A scriptural view of the character, causes, and ends of the present war

Front matter

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SCRIPTURAL VIEW

OF THE

Preface

.IN a free country, it is the privilege of the subject to examine, and to judge the measures of the government. Where every man is upon the footing of equal rights with another, the rulers are the servants of the public; their personal qualities, and their official conduct, are of course proper objects of animadversion. If magistrates are found deficient in talents or integrity, they are unfit for their station and if their official deportment should prove injurious to the commonwealth, the end of their elevation is not answered, and they should, of course, be dismissed from their employment by the people over whom they unworthily rule. In this country, the right of examining the merit of men in office, and of candidates for power, is fully enjoyed. The press is free ; and any one, who chooses to be at the trouble or expense, may publish his opinions, as well as freely express them in the circle of his private friends. As this liberty is universal, no man has a right to complain of its enjoyment or exercise by another. For the manner, indeed, in which a per_ son sees proper either to speak or to write, he is amenable, according to the laws of courtesy and of equity, to the proper tribunals in civilized life. The

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same liberty which guarantees a fair hearing to the opponents of the measures of administration, secures a similar right to those who undertake their vindication. Let the parties contend in the strife of reason ; and truth, upon an equal footing with error, must prevail.

I have exercised, in the discourses now laid before the public, this privilege of a freeman. / have believed, therefore have I spoken. If the tendency of my publication, is to support the present administration of the government, the work ought not to be condemned merely on that account. I am ready to acknowledge that a great part of my most intimate literary friends, are in opposition ; but this consideration does not, in the least degree, affect my convictions of truth and righteousness. Against the present war, much of that opposition has been directed. I have perceived, grafted upon the strife for place and power, errors which required correction : and, it is for this purpose, more than for the sake of serving the rulers of the land, that I have taken up the subject. Had I thought much less of the men, who hold the sceptre, than 1 do, I would have thought and spoken of the cause of my country, precisely as f have done.

These sermons were addressed to christians, from the pulpit ; and for their use, they are principally intended, when issued from the press. Several respectable ministers of religion, took an early stand against the measures of government ; and denounced.

tREFACE. Til as cruel, and unprovoked, and unjust, the present appeal to arms. These opinions remained long before the public without contradiction ; and it appeared, from the activity of their authors, and the silence of others, as if they were incapable of refutation. It was becoming a general opinion, that the clergy and the church weie, on the great question between the United States and England, upon the side of the enemy. Many pious people were discouraged ; their personal exertions, and their prayers, were affected by this fact : and even, when our own city was under the apprehension of immediate invasion, so great was the force of prejudice, that many men of intelligent piety doubted, whether they could join together in prayer, for courage to our warriors, and success to our armaments, in order to procure a speedy, an honourable, and a permanent peace. I beheld with alarm, the extent of the evil of party spirit. I viewed it as a judgment from the Lord ; and I became fearful that the clouds of his indignation must thicken around us — that, the hand of the enemy, and a long continuance of calamity would become necessary in divine Providence to effect the unanimity, without which, 1 am still apprehensive, we shall not succeed in putting an end to the contest. I am persuaded, that it requires no more than a display of unammii \ in resisting aggression, to procure at any time an honourable peace. While the enemy expects to divide, why should he seek to conciliate ?

The principles which I have laid down, and enforced in these sermons, arc not, however, of mere

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temporary interest. Whether in peace, or at war, they are of importance to a christian community. They are the permanent principles of social order and public equity. If the work contained a single sentiment of irreligious or immoral tendency, I would cheerfully consign it to the flames. I love mankind, I love the country of my choice, I love the saints; and I desire to promote the best interests of true religion and of civil liberty, because I love my God.

DISCOURSES, ftc.

SERMON I.

Amaziah said unto Amos, O thou seer, go, flee thee away into the land of Judah, and there eat bread and prophesy there : but prophesy not any more at Bethel ; for it is the king's chapel, and it is the Icing's court. Then answered Amos, ami said to Amaziah, I was no prophet, neither was I a prophet's son; but 1 was an hcrdman, and a gatherer of sycamore-fruit : and the Lord took me as I followed the flock ; and the Lord said unto me, Go, prophesy unto my people Israel. Now, therefore, hear thou the word of the Lord. Amos vii. 12 — 16.

A HE subject, which I propose for discussion in a series of discourses to be delivered on this hour of the Lord's day, lias always been considered as lying out of the common routine of pulpit exhibition; and has moreover, by some, been viewed as altogether without the field in which ministers are appointed to labour. I, of course, at the commencement of my remarks on the present state of our public affairs, anticipate from a judicious audience the question once addressed to our Saviour, although I am confident it will be proposed in quite a different spirit from that which influenced the Jewish rulers, by what authority doest thou these things ? and rvho gave thee this authority ?*

It is a wide space, Christians, that separates the line of conduct, which would subject the public ministry of the church to the opinions of men, from that, which treats with contempt the sentiments of a respectable part of the community. Virtus est medium vitiorum.i Though I will not be deterred by popular opinion, from prosecuting this subject, I feel it my duty to treat with tenderness, and even respect, the prejudices of valuable men. Th.erefore do I preface a discussion which may in a certain sense be termed political, with an exhibition of the authority under which, in trfis instance, I act. Far be it from me to assert the right of enslaving the minds of my hearers into passive obedience to sacerdotal claims; nor shall 1 insult an audience, which ought to be endowed with christian discernment, by an effort at brow-beating the most, humble of my fellow-men. My apology is found in the words of Amos the prophet.

Some explanation is necessary to comprehend the object of my text. The writer was a native of Tekoa, a small town adjacent to the wilderness of Judah. Here he passed his early years, in attending bis flocks, and in gathering, in its season, the Egyp-

* Mark xi. 28. + Cicero-

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ifcian fig, commonly called sycamore-fruit. In this pastoral life, Amos, pious and intelligent, enjoyed that happy simplicity which is unembarrassed by the fastidious distinctions of more polished society. He did not belong to the regularly authorized instructed of the church, nor was he educated in their theological schools, neither a prophet nor a prophet's son 3 but, before he entered upon his public work, lie had more than an equivalent for systematic study, and ordinary induction into oifice : he was divinely called and qualified by inspiration, for an extraordinary mission to the apostatizing tribes of Israel. He was called to the prophetic office when the kingdom of the ten tribes waa in its utmost splendour and power, under the second Jeroboam, upwards of one hundred and fifty years after its erection under the first king of the same name.

The throne of Israel had been removed to Samaria; but still the king maintained a court and a palace, as well as a royal chapel at Bethel, a city bordering upon the kingdom of Judah, and in which the first Jeroboam had established the worship of the golden calf for the purpose of preventing the Israelites from returning to the altar at Jerusalem. That very successful insurgent, a despiser himself of the worship of the true God, was an observer of human nature and of human prejudices, and well understood the importance of some form of religion, (whether true or false was to him immaterial,) as an engine of state policy : and he made no scruples to employ it as such. His successors upon the throne, appreciated his policy and imitated his example. Bethel, revered by all the tribes as the scene of the remarkable vision of their father Jacob, was still continued as a principal place of devotion, and decorated with a royal court, an opulent hierarchy, and a splendid superstition.

When Amos the prophet visited, by divine direction, this city, Amaziah was at the head of the religion established by law, and in great favour with the court and the king. Resenting the freedom with which the minister of the Lord touched upon the affairs of state, Amaziah accused Amos of treason against Jeroboam, and ordered him out of the kingdom. The whole case is represented in this chapter from the 8th verse.

Amos had denounced both the religion and government of Israel, and predicted their downfal, verse 9. The sanctuaries of Israel shall be lead waste, and I will rise eigainst the house of Jeroboeim with the sword.

The chief priest of the prevalent idolatry was alarmed at this uncourtly interference with the claims of majesty, and became himself the informer, verse 10. Then Amaziah, the priest of Bethel, sent to Jeroboam the king of Israel, saying, Amos hath conspired against thee in the midst of the house of Israel: the land is not able to bear all his words.

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Whether authorized by the king or not, Amaziah proceeds to forbid the prophet to preach any more such doctrine at Bethel : for it is the king's court : verse 12. Amos disregarded the injunction, and boldly addressing himself to Amaziah, said, verse 10, Nojv, therefore, hear thou the word of the Lord.

Here, then, we have the example of an inspired man for introducing, in public, topics of discussion which have a political bearing, together with the remonstrance of Amaziah against the practice. We venture to follow the prophet of the Lord. Nor is this a solitary example of the kind. Moses, Samuel, Elijah, Elisha, Jeremiah, Daniel, Paul, and John: yea, all the prophets of Clod, hesitated not to apply their doctrine to political persons and events, whensoever a proper occasion presented itself.

in my humble opinion, the present condition of our city and our land is such an occasion. It forces upon our attention a practical question, which we cannot entirely evade. However this war may have originated, it is a fact that it exists, and that we feel its pressure. This city is threatened, and many partof our country are already invaded by a powerful foe. Our husbandmen are called off from the cultivation of their fields, and our fellow-citizens from their several occupations, in order to be trained to arms, and at the risk of their lives to defend their homes. Our sons, our brothers, and our fathers, our brethren in Christ, who have sat down with us at the table, in order to partake with us in the solemnities of our holy religion, sleep on the tented field, watch at their posts by night, or march to the cannon's mouth, acting their part in the present contest. And does not this state of things present to christians a practical question ? Is it possible that it should not affect the conscience of every disciple of our Lord Jesus Christ?

Shall we, who are yet permitted to meet together in the temple, accompany our brethren who march to the battle with prayers for their success, and welcome the survivors upon their return home, both to our affections and to the place which they occupied among the saints ; or shall we now withhold from them, while they brave the danger, both our sympathy and our prayers for success ; and afterwards refuse to acknowledge them as regular members of the church of God, or expel them from her communion as men who have unworthily hired themselves to shed innocent blood in an unjust war ? If this war be absolutely unrighteous, then is it not only criminal to support it; but also those who do support it, are guilty of blood, and censurable as such before the church.

I might justify myself, of course, for considering this subject, under existing circumstances, upon the ground of ecclesiastical order; but, I choose rather to rest my right of introducing it into the pulpit upon a broader basis. With this view, 1 submit thr following proposition.

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Ministers have the right of discussing from the pulpit those political questions which affect christian morals.

I prove this right — and remove objections.

I. Prove that we have such right.

The object to be accomplished by our ministry — The scriptural history — The system of sacred prediction— And the precepts which we are commissioned to expound, are the sources of argumentation to which I refer you in proof of this claim of right.

1. The object of our ministry is, nowhere, more summarily expressed than in the words of our Saviour in granting, immediately before his ascension into heaven, the apostolical commission, Matth*. 28. 19. Go ye, therefore, and teach all nations. The word, in the original, which we render teach,* signifies more than the diffusion of knowledge. It conveys the idea of forming disciples; and of course includes all that instruction in righteousness, which belongs to christians.

It is impossible without perversion of language to exclude from such instruction every thing which has a political bearing. Ministers are authorized to go throughout the world, and thus instruct all nations

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upon the face of the earth ; and the object of their ministry cannot be said to be completely accomplished until nations, as such, shall have submitted to the rule of righteousness. Individuals, indeed, may be converted, and edified, and glorified; churches may be organized, and enlarged, and comforted ; and even bodies politic may experience some advantage from the christian religion : in all these instances the honour of the Deity is promoted on earth ; but the object of the ministry of the word of God is not fully answered unless the earth be filled with the knowledge of the glory of the Lord, and all nations made to feel the influence of Christianity. If religion is of any use in this world, or in the world to come, it is useful for man, in every relation of life : and certainly, no christian, who seriously considers the value of religion, to know, and love, and serve God, by obeying in every situation his commandments, can continue to doubt the propriety of acting religiously in the important concerns of civil life. From the obligations of the word of God, no man U exempt. Directions are addressed to the military as well as to the clergy.* It is unreasonable then, to deprive the ministers of religion of the right of speaking upon any subject whatever, that has respect to sin and duty, or that affects the moral conduct of men and of nations. How shall we ever realize the hope inspired by these assertions, righteousness exalteth a nation — The kingdoms of this world art become the kingdoms of our Lord, if christian di-

* Luke in. 1 4.

vines have no right to apply the principles of revealed religion to the concerns of political life ?

2. The scriptural history cannot be explained or applied without touching on political topics. The sacred writers treated of the political concerns of their own, and of preceding ages, and have set us the example. Deny us the right of expressing political sentiments, and of remarking upon national conduct and event?, and a great part of the sacred volume will necessarily remain unexplained before our eyes, and comparatively useless. Every man, who believes in the providence of God, will admit that, all true history is worthy of attention as a developement of the divine government over human affairs ; as an exposition of the principles of human action ; and as a record of facts and events useful for the direction of our conduct in every situation of life: and shall we not be permitted to avail ourselves of such aid in the instruction of the several ranks of our bearers ? We are assured, by the inspired writers, that national concerns are made subordinate to the interests of true religion : and, it is obvious to all, that there is an intimate connexion between political events, and the interests of the christian church. Where, then, is the propriety of sealing up our lips, that we may not speak of the divine providence, or point out the agency of our Saviour in overruling, for the good of Zion, the changes which take place among the nations of the earth ?

J 8 THE RIGHT OF DISCUSSING

3. The prophecies of scripture can never be explained without political discussion.

The prospective history contained in the bible, as well as the narration of past events, interweaves the story of the rise and fall of empire, with that of the church of God ; and the whole is employed for the purpose of instructing the saints, and of supporting their hopes and benevolent exertions. The education of believers, of which the bible is unquestionably the perfect standard, cannot correspond with their diversified conditions, temptations, and duties, if all their civil relations be excluded from consideration, and their pastors utterly prohibited from expounding those portions of scripture which exhibit mankind in their collective capacity and character. Individual man is certainly a very interesting object of attention and study. The christian, from the first moments of his spiritual life ; throughout the whole progress of this his new and better nature to the perfection of the man of God ; in the trying hour of his separation from the world ; and in his future state of endless enjoyment ; furnishes the public teachers and private members of the church, with abundant matter of useful discourse and reflection : but, the social concerns of the rational creature, as they occupy a great portion of our time; give exercise to all our powers ; and affect all our duties and enjoyments ; must not be forgotten in the application of the word of truth, to the moral part of the tenants of this world, who are preparing for the high society which we hope to enter when our pilgrimage is finished. No man can be permitted to explain the prophecies which are already accomplished, unless he be allowed to apply the fact to the prediction: and for the same reason, those, which are now fulfilling, or hereafter to be fulfilled, cannot be pointed out to the friends of religion, unless we have a right to bring into view in our public ministrations great political events and characters. Let the experiment be made upon the books, written by Daniel and John, and the truth of my assertion will be universally confessed.

4. A more copious and conclusive argument in support of our light, to preach what may, in a certain sense, be denominated politics, k> derived from the precepts of inspiration which \\<- are required to proclaim to the world. The pticsVs lijts should ktm lcmowltdgt, and they shou/d seek tin Ian at his mouthy for he is the wussenger of the Lord of hosts*

It will not, 1 hope, be denied, thai christian milliters have a right to make the commandments of their God a subject of discussion. The Ian is holt/, and the commandment holy, and just, and good.j There if, I admit, some danger of abusing tlii- and every other right which we possess ; and for such abuse we deserve correction. In proportion, too, to the danger of misrepresenting the word of truth, should be om

1 Mai. ii. 7. ) Rom. vii. 12.

caution in the selection and discussion of subject before the public. This caution is peculiarly necessary for Ihose ministers who venture upon political remarks. Our own partialities are apt to betray Hi into error. The acuteness of an independent people, alive to their political interests, is waiting to detect our aberrations. A feverish sensibility, inseparable from the deep intrigues of selfish policy, renders a few incapable of hearing without misapprehension, and of speaking without misrepresentation. Semi have swerved from a good conscience, and have turned aside unto vain jangling ; desiring to he teachers of the larv ; understanding neither what they say nor whereof they affirm. But we know that the law is good if a man use it lawfully,* And it is impossible to make any use of some parts of the divine law, without entering upon discussions that may be termed political. If I can show to you, my christian brethren, from this volume, by which alone you are bound to try my ministry among you, that the law of God giv< directions about the several great concerns of civil polity, you will not again call in question my right, to declare, from this place, the duty required of us in relation to civil life. Bear with me, for a little, and I shall quote for your inspection passages, which prescribe The mode of constituting civil rulers — The character of such as administer the government — The duty of the constituted authorities — The conduct proper upon the part of subjects — passages which

Reprove them who confer power improperly — and Threaten magistrates who art vnmindful of their high obligations.

All these are political doctrines, which the Governor of the universe commands us to teach to the nations of the earth.

1. The mode of constituting rulers, is by electing, to the several departments of state, suitable characters from among the people over whom they are to exercise authority. Exod. xviii. 21. Thou shall provide out of all the people ahlc men, such as fear God, men of truth, halimc covetousness, and place such over them to be rulers. The chief concern of a nation in forming its arrangements, ought to be the wist and equitable distribution of power into proper hands. The divine rule for doing this, now quoted, has never been surpassed. It i^ adapted to every nation ; and its excellence obvious to every man of Understandings. The prerequisites, in a candidate for power, are plainly staled. They are four, capaeity, piety integrity, and disinterestedness. They appear, too, in the order of their relative importance; First, capacity — able men. The ignorant, the feeble, the foolish, and the insane, are discarded, as obviously unfit to bear office among rational beings. Second, piety — mch as fear God. The sceptic, the vicious, and the profane, are rejected from authority over the accountable subjects of the divine moral government. Third, integrity — men of truth. The ambitious, the dissembler, and the hypocrite, being unprincipled, are dangerous and unworthy of trust. Fourth, disinterestedness— -//////' //£ covetousness. The selfish, and the mercenary man would sacrifice the public good at the shrine of an individual servant.

The general maxim of polity, from which all these directions flow, is, that no provisions of a constitution of government, however wisely adopted, can preserve the liberties and promote the good of society, unless they be administered by suitable officers. Measures, the object ; and, for their sakes, proper men. In this view, I consider as correct, the declaration of a great parliamentary orator, " How vain then, how idle, how presumptuous is the opinion, that laws can do everything? and how weak and pernicious the maxim founded upon it, that measures, not men, are to be attended to !"*

2. The character, to be supported by those who are in power in any commonwealth, is expressly prescribed, 2 Sam. xxiii. 3. The God of Israel said — He that ruleth over men must be just, ruling in the fear of God.

If government be instituted for the good of the community, and not for the pleasure of an individual, as the divine law declares and common sense admits, provision ought to be made for the

* Fox's Hist. Phil. 1303, page 14.

speedy removal of a public servant who is unworthy of the trust reposed in him. The law must of course be applied to his character during the whole period of his continuance in office. If he cannot bear the test, a more worthy personage ought to be selected in order to occupy in his room. In vaia would the divine law appoint a criterion, unless it were proper to dispossess the occupant who could not endure its application. The constitution of government, which requires base men, or those otherwise disqualified for the duties of a high station, to continue in power for life, is on thai vvry account inconsistent with the bible. The criterion 9pecifi< d in the passage before yon, u both obvious and of ea-\ application. It is twofold— justness to mm, and revert net for their Creator, ll( thai rultlhour nun — moral agents united by social ties, dining the time he continues in power, must, of necessity, exhibit these qualifications, [fhebe unjust to men, these men ought, for their own sakes, to disposal ss him and if he have no resp< < i for the Creator, men, accountable to him who is worthy of< bu •< m and fear, ought, in testimony oftbeir allegiance t«» the almighty Governor of nation-, t<> remove from influence and honour the despiser of his name and law.

3. It is required of the constituted authorities of a nation, that they officially recognize the christian religion, and cherish the interests of the church of Jesus Christ Psalm ii. J().' 1:2. Be wise, now, therefore, O ye kings ; be instructed, ye judges of the earth. Serve the Lord with fear — Kiss the Son lest he he angry.

As it is the will of God, declared in the constitution of human nature and in the circumstances of human life, as well as in the scriptures, that men should associate under suitable regulations, he prescribes for those, who frame and execute laws in a commonwealth so formed, their duty in relation to himself their sovereign Lord, almighty Protector, and omniscient Judge. It is their wisdom to comply — to hear, understand, and obey his divine injunctions, revealed in the christian religion.

4. The course of conduct, becoming the subjects of such equitable and righteous rulers, is also pointed out, and the reason upon which it is founded, is connected with the precept. Rom. xiii. 1, 5, 6. Let every soul be subject unto the higher powers ; for th&rc is no power but of God : the powers that be are ordained of God. Wherefore ye must needs be subject, not only for wrath bid for conscience' sake. For this cause, pay ye tribute also : for they are God's ministers attending continually on this very thing.

The duly specified is conscientious submission . that submission to be expressed by obedience to the law, and the punctual payment of such sums, as are required for the maintenance of public credit, and the support of the government. The reasons annexed are sufficiently forcible. The rulers of the na-

PUBLIC AFFAIR 5. 25 tion, are its public servants, and of course to be supported by those who appoint them : being appointed* they are the servants of God for the maintenance of moral order; and reverence for him will produce respect for them. " They are ordained of God. They are God's ministers, attending continually on this very thing."

The controversy, about the divine right of both the mitre and the crown, is passing rapidly into oblivion. The theory of civil polity, is from the scriptures, very easily understood. The formation of constitulion-, and the election of officers, are the work of the community; and thus, government is Ihe ordinance of mem. Jehovah, the God of order and equity, approves of the civil association formed upon moral principles, and sanctions with his own high authority the proper exercise of legitimate power. Thus, government is the ordinance of God. 1 Pet ii. 13 — 15. Submit yourselves to every ordinance of man, whether it he to tht king or unto governors, for so is the nil/ of God. Rom. xiii. 2. Whosoever, therefore, resistclh the pom r nsisUlh the ordinance of God.

5. The Sovereign of the universe threatens with his divine displeasure, those who contrive and maintain governments, otherwise than upon true moral principles. Hos. viii. 3, 4, 13. Israel hath cast off' the thing that is good: the enemy shaft pursue him. They have set up kings, but not by me ; the: have made princes, and T knew it not. Now niil he remember their iniquities, and visit their sins.