The Eastern Question

Front matter

BY THE BATS

VISCOUNT STRATFORD DE REDCLIFFE

' M WIT8 -

Preface

vii

as before. Or it may be that 1 the "wolf has come at last’—that we are approaching that great event to which the world has been looking forward for so many years, the dissolution of the Turkish Empire.” That event is not yet accomplished; but Lord Strat¬ ford’s part in the transactions which have centered round it has since become historical. Mi*. Xinglake’s vivid account of his control over the Eastern capital contains sentences which will be graven on the mind of every one who from that time forward heard or saw anything of Lord Stratford’s dealings, as the very expressions which were needed to give the key to his tremendous power. “The fierce temper which was always under control when purposes of state so required was so far from being an infirmity, that it was rather a weapon of exceeding sharpness, being always wielded so as to have more tendency to cause dread and surrender, than to generate resist¬ ance.” “ The care with which every judgment that he pronounced was enfolded in words so complete as to exclude the idea that it could ever be varied, was such that, as though yielding to fate itself, the Turkish mind used to bend and fall before him.” He describes how, when “ the great Eltchi ” returned to Constantinople, “the event spread a sense of safety, but also of awe; ” and he adds the instruc¬ tive truth, that all the time “ Lord Stratford was unconscious of exercising the ascendancy which he viii

PEEFACE.

did; and, imagining that men gave way to him because he was in the right, he never came to under¬ stand the awe which he inspired.”

I heard in 1855, from the most intimate sources, of Lord Stratford’s conduct during the trying disasters and anxieties of the terrible winter of the Crimean war. I heard, and seemed to myself almost to have seen, the unwearied energy with which, under the weight of all the cares which his great office drew upon him, he applied himself, or induced others to apply themselves, to attend to the innumerable wants of the soldiers in hospital or in camp, and to control by all the means in his power the weltering chaos into which the world of the Bosphorus had fallen. What¬ ever could be done by tenders of pecuniary aid where it was needed, of personal kindness where personal kindness was felt even more than money or gifts, was rendered by him in that hour of necessity. When I have been told of complaints of letters remaining un¬ answered which called for an immediate reply, I have been tempted to ask whether such letters did not reach him sometimes (it may be through the imperfect transmission of the posts of the Turkish Empire) by thirty or forty at a time, and whether in the interval he had not done all and more than all that such letters demanded.

I went again to Constantinople in the autumn of 1861. Lord Stratford had then retired from what

PREFACE.

xx may be truly called bis tbrone in tbe East; but tbe renown of bis deeds still lived, and tbey were regret¬ fully remembered by all of every race and creed wbo bad benefited by them. Wherever British Consuls resided on tbe shores of tbe JEgean or tbe Bosphorus, tbey bad tales to tell of instant redress of wrongs furnished by Lord Stratford’s indignant remonstrances to tbe Sublime Porte. "Wherever Greek or Armenian felt that tbey bad suffered in person or fortune, it was known that in him there existed a terror to evil-doers which none could confront with impunity, a refuge for tbe desolate and oppressed which none could seek in vain. The monks of Mount Atbos, however secluded from the stir of the world, yet glowed with admiration whenever they mentioned the one Euro¬ pean name that had come to their ears,—as the repre¬ sentative of more than English magnanimity and generosity—the great name of Stratford Canning.

His policy was as simple as it was effective—to maintain the Ottoman Empire by reforming its abuses. The Turks listened to his rebukes because they knew that he was_ their friend. In his activity, his constant vigilance, his entire elevation above any personal con¬ sideration, the tottering fabric of the Eastern monarchy, which for years he held in his mighty grasp, had at once the best bulwark against its ruin, the best gua¬ rantee against its evil deeds. The sentiments expressed in his early youth to a Turkish statesman who couns

PEEFACE.

selled him against pressing some claims of English merchants on the reluctant Porte animated his whole career and were the secret of his great success. The Turk had urged him to forego these claims for the moment, in order that he might carry out the Treaty of Bucharest, which would he the making of his future career, and for that purpose to postpone “ these little things” to some more opportune time. The young English diplomatist paused for a moment, and then said: “Nothing which concerns the greatness of England is little.” He persevered, and carried both the claims and the Treaty.

In later years I was more freely admitted to his presence. The sight of such an example was, indeed, like passing into an atmosphere raised far above the base and sordid motives of party strife and triviality. Such an old age, with the fire of youth subdued but not extinguished, with the experience of years giving fresh life to the memory of the past, was sufficient to enkindle every better feeling. The lightning which of old had lain beneath his brows and shaken the Sultan on his throne, seldom broke forth, yet it was always there, and he knew it. “ How striking,” he said, “is that description of David, when in his ex¬ treme age he hears of the revolt of Adonijah. The old man rises up,—gives all the needful directions— David is himself again!” So long as that grand old man continued to exist, one felt, it has been truly

.PKEFACE.

'll

I

.xi expressed, as if “ somehow the greatness of England was not extinct.” In the long hours in which he was confined to his lonely chamber, he loved to dwell partly on the memory of past years, partly on the classical studies of which he never ceased to retain the liveliest recollection, partly on the great and solemn themes which naturally stole over his solitude. Stories of his diplomatic life, recollections of the cele¬ brated persons he had met—above all a grateful admiration for his illustrious kinsman, George Canning, were amongst the prevailing thoughts that occupied his mind. “ His union of wit, generosity, and eloquence” (he would say) “impressed me with a sense of superiority beyond any other man that I bave ever seen.” He used to repeat, as eminently characteristic of him, those lines from his poem on the installation of the Duke of Portland, speaking of the effect of the Grecian games :

u Courage and dauntless toil—tlie thirst of fame TJn<pienchahle—the "blush of generous shame ^

Their country’s loyal love., and friendship’s holy flame.

Virgil was constantly in his mouth: the tenderness and majesty of the Latin poet were a constant solace. His thoughts went back to the day that the news of Pitt’s death reached Eton. There came in the course of the lesson these lines:

xu PREFACE.

Their appropriateness struck him forcibly at the time, and, as he repeated them, it seemed as if the lapse of years had but filled their magnificent cadence with a yet fuller meaning. He had twice been taken as a boy into the House of Commons by Pitt. He recalled how on one of these occasions “ Pitt threw the doors of the House wide open as he entered, and banged them behind him. When he rose to speak, the Opposition began with hoots and cries. In a deep voice, which could not be imitated, laying his hands on the table, he exclaimed, ‘Am I to be interrupted by clamour ? ’ A dead silence instantly followed. In that silence I read the history of twenty years.” His poem on Alfred was the result of long and early meditations. “ I once spoke of Alfred to the Sultanhow great a king he was, how much he had done for his country, and how he was still remembered. I did it with the hope of stirring him up to good deeds. When I came back from the Palace I read in the newspapers that they were celebrating in England at Wantage the 1000th anniversary of Alfred’s birth. He was Sir Charles Grandison on the throne, perhaps a too complete model of stately virtue. The fact is that he was too good to be interesting.” He often spoke of Shakspeare. “ ‘Reverence is the angel of the world.’ How profound is that line! I should like to write an essay upon it; on the softening, elevating efiect of Reverence on the minds of men. Shakspeare’s

PREFACE.

xiii

great characteristic was the truth and delicacy of his thoughts and the truth and delicacy of his expressions.”

His memory, even of quotations, was retained with unusual faithfulness to the end. He repeated Elen’s evening hymn which he had learned from his nurse ninety years before, as freshly as if he had heard it on the preceding day. “I have never read it since, and I have never forgotten it.”

He asked himself the question why there should be a future existence, and he answered: u Because on any other hypothesis the world would be a piece of magnificent nonsense.” He asked himself the question, “ Why am I a Christian?” and he answered: “I am a Christian, taking Christianity in the large and on the whole, and not dwelling on its smaller difficulties or minute controversies. I am a believer of its grander parts, I accept it en grand .” Amidst the grander parts of Christianity he sought to dwell on “ the greatest of miracles,” that which threw all others into the shade, the miracle of the moral character of Jesus Christ. With meditations like these, of which the pages which follow are the imperfect outpouring, his life drew to its close.

Ten days before the end, he received a visit from the son of an aged diplomatic friend, who had pre¬ ceded him to the grave a few years before at the advanced age of ninety-three—David Morier, for whom he always evinced the deepest regard and respect. The son, who is now the distinguished

I xiv PREFACE.

Minister of England in Portugal, thus records his final visit:—“His intellect was as clear, his speech as incisive, his interest in poetry and polities as keen, ■ as when I last saw him, three years ago. It was a beautiful English summer afternoon; a warm sun lit up his pale features, which hilly retained their , splendid outlines, and were entirely wanting in the wrin k les or withered look of extreme old age. I could not help thinking of the lines :—

c Slow sinks more lovely ere Ms race be run/

He seemed some grand old Titan majestically sinking to his rest in all his glory, as if he knew the Infinitewas waiting to receive him with all due honour.”

He rests in the humble churchyard at Frant, in the presence of that expanded view over plain and bill which he had so often enjoyed. He deserved, it might haw* seemed, the highest funeral honours which the nation could bestow. But the dark shadow of the Turkish mpire cast its own shade of unpopularity over the-...,atesman who had been so deeply identified in the public mind with the arduous task of supporting its existence; and the long retirement from public life, although glorified by the bright glow of his setting splendour, threw into the background those services to his country and to humanity at large which will long cause his name to be venerated by all who value the noble career of the Greatest English Ambassador in this century.

A. P. S.

TABLE OF EVENTS. *vii

May 1#.—Outbreak of insurrection in Bulgaria.

May 6th. —Mussulman riot at Salonica, murder of the French and erman Consuls.

May 16th.—The Berlin, Memorandum drawn up by the Chancellory of the three Emperors who met for the purpose at Berlin. Proposes to insist with energy on an armistice of two months between the Porte and tbfe insur¬ gents in order to open a way for direct negotiations between the Turkish Government and the Herzegovinian and Bosnian delegates on the following points:—

1. That materials for the reconstruction of dwelling-houses and

churches should be furnished to the returning refugees, and their subsistence should be assured to them till they could support themselves by their own labour.

2. In so far as the distribution of help should appertain to the-

Turkish Commissioner he should consult as to the measures to be taken with the mixed commission mentioned in the note of the 30th Bee. (Andrassy Hote,) to guarantee the land fide application of the reforms and control their execution. This Commission should be presided over by a Herzegovinian Christian, and be composed of natives faithfully representing the two religions of the country. They should be elected as soon as the Armistice should have suspended hostilities.

3. In order to avoid any collision, advice should be given at Constan¬

tinople to concentrate the Turkish troops, at least until excite¬ ment has subsided on some points to be agreed upon.

4. Christians as well as Mussulmans should retain their arms.

5. The Consuls or Delegates of the Powers shall keep a watch over

the application of the reforms in general, and on the steps relative to the repatriation in particular.

May 19th. —The British Government refused their concurrence n the Berlin Memorandum on the ground that the proposals could not 1 \ carried out • by the Porte, and that if they could, the remedy would b. jnly partial and fall short of the exigences of the case. ‘ -

May 24/A.—British fleet ordered to Besika Bay.

May 29th. —Deposition of Sultan Abdul Assiz and proclam non of his nephew Murad Y. in his place.

June 9th. —Statement of Mr. Disraeli in Parliament that the steps taken by Government in the affairs of the East were leading to the maintenance of honourable peace—Berlin Memorandum would not be presented. June 23 rd .—Alleged cruelties committed by the Turks in the suppression of the Bulgarian Insurrection published in The Daily Mm.

June 60th.— Servia and Montenegro declare war on Turkey.

August 24/A.—Prince of Servia, repeatedly beaten by the Turks, asks for the mediation of the Powers.

August 61st. —Sultan Murad Y. deposed in favour of his brother, Sultan Abdul Hamid.

September 6th. —Publication of Mr, Gladstone’s pamphlet, “Bulgarian Horrors,”

b xviii

TABLE OF EVENTS.

r

November 1st.— Armistice of eight weeks demanded by Russia in an Ulti¬ matum dictated by the utter collapse of the Servian army,

November 2nd.— The Emperor of Russia pledges his most sacred word of honour that he has no ambitious purpose, and if forced to occupy Bulgaria will only do so provisionally.

November 10/7/.—The Czar announces publicly at Moscow his intention of acting alone should the Porte resist the demands of the Powers.

November 20/4.—Mobilization of the Russian army announced.

December 23rd.— First meeting of the Conference at Constantinople and simultaneous announcement of the Turkish Constitution.

December 2 8/4.—Prolongation of the Armistice.

January 20/4,—Close of the Conference at Constantinople and final rejection by the Porte of the terms offered by the Powers. Reduced to a mini¬ mum they were : An International Commission nominated by Europe, without executive powers, and the appointment of Valis (Governors- GeneraL) for five years, by the Sultan, with the approval of the guaran¬ teeing Powers.

February 27/4.—Peace concluded at Constantinople between the Porte and Servia.

March 19/4,—Opening of the first Turkish Parliament.

March 31#.—London Protocol signed—The Powers accept the assurances of the Porte as regards Reform—Recommend disarmament in face of peace with Servia and Montenegro.—Russian Emperor will treat of disarmament on his side if Turks will send a Special Envoy to St. Peters¬ burg—Should the Sultan fail in his promises, and the state - of the Christian populations not improve, the Powers reserve to themselves the right of deciding what further must be done.

Ajpril 10/4. The Porte’s answer to Protocol. She takes her stand on the Treaty of 1856, and admits no right of interference in her internal affairs.

Aj>ril 21/4.—Declaration of war by Russia.

May 1st.— British proclamation of neutrality and entire disavowal and dis¬ approval of the act of Russia, with further declaration that the latter has intentionally prevented a peaceful solution.

June 12/4.—Montenegro recommences hostilities.

June 2 2nd .—Russians cross the Danube.

June 25/4.—Serious Russian reverses in Asia.

July 20/4.—Russian repulse at Plevna.

August 4/4, Russian Imperial guard and re-inforcements ordered to Bulgaria.

October 15/4.—Defeat of Turks in Asia,

November 18/4.—Fall of Kars.

December 10/4.—Fall of Plevna.

December 14/4.—Servia declares war a second time.

TABLE OP EVENTS.

xix

January 8th .—Turkey proposes Armistice,

January 10#.—Capture of the Sehipka Pass,

January 20th ,—Russians enter Adrianople.

January 28nl .—British fleet ordered to Constantinople and then countermanded.

January 28th .—Terms of Peace as communicated to Count Sehouvaloff announced in the House of Commons. Chancellor of the Exchequer moves for a vote of credit for £6,000,000.

February 7f7*.—Russians continue to advance on Constantinople. British fleet finally ordered to the Bosphorus.

March SM.—Treaty of San Stefano signed at Constantinople between Russia and Turkey, of which the principal clauses follow: A cession of territory to Servia and Montenegro and their complete independence, Bulgaria largely extended and raised to a principality, with a Prince elected by the people, and a seaport on the iEgean. Navigation of the Bosphorus free to merchant vessels in peace and war alike. 50,000 Russian troops to occupy Bulgaria for two years. Batoum, Ardahan, Kars and Bayazid, with the territories comprised, remain in the hands of Russia. A separate treaty between Turkey and Roumania, who was to make her own demand for indemnity. Russia to receive the Dobrudja in order to exchange it for Bessarabia with Roumania. War indemnity of £47,500,000 besides the Dobrudja.

March 7th. Prince Bismark consents to preside over a European Congress at Berlin, &

April 2nd. Lord Salisbury’s Circular explaining why England could not go mto the Congress without the whole Treaty of San Stefano being open to discussion, and animadverting on the discrepancy between Russia’s demands now and her protestations in the past.

April 17 th .—Dispatch of Indian troops to Malta.

June 4 th. Anglo-Turkish Convention signed at Constantinople. Text: _

‘"If Batoum, Ardahan, Kars, or any of them shall be retained by Russia and if any attempt shall be made at any future time by Russia to take possession of any further territories of his Imperial Majesty the Sultan * in Asia as fixed by the definitive Treaty of Peace, England engages to join his Imperial Majesty the Sultan in defending them by force of arms. In return, the Sultan promises to England to introduce necessary reforms, to be agreed upon later between the two Powers, into the Government; and for the protection of the Christian and other subjects of the Porte in these territories, and in order to enable England to make necessary provisions for executing her engagements, the Sultan further consents to assign the Island of Cyprus to be occupied and administered by her.”

June 18th .—First sitting of the Berlin Congress.

July 1377c Last sitting of the Berlin Congress, “Treaty of Berlin.” Balkans to form Southern boundary of Bulgaria. Austria to occupy

XX

TABLE OF EVENTS.

Bosnia and Herzegovina provisionally, in tlie interests of Peace. Mon¬ tenegro to have Antivari and ah increase of territory. Servia also to receive an extension. Bectification of Greek frontier recommended. Part of Bessarabia, confiscated by the Treaty of 1856, to be restored to Eussia. The Dobrudja, including Silistria and Mangalia, to Eoumania. Batoum, Kars and Ardahan all to become Eussian, with the proviso that Batoum should be made a free commercial port. War indemnity not payable till all anterior claims are satisfied.

July 22nd ,—Sir Garnet Wolseley located in Cyprus.

Introduction

In presenting these Papers under their collected form to the attention of statesmen and general readers, there -would seem to he little necessity for adding to a title-page which says that the subject is the il Eastern Question ” and the writer Lord Stratford de Bedclifie; but it is thought that what follows may be here advantageously quoted. When submitting to public attention the sketch of a proposed plan of settlement in September, 1876, Lord Stratford wrote thus “ The purpose which I entertain of stating—in outline, at least—a plan of settlement, including all its items, would doubtless is- imprudent on the part of anyone tecfwith responsibility. Eree as I am from that " trammel, the hope of helping by my experience to clear the ground of negotiation, and an impulse bordering on a sense of duty, have alone prevailed over my natural reluctance to face the risk of so delicate a task. May those who honour me with their attention be indulgent. I claim their indulgence in virtue of my purpose. Peace is the goal in view, peace in the first instance by hastening the termination of war” (then existing between Turkey and her dependen-

INTBODU CTION.

xxii

cies) j 11 peace in the second by enabling the Turks to remain in Europe with a firmer hold on their position, and less anxiety, not to say less scandal to their Christian supporters. I have nothing to do with party politics. Independence, whether silent or out¬ spoken, becomes my very advanced age. I cannot agree with those sanguine writers who dream of Turkey being 1 the cornerstone of Western freedom,’ but I go so far as to persuade myself that with com¬ petent guidance the Ottoman authorities, and even their subjects, may be trained to conform to those changes which alone can realise the policy of giving them a durable place in the group of European states. To leave them to themselves would be equivalent to leaving them at the mercy of ambitious neighbours actuated solely by selfish views. To set about driving them across the Bosphorus and Dardanelles would be to sound the trumpet of war in its shrillest notes, with the ultimate impossibility of replacing them on grounds of general interest.” Lord Strat¬ ford foresaw the inevitable revival of the Eastern Question in the reckless extravagance of the Porte, even before bankruptcy and the first local disturb¬ ances in Herzegovina had kindled the fire already laid, and he would have had England sooner recog¬ nize what he considered the magnitude and extent of the danger. He would have had her at once take the central place among her co-signatories of the Treaty of Paris—she, who in his opinion, had most to lose and least to gain by the dissolution of the Ottoman

INTEODU CTIOX.

:xxiii

Empire—and fearlessly and uncompromisingly do that which in her lay to stop the evil, by right of her guarantee, which she was not justified in allowing to be unnecessarily imperilled, without effectual remon¬ strance. On the ground already occupied by England, Russia could not have found a footing, however eagerly she sought it.

His long experience had taught him that pressure, if steadily and properly applied to the Porte by a friendly Power—recognised as such by her—and more especially if supported by the rest of Europe, was always in the end successful. He never advo¬ cated force, and constantly insisted that you must give the Turk a loop-hole, for if you once got him ■with his back to the wall, he would fight to the very end. It was not to be, however, and when at last the country woke up to the gravity of the impending crisis, Turkey, dishonoured and disgraced, was already

whether for good or ill—in the gripe of her in¬ veterate foe.

The papers are arranged numerically in order of their dates, from 1874 to 1880, the last having been written a few weeks before the author’s death. They consist, partly, of memoranda hitherto unpublished, written either for the writer’s own use or at the request of influential people seeking his opinion, and partly of the more public expression of his views, which appeared from time to time in the pages of a leading journal during those eventful years when, after lying dormant for so long, the Eastern Question xxiv

INTRODTJ CTlON.

once more became the prominent feature in the history of Eni'opean politics. Selections haye necessarily been made, as many passages referred solely to events passing at the time, and could have no permanent interest. The volume concludes with several articles published during the last five years, and reprinted from the Nineteenth Century Review by kind permission of the Editor.

December, 1880.

Part I. Letters And Memoranda

THE

EASTERN QUESTION.

i.

TURKISH FINANCE.

[The following is a memorandum, now published for the first time, on the financial state of Turkey before she repudiated her debt.]

Whitten in the Autumn oe 187 A The financial state of tlie Turkish. Empire is not alone interesting to those who have dividends to receive out of the Porte’s revenue. The Governments of Christendom, the allied Powers, as the strongest of them are called, have no slight motives for keeping a watchful eye over it. England, in particular, is deeply concerned in its prosperity. It is very desirable for all that Turkey should not become the occasion of another European war. If there be any excep¬ tion to this, it would be of one whose successes would be generally unpopular, and whose reverses could only be effected at a considerable cost of life and treasure. Three of the Allies have entered into a treaty by which they are engaged to maintain the integrity of the Turkish territory. This treaty bears the signatures of France and Austria, joined with that of England. Guarantees of this general kind are always open to criticism, and applied to the Turkish dominions, the policy of binding any country to a principle so eventually embarrassing is more than questionable.

2 THE EASTERN QUESTION. [i.

However, be that as it may, we are thus hound; and a contingency may occur which may oblige us either to shake off our responsibility in no very creditable manner, or to iricui’j without choice, an amount of sacrifice, equal at least, to that which attended the Crimean War. Supposing Bussia, or Germany, or both, to attack or seriously to menace the independence of Turkey, we might not be able to achieve the same success, which twenty years ago, raised us to so commanding a position in the Conference at Paris. Instead of dictating, we might have to sue.

Now, weakness, whatever may be its cause, whether it spring from internal discord, or from a deficiency in the means of defence, is that condition of a state which especially provokes differences and invites hostility. Turkey has always, unhappily, the former source of weakness in her bosom. Greeks, Servians, Eoumanians, Bulgarians, Armenians, Al¬ banians, Bosnians and Montenegrins, whether subjects or recognizing the Sultan as their suzerain, look to some oppor¬ tunity for asserting their independence. They can be easily kept down by the Ottoman authorities when the Porte is on terms of amity with the greater Powers, but they are dan¬ gerously explosive when they can hope for support from without. Add to this cause of weakness a state of finance unequal to the requirements of defence, and it is evident that the independence of Turkey must either be sacrificed, or rescued from ruin at the cost of one or all of its guaran¬ teeing allies. Such being the case, it is equally manifest that England has a very deep interest in the healthy condi¬ tion of Turkish finance.

Let us see how this matter stands at the present time. Anything but satisfactory in point of facts, anything but encouraging in point of opinion. The Turkish Budget presents a deficit of several millions sterling. The interest of loans and sinking funds together absorb the half or

OFFICIAL EXTRAVAGANCE.

nearly half, of the Porte’s revenue, more money has to be borrowed in order to meet the year’s demand, and it can only be obtained on very unfavourable terms. The wretched system of farming the revenue still continues. The popu¬ lation is generally on the decrease, and with it those pro¬ ductive elements which yield supplies to a treasury. To crown all, the Government has no regard for economy. Its purchases are carried beyond its means, and even beyond its wants. The Civil List, and the salaries and pensions of numerous officials are on far too high a scale.

The Turks, I doubt not, will pay the dividends on their loans as long as they can. Their good faith in that respect is seconded by their interest. They would not willingly incur discredit, and with it loss of sympathy on the part of Christendom. The danger lies in their increasing neces¬ sities. The Porte has lately made arrangements with the Ottoman Bank, which, if made in a right spirit and fairly carried out, may warrant a cautious renewal of con¬ fidence on the part of capitalists and shareholders. But this point does not appear to have been completely attained. Misgivings are still entertained in some observant quarters, and economy is not, as yet, the financial principle adopted at Constantinople.

It would thus appear that there is ample reason for inquiring whether the Turkish Government can without prejudice to its safety so far- reduce its expenses as to avoid the impending danger. To form even an approximative judgment on this matter we must apjreal in some measure to the past. About twenty years since, when Rescind Pasha was Grand Vizier, I went with him into an examination of the financial question in so far as the revenue of his Govern¬ ment was concerned. According to his statements the' annual receipts of the treasury did not exceed seven millions and a half, or, at most, eight millions sterling. There was