A review of the correspondence between the Hon. John Adams, late president of the United States, and the late Wm. Cunningham, esq., beginning in 1803, and ending in 1812

Front matter

V

REVIEW

OF THE

Appendix

1. Extracts from Callender's pamphlet entitled "The Prospect Before Us ;" referred to in page 13. - - 183

2. Letter from Mr. Jefferson to Lieut. Governor Barry, of Kentucky, on the Judiciary ; reierred to in page 16. 184

3. Note B, referred to in page 24. Concerning Mr. Jefferson's literary works. - - - - - - 186

CONTENTS.

PAGI

4. Note C, referred io in page 25. Correspondence of T. Pickering with Mr. Adams, on the Declaration of Independence. -------- 186

5. Note D, referred to in page 25. Mr. Jefferson's Draught of the Declaration of Independence— And the Declaration as amended and adopted in Congress. - - 188

6. Note E, Kemarks on the .' Treaty and Conventions, relating to the cession of Louisiana to the United States. 196

$£■* The recurrence of Mr. Adams to the same topics, in various part of his Correspondence, and the arrangements of the principal subects, in this Ueview, have occasioned some repetitions of the sane facts and remarks.

ERRATA.

PAGE

5. Line 10, for slandered read reproached. 21. Strike out the marks of parenthesis, in the 11th and 13th

tines from the bottom. 29. Line 19, from the top, insert of before Louisiana. 39. Line 13, from 'he bottom, insert if before insincere. 166. Line 3, from the top, strike out the before rank.

Introduction

lA. Pamphlet of more than two hundred pages has appeared, under the title of '; Correspondence between " the Hon. John Adams, late President of the United " States, and the late William Cunningham, Esq. be- " ginning in 1803, and ending in 1812."

A family connexion appears to have had some influence to induce Mr. Adams to unbosom himself to Mr. Cunningham. In one of his letters he tells us, that Cunningham's grandmother was the beloved sister of his mother. Two objects were obtained by Mr. Adams's disclosures : He gratified the keen appetite of his friend for secret history, and eased his own mind, by giving vent to his spleen against some public men whom he hated.

Mr. Adams, roused at length by his subject, and stimulated by the constant flatteries of his friend, resolves to write his own history ; because, says he, " no human " being but myself can do me justice ; and I shall not i; be believed. All I can say will be imputed to vanity •• and self love." In the progress of this Review, the leader will find these prophetic anticipations verified. He will see, from the numerous aberrations of Mr. Adams, that his statements are not entitled to belief; while every page is characterized by his vanity and self-love.

In performing the task which Mr. Adams has imposed on me, I shall be obliged to take a pretty extensive view of his character ; and present some features in the characters of others whom he has introduced into his letters. In these he has been pleased to give me a conspicuons place ; making me a standing theme of reproach. J>at although so many of his shafts have been levelled at me, from his full quiver he has shot many at othe "S ; especially at one who, by way of eminence, may l>e justly styled The Federalist. Federalists generally, perhaps almost universally, were once the friends of Mr. Adams ; and they continued such, so long and so far as his public conduct permitted them to support him, consistently witli their views of what the puolic welfare required. The mere abatement of their zeal wounded his pride, excited his resentment, and exposed them to his reproach.

For myself, I determined on a formal vindication; av are, at the same time, of the labour it would cost me, in looking for and examining numerous documents, written and printed, of many years' standing. Accusations, which a page would comprise, might require a volume to refute. But Mr. Adams's calumnies are spread over many pages, and will bring into view a variety of topics for reflection.

The letters of Mr. Adams present a tissue of misrepresentations, perverse constructions, and unfounded assertions. The latter, in any other case, I might designate by a harsher term. While under the influence of his passions strongly agitated (and a little excitement, like a small match to a mass of gunpowder, is sufficient to produce an explosion) he may not be perfectly qualified to distinguish between truth and falsehood. Suspicions, the offspring of a proud and jealous mind, are substituted for facts ; and on these chimeras he rests confident assertions. But heedless precipitation is itself criminal ; and its consequences may be as injurious to the party accused, as deliberate falsehood.

By many persons, forgetting the latter years of his life, and thinking only of his revolutionary services, Mr. Adams is hailed as " great and good ;" and is now familiarly designated by the flattering title of " the venerable sage of Quincy." I am as ready as any man to acknowledge — I have, not long since, before a very numerous assembly, acknowledged — Mr. Adams's merit in contributing largely to the vindication of the rights of the Colonies, and in effecting the independence of the United States : it was an act of justice, which I feel no disposition to retract. But " great men are not always wise ;" and some, after many good deeds, commit inexcusable faults ; and, whether these injuriously affect one's country, or individual citizens, they ought to be exposed; for the public welfare, in one case; and, in the other, to rescue individuals from the effects of undeserved reproach.

In analyzing the " Correspondence," and some other letters of Mr. Adams written at the same period, it will be seen with what facility, and how little truth, lie could represent facts and occurrences concerning persons who were the objects of his hatred. This may serve to put on their guard readers of all his productions, whether already written, or which may hereafter appear, during his life, or after his death. Of the latter, I doubt not he has made ample preparation. The present examination will demonstrate, that when the interest of himself or of any member of his family is involved, or his vanity and ambition have room to operate, or meet with checks and obstacles, little reliance can be placed on his statements. If ingenuity or charity can find an apolog}^ for him — and that will be a bad one — it will be, that his selfish and ungoverned passions blind him.

Mr. Adams's virulent reproaches of federalists, of Hamilton and of me in particular, seem to have been written when he was tortured with the keen feelings of disappointed ambition (feelings which, after the lapse of eight years, since he failed of a re-election to the presidency, recurred in full force) — an ambition which could bear no opposition, or even lukewarmness, in regard to the means of gratifying it. He has himself described this passion in language that would not have occurred to any man who had not felt it in its utmost violence. " The desire of the esteem of others," says he, ';is as real a w%nt of nature, as hunger — and the

Adams family ? Are their names to be blotted from history, or remembered only to be associated with infamy ? The " Correspondence" demands a full examination. As far as present circumstances require, I will examine it ; and make an essay to do justice to the parties whose names Mr. Adams has introduced, and made the subjects of his reproaches or of his praise. Of the latter, the number is small indeed ; principally himself—his son J. Q. Adams — his son-in-law Col. William S. Smith deceased, and Elbridge Gerry, also deceased.

A just defence of myself and others, the subjects of Mr. Adams's bitter calumnies, compels me to expose his numerous aberrations, and to state some necessary truths. Truth is the soul of history. To ascertain some facts, my testimony may be useful. The value of that testimony will depend on the estimate formed of my character by my contemporaries. On that footing I am willing it should rest.

By introducing a few sentences in Latin, I do not desire to impose on the reader an idea of literature, to which I make no pretensions ; but when a passage suited to my subject occasionally falls in my way, I take the liberty to use it. All I claim to possess is, some portion of common sense, and some force in argument ; and knowledge enough of my mother tongue, to exhibit facts, reasonings and reflections, in a plain and perspicuous style, so that my meaning can be easily understood. To scurrilities I have been subjected through a large portion of my life : these I have despised. But when assailed in any point of morals, I have offered a vindication, or have caused the libellers to be prosecuted. This was a duty which I owed not to myself only, but to the great number of respectable men who have honoured me with their friendship. Some of these have been pleased to say, that I owed it to my country, in whose service so large a portion of my life has been employed. The first suit was against one Dr. Reynolds, of Philadelphia. The case was clear, to the satisfaction of the Supreme Court; and so the causewas committed to the jury. Eleven of these were agreed; but one, a democrat, persevered in withholding his assent ; and the jury was dismissed. On the second trial, there were two democrats on the jury — and a verdict not obtained. Reynolds's counsel then observed to mine, that his client was " a poor devil," without property ; and that if I should persevere, and finally obtain a verdict for damages, it would not operate as a punishment on the libeller ; but if I would drop the suit, he would make him muster money enough to pay the costs. The suit was dropped. One Baptiste Irvine, editor of a paper in Baltimore, published a libel against me. I brought an action against him : he published a recantation, and I forgave him. Libelled once in a newspaper in ray native town, the printer was indicted, convicted, fined and imprisoned. I was then absent, attending a session in Congress. Libelled once more in my native county, the libeller was prosecuted. He made his confession, which was entered on the records of the court ; and I forgave him. The last prosecution was of a printer in New-Hampshire. He also humbled himself — published his recantation — and was forgiven.

Doubtless there were many other libellous publications, which never came to my knowledge.

Once I was hung in effigy in the Northern Liberties of Philadelphia, on a gallows fifty feet high ; and a printed notice of the time was sent to me, then in Congress at Washington. This was during the existence of President Jefferson's glorious, indefinite embargo ; of which I had taken the libert}*- to say, that I did not like it. On receiving the notice, the first thought that occurred to me was, that the effigy of one of the greatest and best men the United States ever knew, John Jay, had been exhibited, a public spectacle, in the same manner, and I believe in the same place ; and, so associated, I felt myself honoured by the elevation.

I close these introductory observations with one remark on the principal subject of this Review —

JOHN ADAMS.

No man, perhaps, has ever suffered more from disappointed ambition and mortified vanity, than Mr. Adams ; for in no man, I believe, were those passions ever more highly sublimated. At the first organization of the general government, he complained (so it has been, and I doubt not truly, stated) because the votes of the electors were not unanimous for him as well as for Washington.* At that time, (some readers may need to be informed) before the Constitution was altered, in the first term of Mr. Jefferson's presidency (specially, perhaps, for his accommodation, prior to another election) the candidates for the offices of President and Vice-President were not respectively designated in the electoral votes ; but he who had the greatest number, if a majority of the whole, was to be the President ; and he who had the next greatest number was to be the Vice-President. And in case more than one had such majority, and an equal number of votes, then the House of Representatives, voting by states (that is, the representation from each state having one vote) were immediately to choose, by ballot, one of them for President. Under this provision of the Constitution, Mr. Adams might hope, if the votes for him and Washington had been equal (and from his complaint that they were not, it is pretty evident that he expected it) to have obtained the preference, by the choice of the house ; leaving to Washington the honour of being his " lieutenant." At any rate, he would have contemplated the fact with great complacency, that the people, acting by their electors, held him in equal honour with Washington. From his education as a lawyer, and his learned investigations of what concerned civil rule, he probably thought himself entitled to a preference. But Mr. Adams has admitted and repeated a truth, too well known, that " knowledge is by no means necessarily connected With WISDOM Or VIRTUE."f

* Washington had all the votes — 69 : Adams, 34. t Defence of the American Constitutions of Government, vol. i, Letter 29.

REVIEW

Section I. Thomas Jefferson

*Fhe first letter in the " Correspondence" is from Mr. Adams, dated Nov. 28, 1803, near three years after his rival, Mr. Jefferson, had intercepted him in his second march towards the President's chair. In this letter, Mr. Adams acknowledges the receipt of an oration of Cunningham's, and of a " brochure,"* in which this friend ascribes to Mr. Jefferson the authorship of a pamphlet entitled "Thoughts on Government, in a letter from a gentleman to his friend." Mr. Adams says he was himself the author, and that it had been published with his name ; but, from the quotation of his correspondent, " suspects that some rascal had reprinted it, and imput- " ed it to the name of Mr. Jefferson."

In his next letter, dated January 16, 1804, Mr. Adams returns to Cunningham a newspaper, in which, with a poignant sneer, he says, " My poor 'Thoughts on Gov- " ernment' are wickedly and libellously imputed to ' the " greatest man in America !' " — " libellously," because (such appears to be the obvious implication) his own views of government were, probably, so different from Mr. Jefferson's theories. In the same letter, Mr. Adams, in replying to Cunningham's request to be furnished with information concerning Jefferson, communicates the sentiments I shall presently introduce.

Mr. Jefferson, in his letter of October 12th, 1823, ac-

* A pamphlet; 3

JOHN ADAMS.

No man, perhaps, has ever suffered more from disappointed ambition and mortified vanity, than Mr. Adams ; for in no man, I believe, were those passions ever more highly sublimated. At the first organization of the general government, he complained (so it has been, and I doubt not truly, stated) because the votes of the electors were not unanimous for him as well as for Washington.* At that time, (some readers may need to be informed) before the Constitution was altered, in the first term of Mr. Jefferson's presidency (specially, perhaps, for his accommodation, prior to another election) the candidates for the offices of President and Vice-President were not respectively designated in the electoral votes ; but he who had the greatest number, if a majority of the whole, was to be the President ; and he who had the next greatest number was to be the Vice-President. And in case more than one had such majority, and an equal number of votes, then the House of Representatives, voting by states (that is, the representation from each state having one vote) were immediately to choose, by ballot, one of them for President. Under this provision of the Constitution, Mr. Adams might hope, if the votes for him and Washington had been equal (and from his complaint that the} were not, it is pretty evident that he expected it) to have obtained the preference, by the choice of the house ; leaving to Washington the honour of being his " lieutenant." At any rate, he would have contemplated the fact with great complacency, that the people, acting by their electors, held him in equal honour with Washington. From his education as a lawyer, and his learned investigations of what concerned civil rule, he probably thought himself entitled to a preference. But Mr. Adams has admitted and repeated a truth, too well known, that " knowledge is by no means necessarily connected with wisdom or virtue.''1"

* Washington had all the votes — 69 : Adams, 34. t Defence of the American Constitutions of Government, vol. i, Letter 29.

REVIEW

SECTION I.

THOMAS JEFFERSON.

^Ihe first letter in the " Correspondence" is from Mr. Adams, dated Nov. 28, 1803, near three years after his rival, Mr. Jefferson, had intercepted him in his second march towards the President's chair. In this letter, Mr. Adams acknowledges the receipt of an oration of Cunningham's, and of a " brochure,"* in which this friend ascribes to Mr. Jefferson the authorship of a pamphlet entitled " Thoughts on Government, in a letter from a gentleman to his friend." Mr. Adams says he was himself the author, and that it had been published with his name ; but, from the quotation of his correspondent, k< suspects that some rascal had reprinted it, and imput- *• ed it to the name of Mr. Jefferson."

In his next letter, dated January 16, 1804, Mr. Adams returns to Cunningham a newspaper, in which, with a poignant sneer, he says, " My poor 'Thoughts on Gov- " ernment' are wickedly and libellously imputed to ' the " greatest man in America!' " — " libellously," because (such appears to be the obvious implication) his own views of government were, probably, so different from Mr. Jefferson's theories. In the same letter, Mr. Adams, in replying to Cunningham's request to be furnished with information concerning Jefferson, communicates the sentiments I shall presently introduce. Mr. Jefferson, in his letter of October 12th, 1823, ac-

* A pamphlet;

knowledges the receipt of one from Mr. Adams, dated September 18th, which was a few days after his Correspondence with Cunningham had been published in Boston. This letter, no doubt, was written to apologize to Mr. Jefferson for the pointed reproaches he had uttered against him, in his confidential letters to Cunningham. On the 12th of the next month, Mr. Jefferson writes a consolatory answer to Mr. Adams ; assuring him of his " unabated and constant attachment, friendship and respect." But Jefferson had not then seen the Correspondence. " I had for some time," says he, " observed, in the public papers, dark hints and " mysterious innuendoes of a correspondence of yours " with a friend to whom you had opened your bosom " without reserve, and which was to be made public by " that friend or his representative ; and now it is said " to be actually published. It has not yet reached us, " but extracts have been given, and such as seemed " most likely to draw a curtain of separation between " you and myself." Mr. Jefferson then exclaims with " indignation against the author of this outrage on pri- " vate correspondence." This indignation is doubtless the echo of Mr. Adams's expression of resentment against Cunningham's son, the publisher of the Correspondence. But Mr. Adams, in his apologetical letter, did not tell Mr. Jefferson, that, although the present publication was "an outrage on private correspondence," yet it was, in fact, only an anticipation of a year or two — perhaps of a few months only — of the publication of the same correspondence, with his (Adams's) permission : for the injunction of secrecy was limited to his own life. His words are, " I shall insist that whatever I write to you upon the subject shall be confidential as long as I fee."* It is true, the subject here directly referred to was his removing me from office ; but his details on that act, and his libels on my character, pervade the whole correspondence. Besides, why should Cunningham, the publisher, be more tender of Mr. Jefferson's character than of mine ? The latter was not less dear to me, my family and friends, than his to his family and adherents; and the humble talents I possessed were for as many years devoted to the service of my country : whether as faithfully, I am willing to submit to Mr. Jefferson's own decision.

On the 10th of January, 1804, Cunningham informs Mr. Adams, that " he had for some time been collecting " materials to present the public with a full view of the *4 character and conduct of Mr. Jefferson ;" and asks Mr. Adams to furnish him with " some particulars — interesting incidents in Mr. Jefferson's career ;" at the same time telling him, that he had been informed, " that such ** a work was preparing by Mr. Coleman of New- York, " under the eye of Hamilton ;" which might induce him to relinquish it. In his answer of the 16th of the same month, Mr. Adams says, " I would not advise you to re- " linquish the project you have in hand, because another " has the same. If the two persons you name are en- " gaged in such a work, you ma}^ depend upon it no " good will come of it." Why ? Mr. Adams subjoins the reason : " There will be so many little passions and " weak prejudices, so little candour and sincerity in it, ** that the dullest reader will see through it." That is, A Hamilton has always been Jefferson's opponent and

* enemy ; and whatever he says to Jefferson's disadvan- ' tage, will be ascribed to his resentments, and will not ' be believed ; whereas, whatever you shall state, as an

* arundoS*

Then, in compliance with Cunningham's request for information concerning Mr. Jefferson, Mr. Adams freely makes the following contribution : " He [Jefferson] " always professed great friendship for me, even when, " as it now appears, he was countenancing Freneau, " Bache, Duane and Callender." — " Anecdotes from my " memory would certainly be known. There are some " there known only to him and me ; but they would " not be believed, or at least they would be said not to 44 be believed, and would be imputed to envy, revenge.

* Tlic fatal shaft will fasten in his side.

" or vanity. I wish him no ill. I envy hinl not. / " shudder at the calamities which I fear his conduct is "preparing for his country ; from a mean thirst of

" POPULARITY, AN INORDINATE AMBITION, and « WANT OF

" sincerity." In this paragraph there is a clear implication, that some of the anecdotes which he could recite would present such ill favoured features of Jefferson, and such fair ones of himself, that they would be imputed, by Mr. Jefferson's friends, to envy, revenge, or vanity.

In the same letter of January 10th, Cunningham says, ** I wish to discover every arcanum that would be of " use to develop the true character of the Salt-Moun- " tain Philosopher. This mountain has increased the " wonders of the world to eight ; and if Mr. Jefferson " would sink a tomb in a part of it for himself, it might, " better than being a mummy, preserve his body and " memory through succeeding ages." This pointed ridicule of his old and nearly half-century friend, Mr. Adams doubtless enjoyed : certainly it received no rebuke.

If the " venerable and illustrious sages" of Monticello and Montezillo* are ever to be reconciled, and confer and receive mutual forgiveness, there is no time to be lost. The latter, being eighty-eight years old, and " now trembling on the verge of the grave ;" and the former, an " octogenarian," waiting impatiently " for " the friendly hand of death to rid him at once of all " his heavy hours."

Mr. Jefferson, in his letter to Mr. Adams, is pleased to suggest, that whatever alienation between them

* It has been the practice, in European states, for gentlemen to give particular names to their villas, or seats of residence in the country. This has been imitated in America: and in Virginia, and other states where there are not divisions of territory smaller than counties, it may have been found convenient. But in New-England, where counties are divided into small townships, and each distinguished by a legal and well known name, to give other names to small spots of a few acres, or to a farm, within a township, is preposterous, and worse than useless. Yet Mr. Adams has (to use a word of Mr. Jefferson's) belittled himself, by lately giving to the place of his residence iu Quincy (a post-town too) the name of Montezillo — Little Mount. Whether this was the effect of vanity, or a humble imitation of his friend elevated on the top of Monticello, I do not undertake to decide.

had ever taken place, was to be ascribed to tale-bearers ; " iilling our ears," says he, " with malignant false- • hoods ; by dressing up hideous phantoms of their " own creation, presenting them to you under my " name, to me under yours, and endeavouring to instil " into our minds things concerning each other, the most " destitute of truth." But who has not heard of the libels on President Adams (not omitting Washington) in the pamphlet called " The Prospect before Us," written by Callender, under the countenance, patronage and pay of Mr. Jefferson ? of which libels Callender was convicted by a jury at Richmond ; for which he was fined and imprisoned ; and for which he received (as he had a good right to expect) President Jefferson's pardon.* The patronage and pay were evidenced by two letters from Jefferson to Callender, which, after they had quarrelled, Callender put into the hands of Augustine Davis, Esq. of Richmond. From Davis they went into the hands of a very respectable citizen of Virginia, from whom I received them. Both were in Mr. Jefferson's own hand writing, to me perfectly well known. Even the hand writing of Davis, on the backs of the letters, noting his receipt of them from Callender, was known to me, in consequence of an official correspondence, of more than three years, when Davis was the post-master in Richmond, and I postmaster general.

Extract of a letter, dated Monticello, Sept. 6, '99, from Thomas Jefferson to Mr. Callender.

" Sir,

" By a want of arrangement in a neighboring post-office during the absence of the post-master, my letters and papers for two posts back were detained. I suppose it was owing to this that your letter tho' dated Aug. 10, did not get to my hand till the last day of the month, since which this is the first day I can through the post-office acknolege the receipt of it. mr. Jeffersont happens to be here and directs his agent to call on you with this &, pay you 50 dollars, on account of the book you are about to publish, when it shall be out be so good as to send me 2 or 3 copies, & the rest only when I shall ask for them."

See the Appendix for some of the libellous passages in Callender's book, t George Jefferson, nephew to Thomas Jefferson.

The next paragraph has no relation to " the book ;" and the letter concludes with these words :

" with every wish for your welfare, 1 am,

with great regard, Sir, your most obedt. servt.

« Mr. Callender" TH: JEFFERSON."

at the foot of the second page.

The other letter is dated Monticello, Oct. 6, '99. The first line acknowledges the receipt of a letter from Callender of September 29, and concludes with these words :

" I thank you for the proof sheets you inclosed me : such papers cannot fail to produce the best effect, they inform the thinking part of the nation ; and these again supported by the tax gatherers as their vouchers set the people to rights, you will know from whom this comes without a signature : the omission of which has been rendered almost habitual with me by the curiosity of the post-offices, indeed a period is now approaching during which I shall discont.nue writing letters as much as possible, knowing that every snare will be used to get hold of what may be perverted in the eyes of the public.

Adieu."

This is addressed to * Mr. James Thompson Callender,

Richmond."*

And on the back of each letter were these words, in the hand-writing of Mr. Davis :

There can be no room for an apology for Mr. Jefferson, in paying " fifty dollars on account of the book," on the ground that he might not know its contents ; for by the second letter it appears that Callender sent him the proof sheets, and that he approved of their contents ; "such papers," says he, "cannot fail to produce the best effect :" that is, Callender's book, " The Prospect before Us," by its slanders on Washington and Adams, and on the whole federal party, would poison the minds of many well intentioned people, inflame the passions