A short survey of the literature of rabbinical and medieval Judasim

Prefatory Note

.5

The object of this volume is to provide m outline an introduction to the Hterature of post-Biblical Judaism. We wish to emphasise the fact that it is an outline, and nothing more, that has been attempted. The field is vast, and only a very broad survey has been possible. Many interesting tracts have perforce been passed over in silence, or dismissed with bare mention ; and even when a subject seems to occupy, proportionately, a considerable space, e.^: the general Historical Survey, it must be remembered that only the slightest treatment of the theme has been possible. Anything like an adequate exposition would have required several volumes. Our work is essentially an Introduction, in the elementary sense. We have in mind the needs of a very large body of readers to whom the whole field of later Jewish literature is absolutely unknown. We hope that this manual will open to them a new and fascinating field of study. We have more especially tried to bring out, by way of the suggestion of points, the importance of so much of this literature for the study of Christian origins ; this applies more particularly to the earlier phases of Rabbinical literature, when Judaism and Christianity

V vi PREFATORY NOTE

were more nearly allied to a common original. As time went on they diverged more and more, though even in the later phases a certain amount of mutual influence, conscious and unconscious, must be allowed for. An interesting instance of how an element which was original to Judaism, and was afterwards for a considerable time either suppressed or driven into the background, only to re-emerge after the lapse of centuries, is the case of the apocalyptic or mystical tradition. Such writings, e.g., as the Book of Enoch, which has survived in an Oriental version of a Greek rendering, meet us again to a large extent in a Hebrew form in the Geonic period, i.e. the seventh and eighth centuries A.D. ; the bearing of such a fact as this on the study of Christian origins has not hitherto been adequately recognised.

In seeking, then, to cover so vast a field within the compass of a single volume, only a bird's-eye survey has been possible; but in some respects the readers we have in view will find this a gain. If the study of our book should in any way serve to stimulate others to delve more deeply into this interesting literature, or should be the means of sending them to larger works which specialise upon subjects only cursorily dealt with here, we shall be amply repaid for our labours. We have endeavoured to indicate many of the more important aids to study in short selected bibliographies; but we have not felt it necessary to attempt to give exhaustive lists of works on the various subjects referred to.

PREFATORY NOTE vii

We have deliberately omitted from our survey the most modern phase of Jewish literature, which may be said to date, roughly, from the time of Moses Mendelssohn (i 729-1 786). This is so essentially modern, and is divided off by so clear a line of demarcation from the older literature, that it seemed desirable to leave it out of account. We have limited ourselves to tracing out the literary development to the close of the mediaeval period, which in the case of Jewish literature may be reckoned to have extended to the sixteenth century.

A word of explanation may be necessary as to the relation of the present book to our earlier work. The Religion and Worship of the Synagogue (second edition, 191 1). Though to some limited extent the two books cover the same ground — viz. in the treatment of Rabbinical literature — yet they are essentially distinct and independent. We are here concerned primarily with the literature of Judaism, while in the earlier work this occupied only a subordinate place, Jewish religious life, custom, thought, and doctrine being the main themes. In consequence it will be noticed, if a comparison be made, that our treatment of the common element in this volume is on a larger and fuller scale ; while very many subjects dealt with in the earlier book are not even mentioned in the present one.

It will readily be understood that in the volume before us a certain amount of repetition of particular points is inevitable ; for we have endeavoured to viii PREFATORY NOTE

survey the literature under distinct heads and classifications ; but as these necessarily shade off into each other some overlapping is unavoidable.

We have also found it impossible to be quite consistent in matters of spelling and transliteration, for there does not yet seem to be any generally accepted system, and in quoting from other writers we find variations in this respect. But we hope that no serious inconvenience will result from this cause.

Our earnest hope is that this strange and unfamiliar world of letters may become more widely known to the general reader. We shall be well content if our volume can assist in any real way towards attaining this end.

If only a society could be organised on an adequate basis, to be called (shall we say ?) " The Medic-eval Hebrew Text Society," which would undertake to publish the original texts, with English translations (on opposite pages), of the best of these treasures, many a delightful book which is now buried in manuscript in European libraries would be given to the world.

Our warm thanks are due to Professor A. R. S. Kennedy of Edinburgh, who has kindly read through the proofs and made many valuable suggestions. The reader's attention is called to the list of Addenda printed on pp. 305-306.

W. O. E. Oesterlev.

G. H. Box.

Part I General Historical Survey Page

I.— THE POST-EXILIC PERIOD 4

II.— THE MACCAByEAN ERA AND THE HASMON/EANS ;

THE FALL OF JERUSALEM II

III.— THE TALMUDIC PERIOD :

(i) The Tannaitic Period 20

(ii) The Period of the Amoraim ... 22 (iii) The Period of the Saboraim ... 24

IV.— THE GEONIC PERIOD 25

V. — THE JEWS IN SPAIN 29

FART II THE RABBINICAL LITERATURE

I. — THE TARGUMS :

(ii) On the Targums generally .... 43

(iii) The Doctrinal Teaching of the Targums . 46 (iv) A Short Account of the Different Targums :

The Targum of Onkelos ... 50

The Palestinian Targum . . . 52

The " Fragment " Targum ... 54

The Targum of Jonathan ben Uzziel 54

The Targums to the Hagiographa . 55

CONTENTS

II. — THE MIDKASHIM : pagb

(ii) Midrash Halakah and Midrash Haggadah 60 (iii) A Short Account of the Different Midrashic Works :

Bereshith Rabbah 65

Aggadath Bereshith .... 68

Mekilta 68

Shemoth Rabbah 69

Sifra 70

Wayyikra Rabbah .... 70

Bemidbar Rabbah . . . . 71

Debarim Rabbah 72

Midrash Shemuel . . . . 72

Midrash Tehillim . . . . 72 Midrash Mis hie ... -73

Midrash Yojiah 74

The Five Megilloth . . . 74

Pesikta ']']

Pesikta Rabbati 78

Tajichuina Yelaminedcnii . . . ']'i

Midrash Hashketn . . . . 79

Pirke de Rabbi Eliezer ... 79

Yalkut Shimeoni 79

Yalkut ha-Makiri .... 79

Midrash ha-Gadol .... 80

The Proems . . . . . . 80

III.— THE TALMUDIC LITERATURE :

(ii) The Mishnah, Tosephta, and Baraithas . 97

(iii) The Talmuds 114

Part III The Jewish Liturgy

I. — SOME PRELIMINARY CONSIDERATIONS II.— SOURCES OF THE PRESENT LITURGY

CONTENTS xi

III.— NON-SACRIFICIAL P:LEMENTS IN THE TEMPLE page

WORSHIP 151

IV. — THE STRUCTURE OF THE DAILY MORNING

SERVICE 155

V. — THE Zemiroth 161

VI.— THE Sheina!- 162

VII.— THE Shemoiieh '•Esreh 164

IX. — THE READING OF THE LAW 182

X.—Kaddtsh 183

■ XL— THE SERVICES FOR THE SABBATH :

(i) Inauguration of the Sabbatli . • . . 188

(ii) Service for Sabbath Eve ..... 190 (iii) Service for Sabbath Morning . . .191

(iv) Additional Service for the Sabbath . . 193 (v) Service for Sabbath Afternoon . . .194

(vi) Service for the Conclusion of the Sabbath . 195

XII.— THE FESTIVAL SERVICES I96

XIIL — THE DAY OF ATONEMENT AND OTHER FAST-DAYS I98 XIV. —THE BURIAL SERVICE; PRAYERS FOR THE

DEPARTED 20I

Part IV The Medieval Literature II. — Grammar And Exegesis . • . . . . 212

III.— THE MYSTICAL LITERATURE 235

IV.— PHILOSOPHY AND ETHICS 254

v.— THE MEDI/EVAL POETRY 27I

VI.— SOME OTHER FORMS OF LITERATURE . . . 290

SHORT TITLES OF FAMOUS RABBIS . . • • 305

ADDENDA 3^7

INDEX 3^1

ABBREVIATIONS USED IN THIS VOLUME.

DB = Hastings' Dictionary of the Bible.

JE = The Jeiuish Encyclopcsdia (12 vols.).

JQR = The JeLuish Quarterly Review.

MT = Masoretic Text.

RWS^ = Religion and Worship of the Syfiagogue, by W. O. E. Oesterley and G. H. Box (second edition, 191 1).

RV = Revised Version (of the English Bible).

Schiirer GJV = Schiirer's Geschichte des jiidischen Volkes (3 vols.), latest edition.

Singer = The Authorised Daily Prayer Book (Hebrew and English), edited by the Rev. S. Singer (for use in the Synagogues of the British Empire) : published by Eyre and Spottisvvoode.

TB = The Babylonian Talmud.

TJ = The Jerusalem (or Palestinian) Talmud.

Zunz GV = Die gottesdienstlichen Vortrdge der Juden, von D r. Zunz (ist edition, 1832 ; 2nd edition, 1892).

[In the transliteration of Hebrew words h or ch represents n, :?, and t = ^.'\

Part I General Historical Survey

PART I

GENERAL HISTORICAL SURVEY

[Literature (selected) : Josephus, Antiquities, bks. xiii.- XX.; Reinach, Textes d\iuteu7-s grecs et romains 7'elatifs au Judaisme (1895) 5 Schiirer, Geschichte des Jiidischen Volkes, Band i. (1901J ; Stade, Geschichte des Volkes Israel, ii. (1888) ; Edwyn Bevan, The House of Seleucus (1902) ; Jerusalem under the High-priests (1904) ; Holtzmann, Neutestainentliche Zeitgeschichte, pp. 1-69 (1906).

Milman, History of the Jews (1829); Jost, Geschichte des fudenthu7ns und seiner Sekten (1857 . . . ) ; Karpeles, Geschichte der Jiidischen Literatur (1886); Graetz, History 0/ the Jews (i8g I -I SgS) ; Cassel, Lehrbuch der Jiidischen Geschichte und Literatur ( 1 896).

Lindo, History of the Jews of Spain and Portugal (1848) ; Jacobs, The Jews of Angevin England (1892); Abrahams, The Expulsiofi of the Jews from E?igland (i^c)^) ; Jewish Life i7t the Middle Ages ( 1 896) ; Chapters on Jewish Literature (1899); Maimonides (1903); Hyamson, A History of the Jews in England (1908) ; Rigg, Select Pleas, Starrs, and other Records fro?n the Rolls of the Exchequer of the Jews, A.D. 1220-1284 (Selden Society) (1902). The many relevant articles in JE^^

No apology is needed if, as a preliminary to our review of Rabbinical literature, we take a brief glance at the historical background of the various periods during which that literature was in growth. It is probably true to say that in no other case has the literature of a people been so conditioned by the trend of historical events as in that of the Jews — a fact which is perhaps to be accounted for by the

B 2

'4 ' "'feABBINtCAL AND MEDIEVAL JUDAISM

unique position which has always been occupied by the Jews among the nations of the world.

It is over a stretch of many centuries that our task will lead us ; therefore, of necessity, our historical survey can take account only of the more notable landmarks. It is not our intention to attempt to write history in the ordinary sense of the word ; we desire only to depict in outline the historical background of certain periods of Jewish history which have been marked by special literary activity, or have been the promising seed-field in which the later harvest has germinated. We hope also to point out, if possible, how the historical conditions of those periods have affected and influenced the national literature.

THE POST-EXILIC PERIOD

In the year 550 B.C., or thereabouts, Cyrus II., king of Persia, had conquered the entire Median empire, and he proceeded then to deal with what would have been a dangerous neighbour if unsubdued— namely, the kingdom of Lydia. Croesus saw what was coming and tried to forestall the blow by making alliances with Nabonidos, king of Babylon, and Amasis, king of Egypt. It was in the interest of both these monarchs to check the growing power of the Persian conqueror. Cyrus, however, struck too soon for them, and in a single campaign (547 B.C.) defeated Croesus before the allied armies had been able to join him. Possibly as early as the following year Cyrus, in continuation of his conquests, attacked Nabonidos ; at any rate, within the next few years, assisted by internal troubles in Babylonia, he mastered this country too, and entered Babylon, which he now made the capital of

THE POST-EXILIC PERIOD 5

his empire. From the so-called " Cyrus cylinder," on which the Babylonian priests recorded the doings of Cyrus, we learn that he respected the religion of the conquered country and himself accepted the worship of the gods of Babylonia.^ This is fully in accord with his statesmanlike and broad-minded treatment of the Jews and their religion as recorded in the Old Testament, which enabled Ezra and Nehemiah to carry on their work — a work which had the most far-reaching effect on both the religious development and the literature of the Jews.

During the long period of Persian rule over the Jews there are but scanty records of their history ; they were not sufficiently important to the outside world for historians to write about them, while the paucity of records — not always reliable — supplied by the Jews themselves must be accounted for by the restless and dangerous times through which they lived. Incessant wars went on around them ; they did not, it is true, take any direct share in these, but it was inevitable that they should have been greatly affected by the turmoil which raged at their very doors; for during the long struggle between the Persians and the Egyptians (408-343 B.C.) Syria was the centre in which many a sanguinary battle was fought out, until, at length, in 343 B.C., Artaxerxes III. (Ochus) finally conquered the Egyptians. Although, as has just been said, the Jews did not take any direct share in this struggle, from two incidents which are on record it appears that they were tempted to make a bid for independence, for in 353 B.C., according to Orosius (ill. vii. 6 f), Jericho was attacked by the Persians and destroyed ; a number of Jews were carried away captive to Hyrcania and Babylon. The other incident, somewhat obscure, is that recorded by Josephus {Antiq. XI.

1 cp. Hommel, Geschichte Babylonie7is uiid Assyrietis, pp. 785 ff. (1885).

vii. i) ; he tells of how Bagoses {i.e. Bagoas), one of the generals in Artaxerxes' army, punished the Jews because Jochanan slew his brother Joshua, the high-priest, in the Temple. It is not clear why the people as a whole should have been made to suffer for the individual outrage perpetrated by Jochanan. The story as given by Josephus is incomplete ; but, in view of the earlier incident, mentioned above, it is reasonable to suppose that it reflects some further attempt to throw off the Persian yoke. The date of this occurrence is uncertain, but it probably took place while Artaxerxes was preparing his third campaign against the Egyptians (348-346).

The downfall of the Persian empire, which was one of the results of Alexander's victories, did not, so far as we know, greatly affect the Jews at first. It is to be presumed that they recognised the Greek ascendancy and bowed to the inevitable. Not long after the death of Alexander, in 323, began the great conflict between the Seleucids and the Ptolemys, which continued, with interludes, during practically the whole of the third century B.C. During most of this time, again, the Jews do not seem to have suffered excepting in so far as the constant clash of warring elements around them necessarily brought hardships. They had to pay tribute to both Seleucids and Ptolemys, as these were alternately victorious ; but otherwise, so far as our scanty records give us information, they were not molested. They showed a preference, upon the whole, for the Ptolemys, since these had greater consideration for Jewish religious susceptibilities than the Seleucids.^ But towards the end of the third century a great revulsion of feeling took place, and a considerable section of the Jews threw in their lot with the Seleucid ruler Antiochus III.

^ For further details, see Oesterley, The Books of the Apocrypha : their Origin^ Teachings and Contents, pp. 28 ff. (1914).

THE POST-EXILIC PERIOD 7

The reason for this was, in all probability, due to the growth of Hellenistic influence among many of the Jews {cp. I Mace. i. 11 f ) ; though in 3 Mace. i. 10 f it is accounted for by the fact that Ptolemy IV. attempted to enter into the Holy of Holies. Towards the close of our period a lamentable strife broke out between the aristocratic priestly families of Onias and Tobias in Jerusalem ; it was concerned with religious as well as political questions, and ceased only with the rise of the Maccabees.^

In spite of both external and (to some extent) internal unrest during these centuries, there is reason to believe that the whole period was one of much growth and development among the Jews in more directions than one. Indeed, it is true to say that the seeds from which the Rabbinical literature grew (and this is here our main concern) began to be planted as early as the time of the Exile itself One fact in particular is to be noticed here as being especially important from our present point of view, although its relevancy may not be immediately apparent : for an individual Israelite to be exiled from his native land was about as cruel a lot as could befall him, for it meant separation from his God and the snapping asunder of the tie which bound him to the communal life of his tribe, with all that these things signified. But in the case of the Babylonian Exile, not individuals, but whole families and tribes were taken away ; when these, therefore, settled down in their new home they were able to continue to live under the same internal political and social conditions as in Palestine. To a large extent this was also the case regarding their religious life ; the sacrificial system, it is true, could not be continued — a fact which resulted in consequences of the highest

1 For a detailed account of this struggle, see Biichler's learned work, Die Tobiadm und Oniaden . . . (1899), where all the sources are thoroughly examined.

importance to the religion of the Jews. Moreover, since whole families and septs went together into exile, there was not, as would have been the case with an individual, the same feeling of separation from the national God, because, the family constituting, according to the old belief, a self-contained unit for the purposes of worship, Plis presence was believed to be assured, even in a strange land. Besides, although the conception of " the God of the land " still obtained to some extent, it is clear from the books of Jeremiah and Ezekiel that a worthier belief regarding the God of Israel had been attained ; and there is especially this fact, that many priests, and, above all, the heads of families, had come into Babylon. According to very ancient belief and custom, the heads of families were the religious, as well as the political, leaders of the people ; their importance and influence, which had been so curtailed by the rise of the monarchy, were now immensely increased, since the monarchy was no more ; this is abundantly clear from the books of Ezra and Nehemiah. They, therefore, took up their old position of leaders of the people, both from the point of view of politics and of religion.

Further, there are many indications which lead us to the conclusion that the lot of the exiles in Babylon was not a hard one. What the prophet Ezekiel says does not suggest that the general conditions were in any sense intolerable,^ nor does Jeremiah anticipate a time of cruel hardship for the people, as is clear from his words : " Thus saith the Lord of hosts, the God of Israel, unto all the captivity, whom I have caused to be carried away captive from Jerusalem to Babylon : Build ye houses, and dwell in them ; and plant gardens, and eat the fruit of them ; take ye wives, and beget sons and daughters, and take wives for your sons, and give ^ Ezek. i. 3 ; viii. i ; cp. Ezra viii. 15-21.

THE POST-EXILIC PERIOD 9

your daughters to husbands, that they may bear sons ancd daughters ; and multiply ye there, and be not diminished. And seek the peace of the city whither I have caused you to be carried away captive, and pray unto the Lord for it ; for in the peace thereof shall ye have peace" (xxix. 4-7). Clearly, the people had reasonable freedom ; they lived unmolested, and were able to carry on their various callings. But the most important factor was that they were permitted the unrestricted exercise of their religion. It was here that a deep and far-reaching change began to take place. Instead of the sacrificial system, which had hitherto been the chief religious expression in Israel, but which could now no longer be carried out, the people — or, at all events, their religious guides — were led to think of the deeper truths of religion : the problem of sin, personal responsibility, the meaning of suffering, a fuller conception of atonement ; and there resulted a wider apprehension of God and of His relationship to man and to the world. Not that all the ancient and time-honoured external religious requirements were forgotten ; circumcision and the observance of the Sabbath were more than ever emphasised ; indeed, these came to be the distinguishing marks of the Jews. All these facts point to the Exile as being the period during which the foundations were being laid for that development of the Jewish religion the ultimate development of which is to be found in the Rabbinical literature. The later books of the Old Testament furnish us with many indications of how, in the practical religious life of the people, things were proceeding during the succeeding century or two ; and before we conclude this section it will be well to refer quite briefly to some of the more important ways in which this is illustrated by these books.

From a liturgical point of view, it is of interest to note that, according to i Chron. xxiv. 1-19, the priests were divided into twenty-four courses, and from 2 Chron. xxiii. 4, 8, we learn that these courses changed every Sabbath.^ It was the same with the Levites ; see i Chron. xxiii. 3-32; xxiv. 20-31. That these arrangements were brought about during the post-Exilic period and were not part of the earlier practice is clear from the fact that neither in the Pentateuch nor in the earlier portions of the books of Ezra and Nehemiah is there any mention of them. Developments in the conduct of the services are of a still more far-reaching character. So far as the Temple singers are concerned, while they are unknown in the Pentateuch, their position is an established one, according to Neh. vii. 44 ; xi. 23 ; xii. 28 ; although here they apparently occupy a lower grade than the Levites. But, according to I Chron. xxv., they, too, were divided into twenty-four courses ; and, what is more important, they were reckoned among the Levites (although occupying a lower grade), according to I Chron. xxiii. 3-5, for the leaders of the three choirs were Asaph, Heman, and Ethan (or Jeduthun, in i Chron. xv. 17, 19; xxv. 1-6; 2 Chron. v. 12), who belong to the "sons of Levi, Gershom, Kohath, and Merari " (see i Chron. vi. 16-32). These facts point not only to the importance placed upon the elaborating of the Temple services and to the consequent effect upon the Liturgy, but also to the far-reaching results which were ultimately brought about by the general body of worshippers being made to take part in the services, through being led by the Levitical choir, and by singing the Hallelujah and saying the Amen {cp. I Chron. xvi. 36 ; Ps. cvi. 48). The priests, of course, still continued to perform the main parts of the services, but they were no more in the position of entire separation from the congregation which had obtained in earlier days. We must see here, there- 1 cp. pp. 147 ff.

THE MACCAB^AN ERA n

fore, the beginnings of congregational worship in the real sense of the word.

And, lastly, the Scribes of this period began to form themselves into guilds {cp. i Chron. ii. 55); and from the later book of Ecclesiasticus (xxxviii. 24- xxxix. 11) we can see that they devoted themselves exclusively to the study of sacred literature, the Law being the centre of all their activities. The importance of this from our present point of view needs no emphasis, since they were in the truest sense the spiritual forbears of the Rabbis.

II The Maccab^an Era And The Hasmon^ans ; The Fall Of Jerusalem

The immediate cause of the Maccabaean rising was the attempt of Antiochus Epiphanes, the Syrian king, to enforce uniformity of religion and worship throughout his kingdom (see i Mace. i. 41 ff.), and therefore upon the Jews. He was doubtless encouraged to make this attempt owing to the presence among his Jewish subjects of a strongly pro- Hellenistic party (see i Mace. i. 13-15). The priestly aristocracy in Jerusalem, headed by the usurping high-priest Menelaus (of the house of Tobias), sided with Antiochus ; and it is evident that he was followed by a considerable section of the people. On the other hand, those Jews who were faithful to their religion showed a very different spirit. They first fled into the wilds east of Jerusalem ; and on being attacked on the Sabbath day they refused even to defend themselves, lest they should desecrate the Sabbath, and were slaughtered in cold blood — a most striking illustration of the powerful effect which insistence on the observance of the Law had had upon many Jews. But this tame and useless attitude did not last long (i Mace. ii. 39-41). Active resistance first took place under Mattathias, an aged priest from Modin. He, together with his five sons, organised a Jewish army whose watchword was to fight and die for the Law. Thus one of the most extraordinary religious wars in history came about (167 B.C.). Mattathias was the grandson of one named Hasmon, and it is from him that the Maccabseans took the family name of the Hasmonaeans. The bold example set by Mattathias attracted many to his side, and especially the Chasidint^ the "saints," as they are called in Ps. xxx. 4 (5) (i Mace, ii. 42 ; cp. vii. 12-14). His first efforts were directed against renegade Jews, and he succeeded in re-establishing respect for the Jewish Law in Jewish lands. But he died in the following year (166 B.C.), and the leadership was taken by his son Judas, the " Maccabaian," who vigorously attacked the Syrians and succeeded in driving them from Jerusalem and the surrounding country. The Holy City thereupon became the religious centre of the revolt. The Temple was cleansed ; " blameless priests, such as had pleasure in the Law," were chosen ; the holy place was rebuilt ; and all the old services and sacrifices were reinstituted. A special ceremony of Dedication [ChanukkaJt)^ took place in December, 165 B.C. {cp. Ps. xxx. title); and for a brief period there was peace (see i Mace. iv. 36-61). The war soon broke out again, however ; the Jews were attacked by some of the smaller peoples who had made common cause with the chief enemy ; while both in Gilead and Galilee the Gentiles menaced the Jews. But in all these theatres of the war Judas, greatly helped by his brother Simon, was successful. The high hopes now entertained by the Hasmonaeans were but short-lived. We cannot enter here upon all ^ This festival has been kept annually by the Jews ever since.

THE MACCAB^AN ERA 13

the details of the struggle.^ Suffice it to say that, thanks to the leadership of Judas, religious liberty was gained ; but in 161 Judas fell, and his followers were filled with despair. Nevertheless, his brother Jonathan, nothing daunted, took up the struggle, and with success ; in i Mace. ix. 73 it is said : " And the sword ceased from Israel. And Jonathan dwelt at Michmash. And Jonathan began to judge the people ; and he destroyed the ungodly out of Israel." The struggle soon after was continued, but it entered upon a new phase owing to the activity of the rival claimants to the Syrian throne. The Maccabsean power, as it had now become, occupied the position of the deciding factor, and was thus courted first by the one and then by the other claimant to the throne. Jonathan was clever enough to utilise this for the advantage of his people. In 153 he was recognised as head of the Jewish people and was appointed high-priest of the nation.

From this point may be dated the real beginning of the Hasmonaean rule in Jerusalem. In 143 Jonathan was assassinated through Syrian treachery, and his brother Simon succeeded him as leader and high-priest. He continued the energetic and clever policy of his brother, and increased the nation's territory. Owing to him, Judaea became recognised as an independent country, and the Hasmonaean dynasty was formally established. Thus both religious and political freedom were gained for the Jews.

In 135 B.C. John Hyrkanos, the third ^ son of Simon, succeeded his father. On coins of his reign the inscription runs : " John the high-priest, head of the congregation ^ of the Jews." From this it is clear