and Religion of the Turks, Persians, and Arabs to which, from his youth upwards, until his premature and deeply lamented death in his ^th year on December 5, 1901, his life was devoted.

" The worker pays his debt to Death ; His work lives on, nay, quickeneth."

The following memorial verse is contributed by 'Abdu'l-Haqq Hdmid Bey of the Imperial Ottoman Embassy in London, one of the Founders of the New School of Turkish Literature, and for many years an intimate friend of the deceased.

b

"■£. J. W. GIBB MEMORIAL."

ORIGINAL TRUSTEES.

[JANE GIBB, died November 26, 1904^

E. G BROWNE,

G LE STRANGE,

H. F. AMEDROZ,

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R. A. NLCHOLSON,

E. DEN I SON ROSS,

AND

IDA IV. E. GIBB, appointed 1905.

CLERK OF THE TRUST.

JULIUS BERTRAM,

LONDON, S.W.

E. J. BRILL, LEYDEN.

LUZAC & CO., LONDON.

TRANSLATOR'S

Preface

The prosperous condition of Egypt, due to the British occupation and Lord Cromer's statesmanlike administration, has led to a renaissance of Arabic literature and learning in that country, surpassing all that might have been imagined. Societies formed for the encouragement of Arabic literature are constantly bringing to light important texts bearing on Mohammedan history, antiquities, and religion ; and a whole series of magazines and reviews, such as the Muktataf, the Hilal, the Muktabis, the Manar, the Muhit, the Diva, and others, while providing lighter entertainment for the educated in Egypt, also devote some of their pages to the study of works which interest European Orientalists. The results and the methods of the latter are steadily making way among native scholars, to many of whom treatises in English, French, and Italian are accessible, while a smaller number have taken the trouble to familiarize themselves with German and Latin. Should the projected Cairene University be ultimately established, the admission of Egypt into the international republic of learning will be an accomplished fact.

The author of the present work, Mr. G. Zaidan, a Syrian by birth, but for many years resident in Cairo, where he edits the monthly magazine Hilal which has already been mentioned, is one of those Orientals who have taken pains to acquaint themselves with the works of European scholars. His " History of xiv TRANSLATOR'S preface.

Islamic Civilization" has received favourable notice from the doyen of our studies, Professor M. DE Goeje, of Leyden, and other Orientalists of eminence have in letters to him or elsewhere expressed their approval of it, and their belief that it might with advantage be rendered accessible to those who cannot read Arabic. ' These opinions justified the present writer in gratifying the wish of the author that the former should — at any rate for part of the work — undertake the task of translation : a service which on the ground of personal friendship the author had the right to demand. Should the part selected meet with a favourable reception, translators will easily be found for the remainder. The Gibb Trustees, by signifying their willingness to let the book appear among their publications, have both solved all difficulties connected with the printing and given it otherwise a favourable start.

The translator has endeavoured throughout to give a faithful rendering of the text before him,1 and must not be held responsible for either the statements or the opinions expressed therein.

1 Occasionally the poems quoted have been abridged. It should be observed that the texts quoted in the notes are cited according to Oriental editions, which, however, are nearly as much used in Europe as Occidental editions, where such exist. After the precedent set by Dozy the authors' names have been abridged by the omission of ' Ibn ' and similar prefixes. The translator must apologize for the spelling Khz'llik^n. He was not aware till too late that Dr. Wright had proved on the evidence of an autograph (reproduced in the Palaeographical Society's publications) that the right spelling is Kh^llikan. The work cited as " Faraj " is Tanukhi's al-Faraj ba'd al-shiddah, Cairo, 1903-4; that cited as "Wuzard." is Hilal al-Sdbi's work, edited by H. F. Amedroz, Leyden, 1904. The author has acknowledged the use of Mr. Lane Poole's " Mohammedan Dynasties " for some of his tables.

Introduction

FIRST ARABIAN PERIOD.

We mean by this time the period during which the Islamic empire was in the hands of the Arabs, its policy Arabian, and its generals and governors Arabs, the Arabic element having the predominance. This period extends from the commencement of Islam to the end of the Umayyad dynasty ; and it is divided into two portions, the dynasty of the Pious Caliphs and the dynasty of the Umayyads. Each of the two had its own political principles and methods of government, as will be explained. By way of introduction we must give a statement of the condition of the Arabs before Islam, so far as concerns our present subject.

§ i. Bedouins and Townsfolk.

The life of the Bedouin has for its basis either agriculture or the rearing of animals. The Bedouin cultivator is compelled to stay in the same place, as he must wait for his crop. Such persons formed the population of hamlets, villages, and mountains ; there were no large number of them in the deserts of Arabia ; it is only in the Berber country, in North Africa, that they abound, as well as in the neighbourhood of the large towns in Egypt, Syria, Persia, and elsewhere. The Bedouins, on the other hand, who rear animals are accustomed to migrate in search of forage and water for their beasts. Of these there are two classes : the cattle-rearers, who look after sheep and cattle,

I

UMAYYADS AND 'ABBASIDS.

and go no long distance into the desert, owing to the want of good pasturage, sometimes called sheepmen ; examples are the Berbers in North Africa, the Turks, their relations the Turcomans, the Sakalibah, and others who inhabit the deserts of Turkestan, Khorasan, etc.

The other sort, the camel-rearers, are chiefly represented by the Bedouins of Arabia, and they wander more and go further into the desert than the cattle-rearers, because the pastures, plants, and trees of the hills are not sufficient to maintain the life of the camel, which requires to feed on the desert trees, and to drink brackish water, and to wander in winter-time about the desert, in order to keep warm : the desert sand being required by this creature for dropping its young, since no other creature suffers more at that period, or requires more warmth. Hence the camel-rearing Bedouin is compelled to wander far into the desert, and bears to the townsfolk the relation of a wild and untameable beast to a tame one ; so averse are these folks to society, and so isolated are they in their deserts, and so ready to defend themselves. They always carry arms, look about on the roads, sleep only in snatches, where they sit, or on their saddles or frames. They isolate themselves in the wilderness, relying on their bravery, which becomes part of their character ; and indeed the further a Bedouin ventures into the desert the more courageous and hardy does he become.

The chief population of Arabia are nomad Bedouins, and hence cities were few in the peninsula, especially in the interior. The most famous Arabian cities before Islam were Meccah, Medinah, and Ta'if in the Hijaz, and Ma'rib and San'a in Yemen. The inhabitants were a mixture of Arabs, Persians, Jews, etc., who made their living by trading with their Bedouin visitors.

§ 2. Arab Patriotism before Islam.

Patriotism is a necessary characteristic of Bedouin peoples such as were the Arabs. Mankind are naturally greedy, and

INTRODUCTION.

inclined to quarrels and disputes ; these in towns are settled by judges and rulers, who prevent mutual injury, and also avert the attacks of external enemies by walls, armies, and munitions of war ; but the Bedouins have to submit to the judgment of sheikhs and chieftains, whose authority rests on the respect felt for them in the tribe or clan ; and indeed reverence for age is a Bedouin characteristic. When an enemy attacks from outside, the settlement is defended by the young and brave; who, however, will only do their duty if nerved by patriotism.

The inhabitants of any country or republic must have some bond capable of uniting the individuals ; and the nature of such bond varies with the circumstances of the nation. In some cases the bond is the land, in others a religion, in others pedigree or language ; now the Bedouins, as we have seen, have no land, and before Islam they had no common religion ; hence there was nothing to keep them together except pedigree or language, both of which hang together, especially among the Bedouins.1

The chief causes of patriotism among them were the relations of brotherhood, parentage, and avunculate. Out of persons in this relation to each other was composed the family, and from the families the clan, e.g. that of Abu Talib or 'Abbas ; each of these being a unit composed of a number of families, and each of them belonging to the Band Hashim. Of a number of clans was composed the fakhidh, e.g. the Band Hashim and Band Umayyah both belonged to the Band 'Abd Manaf; a number of fakhidhs went to a batn, e.g. the Band £Abd Manaf, and the Band Makhzdm were included in the batn Kuraish ; a number of bains went to an Hmdrah, e.g. Kuraish and Kinanah were both included in Mudar. A number of Hmdrahs went to a kabilali, e.g. Rabf'ah and Mudar were both included in 'Adnan. A number of kabilahs were included in a shdb, which represents the extreme end of the pedigree, eg. that in which both 'Adnan and Kahtan were included.2

1 On Arabic pedigrees and their value see Sprenger, Das Leben, etc., des Muhammad, vol. iii, Introduction ; Robertson Smith, Kinship and Marriage, etc.

2 For the meaning of these terms see Robertson Smith, loc. cit.

UMAYYADS AND 'ABBASIDS.

§ 3. Patriotism of the Tribe.

Between the members of each of the divisions which we have enumerated there was patriotism, or clan-feeling, uniting them to each other, and varying with the nearness of the relationship. Thus the two divisions of a single fakhidh would be united against another fakhidh, though both fakhidhs might belong to one batn. Similarly two batns of one Hmdrah might be united against another Hmdrah, though both Hmdrahs belonged to a single kabilah. The principle is that contained in the proverb " I and my brother go against my cousin ; and I and my cousin against the stranger." So a Kahtanite would out of tribal feeling go against an 'Adnanite ; this indeed being the most extensive form of patriotism. A similar feeling would be found in each kabilah against each, in each Hmdrah against each, in the batns, fakhidhs, and finally in the fasilahs (clans) and families. Thus we find a feud raging between the Banu 'Abbas and the Banu Abi Talib, though both these families were of the Hashim clan. A similar feud raged between the Banu Hashim and the Banu Umayyah, though both were of the clan Banu 'Abd Manaf.

Each kabilah, batn, and fakhidh would boast against the others of the prowess of its members, and make mention of its rival's defects. This gave rise to boasting matches, too long to be recorded here The most famous case of inter-tribal rivalry is that between the Kahtanite or Yemenite and 'Adnanite sections. Mention of this is often made in the histories without attracting the reader's attention, because the historians rarely record the genealogy of the tribes. Thus we read " War broke out between Kais and Kalb," without being told that Kais was 'Adnanite and Kalb Kahtanite, the reader being supposed to know it already. Similarly we are told without further explanation of boasting-matches between Kahtan and Nizar, Ma'add and Yemen, Mudar and Himyar, Hawazin and Kahlan, Kais and Hamdan, etc.

INTRODUCTION.

§ 4. The Arabs and the Persians before Islam.

Both Kahtanites and 'Adnanites, it must be observed, would unite against non-Arabs, such as Persians, Turks, etc., whom they called 'Ajam, i.e. barbarians, the word meaning 'dumb,' whether the word came from the name or inversely. Against these they would boast of the superiority of their own descent and language, and they would treat the Barbarians generally with disdain. The word akhzar} meaning ' narrow-eyed,' was applied by them to the Barbarians, an insulting epithet, which, if addressed to an Arab, was thought to imply that he was no true Arab. Properly the word tAjami applies only to the Persians, the first nation speaking a foreign language that mixed with the Arabs, but it was afterwards applied to any foreign people.

The rivalry between Arabs and Persians is of ancient date. During the Persian empire the Persians many a time had to drive the Arabs out of their country with the sword, and the Arabs would attack the cities of the Persians — even in the days of Sapor, some generations before the rise of Islam. This king wished to annoy the Arabs and drive them out of his country, especially the tribe Iyad. To this there is an allusion in a verse : —

" Though Sabur the king son of Sabur forbad, There were horses and flocks round the tents of Iyad."

Nevertheless Sabur got possession of their persons by the force of his army, and slew many of them, those who escaped crossing the border into Roman territory. He also dealt in the same way with the Tamimites in Bahrain ; nor did the enmity between the Arabs and Persians cease till the Yemenite Arabs were compelled to invoke the help of Kisra against the Abyssinians in the fifth century A.D. He sent an army which drove them out and installed itself in their place, ruling the

1 Tkd Farid, iii, 229.

UMAYYADS AND 'ABBASIDS.

Arabs till Islam came, when the Arabs recovered the sovereignty and lorded it over the Persians, to the vexation of the latter, especially in the days of the Umayyads, who were haters of all non-Arabs. Hence arose the sect called Shu'&biyyahy who attacked the Arabs, as shall be explained.

§ 5. Motherhood and Avunculate.

The principal source of clan-feeling among the Arabs is the paternal relation and derivation from a common father, just as is the case with other progressive peoples. Still, motherhood was of great consequence with them also, and affinity by marriage was a great source of clan-feeling. This was not due to the exalted station of woman in general, but owing to the respect felt for maternity. A woman was indeed held in contempt till she became a mother, when her importance would increase, and she would form a bond of unity. A) man would respect his mother more than his wife, the latter's relation to him being less permanent than the former's. A story which illustrates this is that of Sakhr son of 'Amr son of Al-Sharid, brother of Al-Khansa. In a war with the Band Asad he was wounded by Rabf'ah son of Thaur the Asadite, and some of the links of his mail entered his side, occasioning him a severe illness which lasted for a year, during which he was attended by his mother and his wife Sulaima. His wife grew tired of acting nurse, and when asked by another woman how her husband was progressing, replied that he was not alive, and likely to be of use, or dead, so that he might be forgotten. Sakhr, hearing this, recited a poem, of which the following are verses : —

" The mother of Sakhr through Sakhr's long ailing Tires not : 'tis his consort whose patience is failing. May that man live in trouble and shame all his life Who prizes his mother no more than his wife.'; 1

In accordance with this, condolence was expressed only for such women as were mothers.2 This was not only the case with

1 Ibn Khillikan, i, 132. 3 Tkd Farid, ii, 264.

INTRODUCTION.

the Arabs, but the Greek view about women was the same. A woman Was regarded by them as a servant, to be kept screened from men's gaze both before and after marriage, and to be occupied with household work, sewing, weaving, and nursing. The Persians treated their women in the same way till one became a mother, when her importance increased and she had the right to command and forbid in her own house. With the Bedouins this principle still holds good ; and it gave rise to the clan-feeling of the avunculate, i.e. the practice by which persons in this relationship were accustomed to aid their nephews, and indeed that by which the brothers of a woman would aid her husband's clan, even in cases where the father belonged to an 'Adnanite clan and the mother to a Yemenite, or vice versa.

Prior to Islam the maternal uncle played an important role. The most obvious illustration is the aid afforded by the people of Medinah to the Prophet when he migrated thither ; the fact that the people of Medinah stood in this relation to the Prophet was one of their most potent motives in aiding him The Prophet's mother was of the Banu Najjar, a branch of the Khazraj, a Kahtanite clan, whereas his father was of Kuraish, a Mudarite clan. After his father's death, his mother took him to Medinah to take refuge with his maternal uncles, the numerous tribe of the Banu Najjar. They were religiously disposed more than others, and in the days of ignorance one of them had turned monk, put on sackcloth, and abandoned idolatry, also adopting the practice of ablution after pollution. This person was near adopting Christianity, but abandoned the idea. However, he made of his own house a place of worship. The Prophet's mother remained at Medinah in comfort and ease, and presently took him with her to his paternal uncles at Meccah, dying, however, on the journey. When he proclaimed his message, and endured persecution at the hands of his paternal uncles, he fled to his maternal uncles at Medinah, where his relations acknowledged his kinship, inasmuch as his connexion with the Banu Najjar

UMAYYADS AND 'ABBAS1DS.

involved the whole of the Khazraj group in the relationship of maternal uncle to him. When he arrived at Medinah his relatives welcomed him, and the first of his adherents there were his maternal uncles or persons of kin to them. These were his most earnest champions and defenders.1 Presently the people of Medinah joined him en masse. In his campaigns when the fight became severe he would place himself under the standard of the Helpers,2 who would offer their lives in his behalf, especially the Banu Najjar. When the enemies of the Helpers satirized them, they would bestow their chief attention to the Banu Najjar owing to the prominent part they played in the propagation of Islam. An example is to be found in a poem composed by 'Amr son of Al-'As on the day of Uhud, before his conversion :

" Najjar desired to meet us by the side Of Sal' in battle, and were gratified. " 3

After the spread of Islam the avunculate was still reverenced by the Arabs, and was an important factor in patriotism and in directing the course of politics; so when Mu'awiyah sought to obtain the Caliphate by the pretext of avenging the blood of 'Uthman son of 'AfTan, he was aided by the Yemenite tribe Kalb, to whom Na'ilah, 'Uthman's wife, belonged — her fingers had been bespattered with blood when her husband was slain. Their assistance greatly helped his success, and he himself married a woman of the same tribe, who bore him his son and successor, Yazi'd. When Yazi'd became Caliph he had on his side the whole tribe of Kalb on the ground of this relationship. Similar cases are to be found elsewhere in the history of Islam. So Al-Ma'mun was aided by the Persians owing to his mother having been Persian, whereas his rival Amm had an Arabian faction behind him, owing to his mother having been an Arab. Ma'mun retreated to Khorasan and took refuge with his mother's relatives at Merv, and they wrested the Caliphate from Amm and bestowed it

INTRODUCTION.

on him. Al-Mu'tasim had a Turkish mother, and was attached to the Turks, out of whom he established a force which aided him against the Persians. Further details will be given later on illustrating the influence of the Queen-mother on the Empire. Kings, generals, and other administrators of public affairs used to strengthen themselves by marrying into different tribes and so secure the help of the clan-feeling of their wives' relations.

§ 6. Results of the Arabian Clan-feeling.

The clan-feeling of the Arabs was based on relationship by descent from one father in the first place, in the second by descent from one mother. There were besides others bonds of union, such as confederacy between tribes, not unlike the political confederations or leagues of our own times. The most famous confederations of Pagan days were those of the Mutayyabin and the Fudul ; such a confederation could unite tribes however distant, such as 'Adnanites and Kahtanites. Confederation could also take place between the Arabs and foreign settlers, in which case it took the form of clientship : thus of the Jewish tribes at Medinah, Nadir, Kainuka', etc., some were confederates of the Aus, others of the Khazraj. The Jews of Wadi al-Kura were confederates of the Banu Hashim. These will again be mentioned when we treat of clientship.

A confederacy was the result of certain causes or conditions. Such a cause might be the presence of a prisoner who was unable to ransom himself. He might then be branded with the mark of the captor tribe, and reckoned confederate with it.1 A confederate inherited in the tribe just like a genuine member.2 When he was killed, however, the blood-money paid for him was the half of what was paid for a genuine member of the tribe.3

Aghani, vii, no. 2 Wuzara, 251. 3 Aghani, ii, 167.

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UMAYYADS AND 'ABBASIDS.

§ 7. Adoption.

Adoption was a practice which resulted from the clan-feeling characteristic of Arabia before Islam. In such a case a man introduced into his family a slave, prisoner, or client, the last name being employed in all cases, and treated him as a member of his family. The most famous case of adoption in pre-Islamic times was that of Umayyah, eponymus of the Umayyads, adopting a slave named Dhakwan, to whom he gave the patronymic Abu cAmr, and who was regarded as Umayyah's son. A descendant of this man was Al-Wah'd Ibn 'Ukbah, brother of 'Uthman Ibn 'Affan on the mother's side, and a distinguished Companion of the Prophet.

The most celebrated case of adoption in Islam was that of Ziyad, "his father's son," into the family of Abu Sufyan, father of Mu'awiyah the Arabian Sisyphus. The story is told in the histories. Ziyad was the son of a woman named Sumayyah, who was in slavery, and bore Ziyad to a Greek client of the tribe Thakif, named 'Ubaid. This fact was not generally known, and Ziyad's parentage was generally supposed to be uncertain, whence he was called "his father's son." When Mu'awiyah became a candidate for the Caliphate and required help, he endeavoured to enroll among his adherents a number of the most sagacious of the Arabs. Among these was Ziyad, whom he determined to adopt. He therefore obtained an affidavit from a wine-dealer of Ta'if named Abu Maryam al-Saluli, to the effect that Abu Sufyan had come to his tavern and demanded a prostitute : that Sumayyah had been brought by him to Abu Sufyan, and that Sumayyah in consequence gave birth to Ziyad. The best historians disbelieve this story, which they suppose to have been a fabrication of Mu'awiyah got up with the intention of securing the services of Ziyad, an intention which was realized. Ziyad in consequence came to be called son of Abu Sufyan, after having been called son of Sumayyah,1

INTRODUCTION.

or " his father's son." Ziyad's family continued to count as members of the tribe Kuraish till they were expelled from it by the Caliph Mahdi in 160 A.H., when they were again affiliated to the above-mentioned 'Ubaid, and placed among the clients of the tribe Thakif.1 A similar case was that of the family of Abu Bakrah, who, having been clients of the Prophet, became enrolled in the tribe Thakif; the same Caliph reduced them to their former condition.

An adopted member of a tribe was called da% 'supposititious.' A man might be doubly supposititious, his clan bearing that relation to a tribe, and he himself bearing it to the clan. Such a case was that of the poet Ibn Harmah, who was an adoptive member of the clan Khalj, which was itself adoptive in the tribe Kuraish. Cases were common in which a whole clan or tribe was adopted at once by another, owing to the former having settled among the latter, or having aided the latter. Such a case was that of the ' Cousins ' at Basrah. In the days of Omar T they settled among the Tamim, adopted Islam, and raided with the Moslems. Their comrades said to them, " Though you are not born Arabs, still you are our brethren and kinsmen, and our helpers, so we will call you cousins" and this name they retained, counting thenceforth as Arabs.2

An adoptive member of a clan or family was reckoned as one of themselves, and inherited or was inherited like trueborn members of it.3 The Arabs were often inclined to adopt their clients, hoping to inherit their property. If a client perceived their intention, he would often refuse to be adopted. Thus Nusaib, the famous singer, refused to be adopted by his patrons. " I had rather," said he, " be a decent client than an adopted hanger-on, and I know that all you want is my property."4

A source of clan-feeling, resembling confederation, was confraternity which might be instituted between tribes or individuals. This sort of relationship is still common among

1 Ibid., vi, 20. 2 Aghani, iii, 76. 3 Ibid., xvii, 94. 4 Ibid., i, 134.

UMAYYADS AND 'ABBASIDS.

Bedouins. Once become the brother of an Arab, he will help you and defend you as if the tie between you were one of blood.

§ 8. Repudiation.

This is the opposite of adoption in their nomenclature. If a man were offended for any reason with his son, genuine or adoptive, he could repudiate, i.e. disown him, and thereby cease to be responsible for the mischief wrought by that son. This could also be done by a family or clan, a deputation of which would go to the Market of 'Ukaz, taking with them the repudiand, where they would publicly declare that they disowned him, and a crier would be employed to proclaim the same. Such a tribe would no longer be responsible for the acts of the repudiated member, nor exact compensation for mischief done to him. The tribe Khuza'ah dealt thus with the pre-Islamic poet Kais Ibn al-Haddadiyyah.1 The act of repudiation was at times made out in a document.

The most famous case of repudiation in pre-Islamic times was that of 'Amr Ibn al-'As by his clan. He had gone on business to Abyssinia with 'Umarah son of al-Walid the Makhzumite, and the two fell out on the way. 'Umarah did some mischief to 'Amr, who was of the tribe Sahm. 'Amr cherished a grudge against 'Umarah, and wrote to his father, requesting to be repudiated, so that his father should not be answerable for any vengeance that he took on the other. This was done. Both clans repudiated the disputants, and a herald was sent to Meccah to proclaim the fact.2

Such repudiated persons used to gather together in the deserts and form gangs of desperadoes, who would infest the roads and annoy their former tribesmen. In Islamic times they found themselves in antagonism to the government. So Ya'li al-Ahwal, a poet of Umayyad times, was a repudiate, who collected the destitute Azdites and the persons whom they had repudiated, and out of them formed a gang with which he