The second year of the League; a study of the second Assembly of the League of nations

Front matter

m yi'i'it mm:

I

THE LIBRARY

Preface

j^The League is an international organism, which U4S incessantly developing and changing its colour 3,-and shape. It is no longer the same conception ^as that which saw the light at Paris in 1919 ; it •^is no longer the same body as that which sat at Geneva in 1920. In 1922 it will exhibit some characteristics different from those which it possessed in 1921.

The difficulty of obtaining information about

the League and its works is that accounts of it

are usually too general or too particular. Its

^ records are enormous, and they comprise speeches,

^ discussions and reports by some of the acutest law-

'^ yers, the most eloquent orators and profoundest

uJ statesmen in Europe. This book is written to

call attention to this goldmine of political, economic

and legal information and, if possible, to reveal

some of its brightest treasures to the public.

A personal view of the activities of the Second

Assembly of the League is necessarily a limited

one, but it at least gives an intelligible principle

of selection. There is little here about the organisa-

S tion of intellectual work, of international statistics,

g of motions of sympathy with Armenia or East

'^ Galicia, of disarmament and of blockade, even of

V

^«8;

vi PREFACE

Russian relief and humanitarian work. It did not seem to me that it was by these activities, though important, that the Second Assembly would be remembered. There is much, however, about the admission of new states, about mandates and minorities, about governing territories. Courts of Justice and constitution-making, about settling disputes in Albania and Upper Silesia. For it is by these things that the League lives and will be judged.

Harold Temperley.

January, 1922.

A SHORT BIBLIOGRAPHICAL

NOTE

A STUDY of the League must begin with that of the German Treaty.

For a very short course the following may be recommended : The German Treaty, edited, with brief commentary, by Harold Temperley (Hodder & Stoughton, 5s.). Handbook to the League of Nations, Sir Geoffrey Butler (Longmans, 5s.). Two small but excellent books are What They Did at Geneva (1920) and Geneva (1921), by H. Wilson Harris, published by the Daily News, 6d. each.

For a fuller course :

History of the Peace Conference of Paris, ed. H. W. V. Temperley, in 6 vols. (5 vols, published) (Hodder & Stoughton).

The Truth about the Treaty. A. Tardieu (Hodder & Stoughton).

The Peace Negotiations : A Personal Narrative. R. Lansing (Constable & Co.).

The League of Nations. L. Oppcnheim (Longmans, 6s.).

The League of Nations Starts : An Outline by its Organisers (Maemillan, 10s. 6d.).

The First Assembly of the League, ed. O. S. Brett (Maemillan & Co., 3s. 6d.).

vu

ANALYTICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS

CHAPTER PAGE

PREFACE V.

A SHORT BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE - - vii.

I. THE ASSEMBLY— ORATORY - - - 13

II. THE COUNCIL'S REPORT— EXECUTION - - 24

(a) The Saar Valley ; (b) The Free City of Danzig ; (c) The Aaland Islands ; (d) Repatriation of Prisoners of War ; (e) The Campaign against Typhus ; (/) Other Activities ; (g) Technical Organisation Constituted by the Resolutions of the First Assembly ; (i.) Transit Conference at Barcelona, (ii.) Austria; (h) Conclusions.

III. THE ADMISSION OF NEW STATES - - 34

(a) General ; (ft) Unsuccessful Claimants : Caucasian States, Montenegro ; (c) Successful Claimants : the Baltic States ; (rf) Other Applicants for Admission : Hungary and Germany; (e.) General Conclusions,

IV. THE COURT OF PERMANENT INTERNATIONAL

I. The Court of Justice (a) The Project of the Court and its Acceptance by the First Assembly, December 13, 1920 ; (b) The Establishment of the Court and the Election of the Judges by the Second Assembly ; (c) The Compulsory Jurisdiction Clause.

II. Amending tue Constitution (a) General ; (b) Article 2(j and the Power of Amendment ; (c) Other Amendments ; (J) The Proposed Amendment to Article '21.

X CONTENTS

CHAPTER PAGI

V. MINORITIES AND MANDATES - - - 69

I. Minorities

(a) Previous Precedents ; (b) Minorities' Treaties Agreed upon by the Peace Conference : (c) Procedure as Regards Protection of Minorities ; (d) Agreements for the Protection of Minorities Negotiated by the League : Finland and Albania ; (e) Germany and the Polish Minorities' Treaty ; (/) Execution of the Minorities' Treaties.

II. Mandates

(rt) General ; (b) Powers of the Council of the League and of the Permanent Mandates Commission ; (c) The Letter from the United States, end of August ; {d) Action in the Assembly.

VI. THE DISPUTE BETWEEN LITHUANIA AND

(a) Ancient History ; (b) History since the Armistice

(c) E'Tect of Zeligowski's Coup,

VII. THE UPPER SILESIAN AWARD - - - 105

(a) Historical and Economic ; (6) The Plebiscite, March 20, 1921 ; (c) Korfanty and Lloyd George ;

(d) The French Attitude ; (e) The Supreme Council (July-August 12) ; (/) The League's Proceedings ; (g) The Decision of the Council of the League ; {h) Acceptance of the League's Decision (October 20).

VIII. THE SETTLEMENT OF THE ALBANIAN QUESTION 129

(o) Albania's Admission to the League (December 17,

1920) ; (b) Albania's Claim to the Frontiers of 1918 ; ((•) The Contention of the Principal Powers with Respect to Albania ; (d) Albania Iktween the Firtt and Second Assembly ; (e) The Council (June 25,

1921) ; (/) Till' Albanian Frontiers Commission at Paris (Junc-Jiily, 1921); (a') Albania before the Council and tiie S( coiul Assembly (September- October, 1921); (/;) The Denouement (October- November) ; (j) Rclleetions on the Albanian Question, (i.) The Frontiers Decision, (ii.) The Concession to Italy, (iii.) The Ix'Ugue.

CONTENTS xi

CHAPTEE PAGE

IX. THE LEAGUE IN RELATION TO THE BRITISH DOMINIONS, TO LATIN AMERICA AND TO THE UNITED STATES - - - - 1G4

I. The British Dominions (a) Canada ; (b) Australia ; (c) New Zealand ; (d) South Africa ; (e) India.

II. Latin America (a) General ; (b) Dispute between Chile and Bolivia.

III. The United States and the League (a) Views of Mr. llardiny; (b) American Journalists at Geneva ; (t) The Monroe Doctrine.

X. A FEW REFLECTIONS - - - - 179

APPENDIX I.— (rt) TEXT OF THE COVENANT - - 187

(6) NOTE ON ORGANISATION OF LEAGUE BY SECOND ASSEMBLY - - - - - 199

APPENDIX II.— PROTOCOL OF COURT OF INTER- NATIONAL JUSTICE - - - - 203

APPENDIX III.— NOTE ON ALBANIAN FRONTIERS 221

A Study of the Second Assembly

I THE ASSEMBLY— ORATORY

" The millions of the world are turning to us, and we must not disappoint them." — M. Karnkbfek, on taking ollice, Sept. 5, 1921.

The Second Assembly of the League met under conditions calculated to frighten enthusiasts and to encourage cynics. There was none of the first glow of ardour which had distinguished the First Assembly. Everyone felt that the League was on its trial. Hence an atmosphere of nervousness, of tentative discussion, of hesitation, was at first felt everywhere. It was soon dissipated in the manly, bracing atmosphere of the Assembly. The first event was the election of a President. The Assembly met on September 5 under the acting presidency of Dr. Wellington Koo, the Chairman of the Council, and the fact that a Chinaman could preside over an assembly consisting of over forty nations was an impressive testimony to the way in which the League has been superior to colour and race in the Assembly, and his address on this, one of the rare occasions on which he spoke, was admirably phrased. In three or four sentences he defined the work before the Assembly. " To-day we are past the stage of experiment, to-day we are on the threshold of achievement. Every day that passes demonstrates'— and the whole of my experience as a member of the Council only serves to convince me — ^that the League as established under the Covenant is not in any sense of the word a superstate. It is a union of nations for the avoidance of the appalling catastrophes of war. It is a practical means of facilitating the conduct of international business and promoting the general welfare of mankind. It does not seek to bind the members of the League against their will ; it does not seek to force progress for which its members are not willing."

The proceedings began with an unfortunate incident. It was well known that many delegations favoured the election of Dr. Gustav Ador, the indefatigable chairman par excellence of humanitarian associations, the Chairman of the Brussels Conference, and an ex-President of the Swiss Republic. Unfortunately the Swiss Government favoured Dr. Ador less than the Assembly, and intimated at the last moment that they did not desire the election of one of their own citizens. The Assembly could hardly disregard this hint, but ultimately they elected Ador Honorary President of the Assembly, paying a special compliment to a man whose elevation had been opposed by some, at least, of his own countrymen. It was a painful incident, but it shewed incidentally that the League could bring considerable moral pressure to bear even though " it did not seek to force progress " on Switzerland in the matter of permitting one of its citizens to accept the highest honour the Assembly could give.

Mr. Balfour rose and proposed M. Karnebeek, the Foreign Minister of Holland, as President, M. Jonnesco proposed M. Da Cunha, of Brazil. Ultimately voting by secret ballot took place, resulting, after a second ballot, in M. Karnebeek being elected by 21 votes. The result was a victory for the British Empire' — supported, apparently, by a miscellaneous following as against Latin America — possibly ^ supported by Latin Europe. On the whole it was a good move, for Holland is one of the states most interested in international co-operation and international jurisprudence, and has greatly appreciated the compliment to her distinguished son. M. Karnebeek showed great surprise at being elected and some nervousness in the initial stages of his chairmanship. But ultimately, as he gained and imparted confidence, he showed great dexterity in managing business and imparted a high tone to the character of the debates. Every-

1 Le Temps of Sept. 6 indicated French support of Da Cunha.

one felt at the end that the honour had been worthily bestowed and that he had redeemed the pledge uttered on taking office, " I will endeavour to be your best and most devoted servant.'*

Of orators the Assembly had no lack, and of both sexes. France had \\ath her the greatest orator in Europe, but unfortunately M. Viviani fell ill. MM. Bourgeois, Hanotaux and Reynald were always weighty and impressive, and M. Nobelmaire ultimately developed remarkable talents. Of the Scandinavian representatives. Dr. Nansen, who fought a hard battle for Russian relief, was always attractive from his transparent sincerity, as was the massive integrity of Branting, the Swedish Socialist, who made a fine picture with his brooding eyes, silver hair and yellow moustache and slow, impressive speech. Of the Latin American group three stood out pre-eminent, though for different reasons : Restrepo from Colombia, a vast, grey-haired man, skilful at taking a point in procedure and with a large fund of humour ; Don Edwards of Chile, fluent and graceful ; and the Bolivian, Aramayo, who spoke English like a native and remained dignified and calm under painful circumstances. Gimeno^ — the chief Spanish delegate — spoke once, and in Spanish, "the language of ninety millions " — with great power and with curious stabbing gestures.

Among the other states of Europe, M. Hymans, with his grey hair and black eyebrows and fine graceful gestures, never failed to attract in his speeches. Frangulis, the Greek, was a finished orator, but with too mucli art to please an assembly that cared little for eloquence alone. The Serb, Spalaikovic, and his opponent — the black-bearded Albanian, Bishop Noli — indulged in a series of oratorical duels which never failed to excite attention. Count Mensdorff of Austria spoke only once, but with great dignity, while Osusky, the Czeeho-Slovak, greatly amused the Assembly by addressing them in English with a pronounced American accent. Scialoja of Italy and Motta of Switzerland spoke admirably, though both reserved their greatest oratorical efforts for a non-political commemoration of Dante. A curious and pathetic contrast between old and new in the Orient was afforded by the two Persian delegates. The second delegate, a young man, spoke admirably, often, and closely to the point in approved modern fashion. The first delegate, a prince and a poet, spoke once only, and told how he had met W. T. Stead many years ago at the Peace Conference of the Hague, dreamed with him of an Assembly of the Nations, and composed " by himself ' ' an ode, of which he recited part, which demonstrated that all people had one origin and that the earth nourished every one of us. Finally he expressed the wish that the olive-branch planted at the Hague should become, " by the assiduous care of this lofty Assembly, the tree of fraternity, extending its branches, magnificent with eternal peace, over all humanity." Loud applause came

B from the delegates- — always generous towards sincerity, even when it was poetic.

It is worth noting that one of the greatest oratorical triumphs was scored by Mademoiselle Helene Vacaresco, the famous Rumanian poetess — a woman who only began speaking in public a few years ago. Like her, Dr. Wellington Koo, M. Osusky, Dr. Nansen, Don Edwards and Sastri, though speaking in languages not their own, contrived to win great technical successes. One more point to note is that two famous statesmen, Dr. Benesh the Czecho-Slovak and Stambulivski- — the Bulgarian peasant Prime Minister' — and two great orators. Take Jonescu — the " Golden Mouth " of Rumania — and Viviani of France, never uttered a word at the Assembly. It is clear that all of them sought by their presence to contribute rather to the solid work of the League, and refused to regard it as a scene for mere oratorical display. Their silence was golden, for it marked their respect for the League.

The British Empire Delegation took a very active part in most debates. Captain Bruce, the Australian, spoke seldom, but always with weight and force ; Mr. Doherty, the Canadian Chief Justice, astonished everybody by speaking French more fluently than he spoke English, while Sir James Allen of New Zealand brought a ripple of laughter by relating his personal dilliculties in explaining mandates to the ingenuous natives of Samoa.

Among tlic delegates of Great (as distinguished from Greater) Britain, Sir Rennell Rodd scored two signal successes, first in criticising and eventually forcing the withdrawal of an absurd report in which Swiss hotel proprietors endeavoured to explain that the cost of living in Geneva was moderate, and second in persuading the Assembly to adopt a revised scale of contributions from each state. In each case clarity of exposition and tact of handling were displayed to a marked degree. Mr. Fisher spoke always with a dignified sincerity and greatly impressed the Assembly, but his happiest efforts were on Committees, very notably in one speech on Albania and in another on the admission of Lithuania to the League. Mr. Balfour, by common consent, was the weightiest voice in the whole Assembly, and carried more influence even than Lord Robert Cecil. The latter was indefatigable in debate, in proposing motions and amendments, and in raising to a higher level every debate in which he took part. Probably on Committees his influence was still greater and, indeed, all-pervading. Yet his influence was, and remained, personal. Mr. Balfour seemed to carry weight beyond any other voice raised in the Assembly, because his personal opinion expressed the policy, not only of a long-experienced statesman, but of a great empire. Few will forget some of his sage and pithy utterances. There was his admonition to M. Branting, who had criticised the Council over its decision in the Aaland Islands dispute as " being the organ of a particular group of Powers ."

" Mr. President," answered Mr, Balfour, " that such a charge should be made by any member of the League, is, I think, most unfortunate ; but that it should be made by a man of the high character and the great ability and the world-wide reputation of my friend M. Branting I confess gave me great pain, and made me feel that sometimes, in the heat of debate and argument, we say things which afterwards we may have some reason to regret," As a Swiss journalist wrote, " Et voila pour le delegue de la suede ! " ^ Again, when a Greek deputy wished to add a Serb, a Greek and an Albanian to a Commission of Observation in Albania, he reminded him that "there is no greater strain on human friendship than long periods of travel together." Not less telling was his question to the Poles about Zeligowski, the Polish D'Annunzio in Vilna : "Is he a rebel deserving military sentence ? Is he a patriot deserving the patriot's crown ? We know not. Whenever the exigencies of debate required one answer, that answer is given, when they require the other answer, the other answer is given." Again, what could be more complete than his reply to Lord Robert Cecil about disarmament ? " General disarmament can only be effectual if it is a general disarmament, and a general disarmament is an all-inclusive

^ It is ohararteristic of the fine temper of M. Brantinp tliat he is well known to have lx?en sul)sef]U( nlly trieatly distres!-:rd by a Sw<disli pajxT's attack on Mr. Hiilfoiir in connection with this utterance. lie al.so asserted tliat his critici>n;.s only .showed his Ijclief in the Ix?af^uc and liis desire for its jKTfeetion.

disarmament." There was a neat finality about this whieh even idealists appreciated.

In sheer oratorical distinction the palm was borne away by the second delegate from India. Everything about Mr. Sastri was remarkable. On all occasions he stoutly upheld the use of the British language as against French, yet he was a Brahmin of the Brahmins, lie claimed a descent of five thousand years, but he conjured the Council " not to wrap itself up in oligarchic mystery." Though possessed of great natural eloquence, he often sat silent in Committees, only speaking to urge practical conclusions or to demand the taking of a vote. On September 12 he stood up in the Assembly, a figure in a plain black collarless cassock and white turban, and spoke. There were no gestures' — though the expression of his face changed continually, and the sustained melody of his voice held everyone entranced. " Brother and Sister Delegates," (his very opening word was original), " hard and cold indeed must be the heart that fails to be touched, and touched to noble issues, by such a spectacle as this." He spoke of the critics and pessimists with scorn, but he reminded the League that it was wiser to limit its scope and not to attempt the impossible. Then he brought a thrill of shame to everyone by reminding the nations how India, " almost alone amongst the Great Powers," had not only ratified the International Labour Conventions of Washington, but had passed laws to give effect to them.

Yet there was but one Indian on the League Secretariat, while there were 138 British, 73 French, and 13 Americans. As regards Mandates, he reminded us that in German West Africa " the Germans did not make a colour-bar or introduce invidious distinctions." If the Mandates did introduce them, then one day a delegate from India might have to " come on this platform and tell the Assembly that we are worse off under the trustees of the League than we were under the Germans. Either rectify these matters or put us back where we were. It would be a matter of profoundest regret for any of us to come and speak in that fashion in the Assembly." And after a solemn pause he slowly quitted the tribunal. There were few present whom his oration did not cause to rate India higher because she could produce such a man.

In reflections for the future debates in the Assembly one serious consideration arises. Owing to a motion carried by Lord Robert Cecil, the sessions of the various Commissions were thrown open to the public. The decision was hailed with delight, but the results were unexpected. After the general debate on the Council's report, the Assembly settled down to discuss particular problems in detail, according to reports presented to them by the various Commissions. But the publicity of the proceedings induced the orators to make their fine speeches on the Commissions themselves. Consequently, when the subjects came up before the Assembly, the speakers subjected the pubHc to a repetition of remarks they had already heard. Not unnaturally a decline of interest in the Assembly debates became noticeable at once, for the speakers lacked both novelty and force. The effect was equally bad upon the Commissions. So long as they met in private, arguments were directed to the reason and not to the emotions, but the presence of the public irresistibly tempted the emotional orator towards rhetoric. Hence the Commissions became less businesshke and the Assembly more dull as a result of publicity. In the end some remedy will doubtless be found, but, until it is, the public interest in the Assembly will be confined to the General Debate on the Council's Report.

II

The Council's report of the measures taken to execute the decisions of the first Assembly formed matter for a general preliminary debate. The report, as Mr. Balfour complained, was not suitable for enlivening the breakfast -table, yet the table of contents was extremely impressive. There were several sides to the work : administrative, political, humanitaran, technical, and general, and of these the first was not the least important.

(a) The Saar Valley

The administration of this area is placed under an International Commission of five members responsible to the League. The Commission considered that Germany was no longer able to exercise her sovereign rights over the Saar and that the Commission itself exercised the rights of sovereignty. This is not altogether a happy arrangement wlien a Frenchman is Chairman of the Commission, when the mines are for 15 years the property of France, when French currency circulates in the area, when French troops are present in the district, when French mihtary tribunals have recently been erected there, and some hundred notorious pro-Germans have been expelled. Even a heavy surplus does not compensate the Saar Valley for all this. In response to various complaints the League Council took the view that there M'as nothing in the treaty to prevent the use of French currency, that the presence of French troops was permissible, though it was not to be permanent. The Council mildly censured the cstalilishmcnt of courts-martial by the Commission, which they proposed to supersede by the setting up of the Supreme Court of the Saar Basin. They further recommended the Commission to examine into all cases of expulsion, to reduce them to a minimum, and to forward reports on the same to the Council. This was slight comfort, but it proved at least that some supervision was being exercised.

(&) The Free City of Danzig

If the Saar Valley scheme was pre-eminently the creation of President Wilson, the Danzig solution was certainly that of Lloyd George. The scheme, though carried by Mr. Lloyd George in defiance of the experts, appears to have worked admirably. Its essential point is that Danzig is not governed by an international Board but by an international individual, the High Commissioner, who mediates between the German element predominant within tlic free city, and the Government of Poland, charged with the external relations of Danzig and having rights of free commercial access to the port.

The Council of the League had devoted much care to the whole question and had already instituted many improvements. On July 30, 1921, the Rifle factory in Danzig was definitely closed down and all manufacture of arms forbidden. As regards the enforcement of the demobilisation of Danzig, large powers were given to the High Commissioner, as, e.g., to decide what was and what was not war material,^ and to sequestrate all such material pending investigation into its nature. The very delicate question of the defence of the free city also attracted much attention, and it was finally arranged as follows : Local economic disturbances or military revolt within the free city would be dealt with, in the first instance, by the local government. Only if the High Commissioner notified to the Polish Government that these were insufficient is the latter authorised to send troops. The case of danger from the aggression of an external Power {e.g., Germany) could be met in a similar way, the decision of the High Commissioner being always necessary to initiate any action by the Polish Government.

A numljcr of other technical problems of transport, finance and harbour accommodation were

1 It is well known that intcnijitioniil lawyers cannot define war in;itcri:ii, Init what is not possible foran international lawyer apf)ears to be pnssi!)Ie for a Danzifi Hi«h Commissioner!

also settled, chiefly by leaving the final decision to the High Commissioner. The finances of the free city were examined and reported on by an expert financial committee of the League. Various improvements were made in the constitution by the League Council with the view of ensuring popular control over the Government and of protecting the Polish minority in the city. Finally it was decided that all outstanding differences between Poland and Danzig, under the Convention of November 9, 1920, which were not settled by July 31, 1921, should be submitted to the High Commissioner's decision. Two railway disputes ■ — occasioned by decisions of the Commissioner — were settled " out of court " on September 23, under the mediation of the Secretariat of the League. One important decision, notably contrasted with that in the Saar Valley, is that the official currency is the German mark, though Polish currency can be used if payer and payee agree (which they are never likely to do).^

The net result seems to be that everything depends on the High Commissioner, Lieutenant-Gencral Sir R. C. Haking. According to all accounts he is a bluff, cheery soldier, quite prepared to take decisions on his own responsibility. That he is

1 The Polisli-Danzi^ Treaty was finally sitjiied in Warsaw on Oetober 21, lO'Jl, the Danzigcrs eniployinji the historic seal of tlie city, which dates back to 131(>. Equal rights arc given to Polish "ships within Danzig's territorial waters, Polish tariffs and customs will apjjly to the trade of Danzig, and Poland will take over the railwavs.

ready to enforce his authority the following story will illustrate. On his return from leave he found the Assembly in occupation of the house which he deemed most suitable for the High Commissioner. In due course he installed himself there, and the Assembly found quarters elsewhere. This story is in itself a striking example of his power of moral suasion. This benevolent despotism is tempered by the fact that the Commissioner is ultimately responsible to the Council. But, so far as the experiment has gone, it seems higlily successful, and the moral seems to be that the authority of the League is much more easily enforced by an international individual at Danzig than by an international Commission in the Saar Valley.

(c) The Aaland Islands

On June 27, 1921, this age-long dispute between Sweden and Finland was finally settled by the Council. The basis was that the Aaland Islands were to remain to Finland, but that the Council of the League was to guarantee to their inhabitants "the preservation of their (Swedish) language, of their culture, and of their local Swedish traditions." The Islands were to be disarmed and neutralised, Tliis decision was bitter to the Swedes, and their disappointment found vent in angry remarks against the Council like those of M. Branting, which have been already quoted. It is, however, to the eternal honour of Sweden that, as in the still more painful case of Norway's separation, her statesmen aceepted a deeision, in Avhich they were not allowed to take part, without resorting to foree. No other country has accepted two such painful decisions with such remarkable self-restraint. Angry as was the utterance of M. Branting, no words can praise too highly the practical wisdom with which he forbade all forcible attempts to reverse the decision. In an age which has seen D'Annunzio at Fiume. Zeligowski in Vilna, Korfanty in Upper Silesia, Friedrich in West Hungary, Sweden's statesmen stand in a high and honourable position. Despite the temporary bitterness engendered, there can be no doubt that the League, and the League alone, could have solved this difficulty, and it is to M. Hymans, the unwearied conciliator of differences, that the chief credit of the result is due. The Aaland Islands Convention was finally signed at Geneva on October 20, 1921.

(d) Repatriation of Prisoners of War

This is another great and beneficent work with which another great Scandinavian and an unwearied Swiss are associated as statesmen. This work had been carried forward by Dr. Nansen and Dr. Ador with large contributions from Governments and Red Cross Societies. Dr. Nansen was able to report before the Assembly dissolved that about 380,000 prisoners had been returned to their famihes at a total cost of £400,000. " This," said Dr. Nansen (September 21), " is indeed international work ... a true work of reconciliation," and Dr. Karnebeek, in congratulating him, said, " The quite remarkable results . . . have been the outcome of his (Nansen's) devotion to duty and perseverance . . . and reflects extra honour and glory on the League of Nations." One feels entitled to ask whether so great an amount of human suffering was ever relieved at so small a material cost ?i