The second twenty years at Hull-house, September 1909 to September 1929, with a record of a growing world consciousness

Front matter

PRINCETON, N. J. "y a AN 0

Purchased by the Mary Cheves Dulles Fund.

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Chapter II Social Service And The Progressive Party

SOCIAL TRENDS BETWEEN I909 AND IQI2 SUGGESTING A NEW POLITICAL ALIGNMENT

Surveys and Research with Attempts at Reform .

Inadequacy of State Legislation .

The Findings of the National Canterente af Social Work

The Composition of the Progressive Party—The Convention in Chicago, August, 1912 me Na Ue

Compunctions in Regard to the Platform .

The Campaign of the Progressive Party: Pree Party Organization and Colonel Roosevelt Me Ate

Progressive Policies and President Wilson

CHAPTER IIT THE DEVIL BABY AT HULL-HOUSE

His Reputed Visit to Hull-House in 1913—A¢sthetic Sociability for Six Weeks...

His Effect upon Old Wich oesuincne, Ties Memoree and Loosening Their Tongues ;

Use of the Legend and Fairy Tale in Family Relanoss vil

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10 19 24

28 34

38 45

53 61

Vili CONTENTS

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4. His Effect upon Women Issuing from Homes of “Poverty and Impossibility” . . 66

5. The Great Illusion of Tragedy—Its Power to Make Life Palatable . . |. A ee

Chapter IV Aspects Of The Woman’s Movement 1909-1929

1. World Status of Women Reported at International Suffrage Alliance in Buda-Pest, 1913 . 80

2. Our Arguments for Woman’s Suffrage in Relation tb Civic Progress . 88

3. Cultural Approach re ie Broblene chroden arly Women’s Clubs—Biennial Meeting in Chicago, June,

1914. 94

4. The Pan- Preine (Gonterence af Women in Honolane 1926 99 5. Votes for Women at Last!—Attitude of Voting Women 103 6. Women’s Activity in International Affairs . . . . 110 CHAPTER V EFFORTS FOR PEACE DURING FIVE peat OF WAR

FROM AUGUST, 1914, TO AUGUST, I9I9

1. Pre-War Attitude to Peace—Meeting in Carnegie Hall, New York, December, 1913. . 113 2. First Reactions against World WdriNev ‘Organtan tions after Beginning of World War, August, 1914 . I17 3. Woman’s International Peace Congress, The Hague, May, 1913—-Changing Public Opinion . 125 4. Ford Peace Ship—Conference of Neutrals, Stockhblat November, 1915—Meeting United States Peace Society, New ‘York, February; 1917 2/9)" 2" 2 ee 5. War Service of Residents at Hull-House—Attitude toward Wari ina OM ee a rr

CONTENTS

6. Experience under the Food Administration—Hopes for New Motives in World Organization

7. Second W.I.L. International Congress in Rien May, 1919—Journey into Germany for the Friends Service Committee, July, 1919—Efforts in U.S.A. to Secure Food for German Children . . TR raed MeN ae

Chapter VI

1. Psychological Effect of the Russian Revolution Inhibiting any Social or Legal Changes . .

2. Campaign for Federal Child Labor Amendient Gone sidered Bolshevism .

3. Discussion of United States Entrance nth “World Chute Considered Unpatriotic ,

4. Fear-Control Seen in Many Guuntries Durine Toucney around the World—Christmas Message, 1923 .

5. Opposition to Internationalism as Such in Connection with the International Congress W. I. L., Washington, 1924 . ah DRS aT OT Ree

7. New Restrictions on Grant of Citizenship ae Aliens Exaltation of State over Religion

Chapter VII

1. Conformity among College Youth in Matters of Opinion Exhibiting Fear-Control and Protective Instinct

2. Reform in the Relation between the Sexes Substituted for Previous Social and Economic Reforms

3. Role of Educated Unmarried Women between the Givi War and the World War . :

ix PAGE

153 156 163 168 173 180

188 192

CONTENTS xX

4. A New Generation Demands an Organized World .

5. Integration of Differing Ideas only through Activities— A Challenge in China, 1923; in Ireland, 1926, and in Prague, 1929 |

6. Codéperation of (Senecanonn in F field ae World Ataneee Common Interest in International Relations Instanced in Foreign Policy Associations—Page School of International Relations—Kellogg Pact and Its Background

7. The Challenge of European Youth—Relation between Two Generations oe ee Oa,

Chapter VIII A Decade Of Prohibition 1919-1929

1. Conditions Previous to 1919 .

2. Conditions During the First Two Mieata of Enforeenie

3. Development of Bootlegging—Social and Political Consequences...

4. General Increase of Wiolenee in AGhigaesii in Relator i the Police Force .

5. Political Corruption and its Ramineanane mt

6. Previous Liquor Regulations in U.S.A. Compared to Present.

7. Experiment Watched ‘i Other ‘Gountrjese Mere anil Ireland A ey:

Chapter IX Immigrants Under The Quota 1921-1929

1. Reaction upon National Immigration Policy of War Loyalties .

The Children of Immigrants—Their Special Difficulties

PAGE 199

221 229

245 249

286 260

263 267 274

CONTENTS

. Immigrants as Consumers—Emphasis upon Mobility of Labor versus Restriction

. Quota Lessens Latin and Slavic Tintioran te oR esultne Immigration from Mexico

. Successful Industrial Experiment in the Manutactorite of Clothing in Chicago Carried Out with Immigrants . Hardship of Deportees—Reaction on National Characteristics —

. Recent Demographic Studies

Chapter X

. A Psychopathic Clinic Established for the Study of Juvenile Delinquents—Obtaining a More Intelligent

. Relation of the Police: to teenie O\vendees

. Legal Protection Extended to Brestritie trier one the

Field of Justice .

. Examples of Justice to ibe Tacuaing Naatice! jor

Those to Whom We “Do Not Wish to be Just”—

Illustrated by Our Relations to Mexico and Mexicans

. The Sacco and Vanzetti Case

. Establishment of a World Court in Reehonde to a “World Consciousness AOA i a AMUN a a a

Chapter XI Play Instinct And The Arts : 1909-1929

. Play Instinct a Basis for Teaching the Arts—Art School at Hull-House—Hull-House Kilns . Bae . The Bowen County Club—Its Relation to Decorin

. Hull-House Studio Adult Achievements

296 301

304 311

319 328 333

343 348 354 xii CONTENTS

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4. Play Instinct not Utilized in Industry—Could Modify Extreme ‘Mechanization «4 155°) 20 a

5. Play Instinct Lacking in Boys’ Gangs—Beginnings of

Political Corruption—Provision for Public Recreation Essential in Modern City if Arts Are to Flourish. . 362

6. Drama at Hull-House—Effect of Continuity in Artistic Effort ; {3 or

7. Music School at Hull- Ente othe Merman’s Bride: A Hull-House Cantata—Expression of Social Compunction in Music .. 371 8. The Art Function of Releases Atorded by ‘the Moves Widespread Concern over International Opinion as Affected by Movie Presentation . . . . . . . 375

Chapter XII Education By The Current Event

1909-1929 1. The Power of a Current Event to Become a Direct Moral Issue and an Educational Force. . 380 2. Current Events of World-Wide Reverberations: Religion —The Trial at Dayton, Tenn. . . 382 3. Economics—First Labor Government in England—The Edison Birthday Party .. 386 4. Race—Post-War Conditions of Nenrocd U. S): Gandhi's s Efforts against Caste in India. . 396 5. Theory of Education and Research Held ie Early Settlements Implied Use of the Current Event .. 404

6. Complexity of Life as Seen from Settleiienteo Need af Group Technique—Response to National and International Organizations °° os wR ee

ILLUSTRATIONS

FACING

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New and Old Chicago Morris Topchevsky I

Polk Street Twenty Years Ago Norah Hamilton 10

Between Kwannon and the College Woman ‘“ * 80 Headquarters of the Woman’s International League at

Geneva Norah Hamilton 113

German Women Planting Trees in a Devastated Region in

France Norah Hamilton A View of New Chicago Morris Topchevsky In Maxwell Street Market, Chicago Norah Hamilton Mexican Musicians Morris Topchevusky

Children and Outcasts Appealing to Justice Norah Hamilton

A Painting Class at Hull-House, Gipsy Girls in Foreground Norah Hamilton

Foot of Polk Street—View from Hull-House Corner Norah Hamilton xiii

153 188 221 263 ant ws Panvuhe

Fey

THE SECOND TWENTY YEARS AT HULL-HOUSE

VA Se i a era

AP aes

Introduction

THE following statement was made concerning a young Frenchman, who, in the spring of 1914, recorded his last reflection upon life:

When we are young we do not immediately know where we shall hear those voices of our own time to which our virginal hearts will deeply and instinctively respond. They must come from figures of our own time, older than we are or they would not have found expression, but not old enough to have “arrived,” so that we do not at once learn of their existence. Our teachers, as well as popular fame, thrust upon us the figures of the last generation, by whom they had themselves been inspired in youth, and these are, in general, precisely the figures to whom our instincts are most rebellious.

I

It is always difficult for a given individual to know just when he has become “a figure of the past generation” against whom youth’s instincts rebel, and I confess now to a sense of risk in writing of another twenty years—especially with autobiographical notes—the end of which brings me so very close to threescore years and ten.

But, after all, the young compose a smaller proportion of the world, year after year, as the prolongation of life increases and we are authoritatively told that never before, in the history of mankind, were there so many people—both actually and proportionately—living upon the face of the earth who are more than sixty-five years old, as are living here at present. Not that we have done very much with that increased span of life to feed our pride! In fact, the young people themselves in moments of exasperation have been known to say that many of the follies of which they are accused in cabarets and other frivolous places are really affected by older people who, equipped with the foolish clothing and the brilliant complexions of the young, are dancing and drinking to an extent that fills the actual young with dismay, and that most unfairly discredits the coming generation. Although these excessive imitators of youth may be few in number, they are symptomatic of a widespread tendency to prolong unduly the springtime of life.

Is it not possible for this newly enlarged elderly group, or at least for some of the individuals who compose it, to refrain from imitating another group simply because the latter possesses the natural glamour of youth; isn’t it possible for each group to make its own contribution, if only because we know that the present moment—which after all must concern us more than the disappointing past or the iridescent future—is in the hands of the mixed lot of us; that we are of all ages and of all degrees of social usefulness; that happily the generations are never clean-cut, but are always inextricably mixed from the new-born babe to the admitted octogenarian. If these intermingling groups must push the world along as best they may, it is hardly fair for one of them, the older at that, to lazily pull out by pretending that it isn’t there!

I am confident, therefore, that it is dangerous to insist upon simulating the ardors of youth, as if to be young were a virtue in itself, and that we may thus easily upset the balance; that if we carefully suppress all differences with youth even those inescapable differences of old age, we run the risk of destroying a form of variety which has a tried social value.

Our hope of achievement apparently lies in a complete mobilization of the human spirit, using all our unrealized and unevoked capacity. The situation requires limitless patience and comprehension, which ought to be supplied more readily by those who have been subjected to life’s training.

One happy result has issued from the current situation. The freshly accumulated group of the elderly at least avoid giving advice, and sedulously refrain from making critical comments upon the passing show. Perhaps this multitude of “sixty-fivers and past sixty-fivers” merely shirk formulating their empirical knowledge, or have never learned to reflect, or their vision has never become sufficiently keen and purged to attract the favorable notice of the young. More likely, they have failed to demand the truth from life and are therefore disconcerted when they find that youth will brook no insincerity and is also most impatient of secondhand opinions and platitudes.

Even as I write these words I reflect that there is always a chance that the garnered wisdom of the old may turn out to be no wisdom at all, and there is an awful possibility that the aged in their strategic position of domestic tyranny and general dogmatism will retard all attempts at progress simply because such attempts necessarily imply a change in the customs with which they have been long familiar. I uneasily recall what happens in certain Oriental countries, where old age claims all its prerogatives. During a journey I once made around the world, I became much discouraged, suffragist as I was, concerning the influence of old women; those in China insisting that little girls’

feet must be firmly bound, although the practice had been forbidden by law and hotly repudiated by all of Young China; the old women in India insisting upon purdah at home and veils in the street, although some of the Indian women were voting and sitting as members of the City Council of Bombay; the old women in Turkey and eastern Europe—but why continue this doleful recital, when it is quite obvious that if, or rather when, old women actually do exert themselves they become a social menace? Probably there is nothing more dangerous in the world than the leadership of prestige based solely upon the authority of age.

In contrast to this eastern attitude, I recall an eightieth birthday party, given in Chicago long ago, at a table garlanded with eighty roses and seating eighty guests. Some one asked the birthday child how she had always kept so young and she promptly replied, that it was because she had always adopted an unpopular cause; first, the abolition of slavery, when, as a young woman, she had lived in the pre-war South, and then votes for women which she thought would last her to the end. She explained that no one put you on a pedestal and treated you with respect just because you were old, if you were the advocate of an unpopular cause—you had to defend it and discuss it and take your chances with the wits of the young.

One thing is clear out of all the contradictions; that the task of youth is not only its own salvation but the salvation of those against whom it rebels, but in that case there must be something vital to rebel against and if the elderly stiffly refuse to put up a vigorous front of their own, it leaves the entire situation in a mist. Even if we, the elderly, have nothing to report but sordid compromises, nothing to offer but a disconcerting acknowledgment that life has marked us with its slow stain, it is still better to define our position. With all our errors thick upon us, we may at least be entitled to the comfort of Plato’s intimation that truth itself may be discovered by honest reminiscence.

I shall attempt therefore in this record of the Second Twenty Years at Hull-House, to avoid the pretensions both of old age and of youth, in the only way possible, by setting down as carefully as I may what I deem significant in the way of experience or reflection from September, 1909, to September, 1929.

The period easily divides into two decades, the first of which subdivides into five years of peace and five years of war. The second decade is continuously filled with the effect of the gregarious panic, which inevitably follows war and the rumors of its attendant revolutions.

So closely is the life of the individual or that of a public-spirited group in the modern world identified with the events enacted upon a larger arena, that such a division of the two decades, I am quite sure, seems natural to all of us.

I am honestly sorry to write so much in this book of the effects of the world war. It is idle to speculate on what an infinitesimal unit like Hull- House or any other of the millions of units composing the social order, would have been like if the world war had never taken place. But whether we care for it or not, our own experiences are more and more influenced by the experiences of widely scattered people; the modern world is developing an almost mystic consciousness of the continuity and interdependence of mankind. There is a lively sense of the unexpected and yet inevitable action and reaction between ourselves and all the others who happen to be living upon the planet at the same moment.

Perhaps no presentation is so difficult as that which treats of the growth of a new consciousness, and while I have no doubt as to the existence of this nascent world consciousness, I may so easily fail to make it clear in the following pages that I venture to quote a statement here in regard to it from one of those minds which feels the stimulus of wide surroundings and whose generous sympathies include all kinds of people. George Russell, A E, as he is more generally known, after a journey in the United States in 1928 wrote in The Irish Statesman as follows:

What is arising or to arise in the States? I think of it as some mood of planetary consciousness. | cannot get a more precise word. . . . The biological ancestors of the people in the States are European, Asiatic, African, with some survival of the aboriginal American. Nature will find in this multitude the materials to blend to make a more complex mentality than any known before, with wide-reaching affinities in the subconscious. I notice, too, that the writers who form the spiritual germ-cell of American culture— Emerson, Whitman, Thoreau, and their school—think and write of themselves almost as naturally being children of earth, as being American citizens. That group manifest in their writings something like a cosmic consciousness. American statesmen, too, are beginning to formulate world policies, leagues of nations, world peace, a sense of duty to the world struggling up through the intense self-interest and preoccupation with their own affairs. The American beneyolence is world-wide. The Rockefeller Foundation thinks of the health of humanity, not merely of the American people. . . . A planetary consciousness I surmise will grow up through centuries in this astonishing people, warring with its contrary idea which also has its own meaning and just basis. Our human faculties are burnished by their struggle with opposites in ourselves. And it is no less true of the ideas which become dominant in great civilizations. I imagine centuries in which in the higher minds in the States a noble sense of world duty, a world consciousness, will struggle with mass mentality and gradually pervade it.

It lies with us who are here now to make this consciousness—as yet so fleeting and uncertain— the unique contribution of our time to that small handful of incentives which really motivate human conduct. Such a motive has certainly been a definite factor in the last twenty years at Hull- House, and an effort to define it as well as to illustrate it, must be my apology for much of the succeeding pages which may seem unduly autobiographical and also far afield from the corner of Halsted and Polk streets, Chicago.

CHAPTER IT

SOCIAL SERVICE AND THE PROGRESSIVE PARTY

By 1909 the beginning of the third decade at Hull-House, we had already discovered that our intellectual interests, our convictions and activities were all becoming parts of larger movements and that research into social conditions was gradually being developed in the universities and by the great foundations. Based therefore on a more careful knowledge of the situation to be remedied, the five years to 1914 were filled with a veritable zeal for social reform throughout the United States. The efforts both in volume and type were differentiated from those of the preceding two decades. The immediate influence was the Pittsburgh Survey which, financed by the new Russell Sage Foundation and begun as early as 1907, was

IO

THE PROGRESSIVE PARTY it the first of the community surveys. It was described as

An appraisal of how far human engineering has kept pace with the mechanical developments in the American steel districts.

The results were published in the then new Survey Magazine, itself a combination of two publications, one which had been fostered by the Charity Organization Society of New York and the other by a settlement, the Chicago Commons.

The Pittsburgh Survey aroused the entire country to conditions of work in the great American industries. The report challenged the belief that it was primarily an employer’s business to produce goods and that he was not expected to discover and prevent social waste and injury. The American settlements claimed a share in the Pittsburgh Survey, both Kingsley House and the Columbian Settlement in the city itself had collaborated throughout the undertaking; Paul Kellogg, the director of the survey, was a resident of Greenwich House in New York; the advisory group, all of whom wrote sections of the report, consisted of Florence Kelley, living in the Henry Street Settlement in New York, Robert A. Woods of South End House, Boston, with Professor John Commons of the University of Wisconsin who had the habit of spending his vacation in one settlement after another.

The public reception of the report revealed a compunction which had long been felt by a minority within the church who had sought for new forms in which to express their enlarged sense of justice and compassion. It was similar to the compunction responsible for a movement in England in the days of Charles Kingsley and Maurice or to the adventures in altruism made later by ardent high churchmen of the Oxford Movement.

Certain denominations, of which the Methodist church was the pioneer, began to make their own researches into the stupid atrocities of contemporary life, its arid waste, its meaningless labor, its needless suffering, and its political corruption. This church effort proceeded slowly at first, for there was inevitably both honest doubt as to its wisdom and downright opposition on the part of those who sincerely believed that the church was going outside its proper field. But at least one organization, the Men and Religion Forward Movement, obtained active adherents in many parts of the world and the Commission on Social Service of the Federated Council of Churches of Christ in America, representing altogether hundreds of thousands of members, added an unequivocal declaration against the twelve hour day and the seven day week to their protests concerning child labor and other recognized social wrongs.

In such an insurgent mood men reéxamine from time to time the social institutions upon which they have been relying and renew their faith in human volition as a power which may really direct and shape social conditions. In the five years before the outbreak of the world war, therefore, our general efforts were more and more interrelated with many other movements. I recall, although it may seem far afield, the enormous interest we all felt in 1909 in the brilliant minority report issued by the Royal Poor-Law Commission to the English Parliament with its challenging statement concerning the unemployed, the underemployed, and the unemployable.

The year of 1909 was at the end of the decade in which the so-called “muck-raking’’ articles dealing with political corruption in American cities had been carried forward by McClure’s Magazine and other publications of nation-wide circulation. It seemed at the moment as if the subject of political corruption could be approached only through such journals, because the local newspapers were too timid and found their personal affairs were too involved with the status quo of their own cities to deal with it.

When Chicago therefore in 1909 witnessed a personal demonstration against political corruption, which should have banished it from our city forevermore, the experience was all the more startling and proved to be almost unbearably poignant. This tragic protest was made by Dr,

Theodore Sachs, whom we had known for many years at Hull-House through his skillful and unremitting efforts to reduce tuberculosis in our section of the city. One of the Hull-House residents, under his direction, had once made a careful study of one block—lung blocks, we used to call them —in the Russian Jewish quarter in which the tuberculosis rate had been phenomenally high. Day by day we had been impressed anew with the universal testimony of gratitude and affection showered upon him by the poorest of his compatriots. We rejoiced with many people throughout the city when Dr. Sachs was made head of the Municipal Sanitorium for Tuberculosis. Although we knew that he encountered unending difficulties with the officials of a corrupt city administration in his efforts to care for his patients properly, we were all aghast one morning to learn that this brilliant, sensitive man had committed suicide as a protest against the entire situation. He himself had explicitly stated his desperate hope that some reforms might thus be induced which would result in better conditions for those poor people in Chicago who were suffering from tuberculosis.

One was inevitably reminded of John Ball, who five hundred years earlier had looked out over the wretched conditions in England, and with his heart burning within him, had cried aloud, “The saints in heaven are forebearing, and yet bidding me not to forebear.’’ Certainly that city is fortunate, as was medieval England, who finds even one such among its sons, irrespective of the form of expression which his protest may take. This tragic ending of a beneficent life made a profound impression upon thousands of people, especially among those who had known Dr. Sachs and his wellspring of tenderness for the hardships of the poor. The residents of settlements, perhaps more than other people, are brought close to the mysterious shortcoming on the part of life itself; they become oppressed by that “grief of things as they are’ over and above the griefs of circumstance or wrongdoing; they have been forced to realize that what we need in the world over against it, is a certain power of compassion, that humanity requires a standing force of self-pity as an elementary ingredient in our social atmosphere if we are to live in it at all. As was predicted at the huge memorial meeting held in Dr. Sach’s honor, his spirit has carried on in the splendid fight against tuberculosis, which has resulted in Chicago’s exceptionally low death rate from that dread disease. But, unhappily, political indifference and- corruption are still with us and at the moment strongly intrenched.

Curiously enough, while the situation in which Dr. Sachs found himself clearly indicated the need for civil service administration of city affairs, and above all for the removal of the callous politician from the possibility of interfering in the care of the sick poor, it was not long after his tragic death that we had in Chicago a demonstration of the most ruthless disregard of both. The president of the County Board of Commissioners, to which body is committed the care of the sick, the insane, the aged poor and the dependent children, in a spirit of Rabelaisian gayety, scattered to the winds all the safeguards which a decade of the merit system had built up. This new president, in evidence of his devotion to the poor, dismissed the medical head of the County Hospital for the Insane as well as the trained nurses, and “fired” the corps of Civil Service employees; he also turned his attention to the Juvenile Court, which had been too long under the influences of reformers. After many pathetic tales of dependent children—and what in the history of the world has ever been more touching than a little child, deprived of parental care—he managed to make the chief probation officer responsible in the eyes of the public for all their ills, and this officer was dismissed after the farce of a civil service trial lasting for three months. It was hard to prove to the community that efficiency is also tenderness; that untrained service results in cruelty, and that the last things to depend upon are the vagaries of a self-seeking politician.

At the next election, a very different type of man was made president of the County Board.

Since Alexander A. McCormick as a young man had resided for several years at Hull-House, we had had opportunity to learn how fine his basic attitude was toward the humanitarian aspects of his office. One of his first undertakings was to reorganize the Civil Service Board and to appoint as a member of it an able woman, long identified with the Chicago settlements. Anna Nichols did much to dissociate civil service from the conception of a cold and correct public official versus the kind-hearted and open-handed politician. Perhaps the protagonists of the merit system had overemphasized its usefulness in keeping the rascals out and had thus allowed it to become stranded in the shallow water of negative virtue, failing to launch it upon the deep seas of popular affection. I recall a party Miss Nichols gave in the Civil Service rooms of the County Building and overflowing into the other departments, to all the employees of the public charitable institutions as well as to those who served as volunteers. It was attended by both distinguished physicians and the women who scrubbed the floors of the hospitals. One of the latter, after the speeches were over, said to me, “I have felt something like that ever since I have been scrubbing in the Public Dispensary Division. I take lots of the poor things home who can’t go on the cars by themselves, sometimes because they are too weak and sometimes because they haven’t the price of the fare.”

It was at this time that Dr. Cabot in Boston was working out his system of hospital social service, since extended throughout the country. Who can tell in how many work-hardened hands it had been lodged beforer

In this same year of 1909, President Roosevelt called together in Washington people from all parts of the country to consider the best type of care to be given to dependent children. It brought the entire subject before the country as a whole and gave to social work a dignity and a place in the national life which it had never had before. We did not realize this at the moment, however, for during the conference itself we were all absorbed in the hope that the gathering might solidify the movement for home-placing versus institutional care for dependent children which at that moment was being discussed throughout the country. President Roosevelt was much amused by a small incident. As the evening speakers were waiting to file upon the platform, the young man in charge, a little overcome by his responsibilities, said, “Are we all here? Yes, here is my Catholic speaker, my Jewish speaker, the Protestant, the colored man, and the woman. Let’s all go on.” I remarked to Booker T. Washington, “You see, I am last; that is because I have no vote.” He replied: “I am glad to know the reason. I have always before been the end of such a procession myself.”