Revelations of an international spy

Front matter

I. T. T. LINCOLN.

Liberal Member of Parliament for Darlington, 1910.

*

Contents

CHAPTER PAGE

I Mr Secret Service Activities in the European

Capitals 1

Chapter I My Secret Service Activities In The European Capitals

THE nickeled barrel of a service revolver pointed at my breast, accompanied by the words, ' ' Don 't move, don yt make a move ! ' ' This is how United States Deputy-Marshal George R. Proctor of the United States Secret Service arrested me on the 4th of August, at about 8.30 p. m. I had worked all day on this book in the torrid, heated atmosphere of New York and I was consequently rather tired and intended retiring early. I was alone in the house, reading an evening paper, the family with whom I was staying having gone out for the evening. There was a quick emphatic ring at the front door and looking through the open windows I could discern in the dark five gentlemen.

"You want?" I queried.

"We have a message for Mr. Lincoln. Is he here — are you Mr. Lincoln V9

"I am Mr. Lincoln."

United States Deputy-Marshal Proctor thereupon pointed his revolver at me and admonished me not to move.

"Are you afraid of me V9 1 jokingly asked him.

"Not exactly," he said, "but we never take chances. ' 9

Forced to play the host to such a formidable party of secret service agents and Pinkerton detectives, I hastened to let them in. These five gentlemen were courteous but firm. It was their duty to arrest me under a warrant sworn out by the British Consul. When I had packed a few belongings to cover what I was sure would be a temporary period, I was conducted by the officials to the Baymond Street prison, Brooklyn. Next day I was brought before United States Judge Van Vechten Veeder. The proceedings there commenced for my extradition on a trumped up charge of forgery — as I already pointed out in the Preface — are still going on. But I am more than ever hopeful of regaining my freedom within a short time. This very day (1st of November) I was interrupted in the reading of these proofs by the Warden standing in front of the steel bars of my cell.

"Mr. Lincoln, there are two Scotland Yard detectives downstairs who would like to see you. Do you care to see theni?"

" Certainly/ ' I replied.

I followed the Warden, Mr. John Hayes, downstairs and there I was introduced to Chief Inspector Ward of Scotland Yard, the most famous detective in England and head of Scotland Yard, and to his assistant, Detective Sergeant Cooper, who were accompanied by United States Deputy Marshal George E. Proctor. These two famous Scotland Yard detectives came over specially from London to take me back with them. It is the first time that the British Government has ever sent the head of Scotland Yard out of the country to fetch anybody back. I suppose I should take this as an odd sort of a compliment. At any rate, it shows that the British Government does not consider me an unimportant person.

The four of us went into a private room, and there Chief Inspector Ward invited me to return with him to England next Saturday, the 6th of November. He and his assistant have been here four weeks waiting for my extradition, and now that they see this means hopeless waiting, they have decided to pack up and return to proud England minus myself. What a fiasco ! What a wanton squandering of public money! After about an hour's useless persuasion in the presence of his assistant and U. S. Deputy Marshal

4 Revelations of an International Sj)y

Proctor, lie asked these two gentlemen to retire and leave us alone. What passed between the head of Scotland Yard and myself within the four solid walls during an hour's man-to-man talk I care not to reveal except one promise and one hint he made.

"If you return to England we shall drop the charges against you."

"Ah!" I exclaimed, "so you admit that you want me for something else than the i forgery ' charges."

"I admit nothing and I know nothing beyond having orders to bring you back on those charges."

"You have the reputation of being a very clever man, Chief, and you are," I said, "and I do not expect nor ask you to admit anything, although you know why Sir Edward Grey is so anxious to get hold of me." The hint thrown out by him had reference to a substantial compensation in return for abstaining from publishing my revelations! We walked out of the room, he disappointed, dejected. I elated, satisfied.

I am not an old man whose quick blood has cooled, and yet it seems a long, long distance in time from the school days in Hungary to life in this steel box with heavy grating, which has been my enforced study and habitation for these many weeks. Ah, well! Meditation is good for the soul, and indeed I have had plenty of time for introspection and philosophy.

However, let it not be imagined that these chapters from the life of a diplomatic spy are another " Confessions,' ' though it is certain that I have eaten bread in several kingdoms and tasted life in infinite variety, like the redoubtable Jean Jacques Eousseau. This book must be accepted rather as a document of unwritten history from which the personal element could not be entirely eliminated. These revelations are not the canvas for painting a full-length portrait of the author. Yet are we not concerned with a flesh and blood reality, whose impulses and motives are likely to be misapprehended? There is then a reasonable curiosity about my family and my upbringing that should, perforce, be satisfied.

Two strains of mind and action have been always in conflict in my life. In one of them predominates the quiet fervor of the mystic and the imaginative sensitiveness of the artist. In the other, craving for excitement, passion for deduction and analysis, and love of applause overshadow all other leadings.

Paks, the bustling little town on the Danube, where I was born some thirty-six years ago, lies about seventy miles south of Budapest and so out of the main traveled roads of the tourist. My father, Nathan Trebitsch — may I be forgiven for

G Revelations of an International Spy

having failed in his sight as a future "Light of Israel' ' — was well known in Paks as the head of a famous firm of river-shipbuilders and shipowners and a member of high repute upon the Budapest exchange.

My elder brother, like so many of the younger generation of the Jewish faith, had little sympathy with the "Chasidim," the strictest sect of the Pharisees, and soon drifted into infidelity. Upon me, Isaac, the younger son, centered all my father's hopes!

It was elected that I should become a Rabbi and no money or exertion was spared in my preparation for the sacred offices.

At an age when most boys are exulting in the robust delights of outdoor sports, I was grinding away at my studies, eighteen out of the twenty-four hours. By going to bed at ten and rising at four, I accomplished the four years' course at the gymnasium, or advanced high school, in ten months. From the gymnasium I went to a college in Budapest and after three years there spent the next two with special studies in dramatic art and literature at the Royal Academy for Drama and Art. During the holiday^ I visited all the galleries of the Continent, and on one of these occasions found myself in London for the first time.

By one of those odd chances that determine the turning points in a man's life, I met in London a compatriot at whose invitation I attended St. Stephen's Church in Colman Street. The little English that I had acquired in my travels made it difficult to follow the service with ease, and my eyes were continually wandering from the prayer hook to a copy of Kubens' masterpiece, "The Descent from the Cross,' ' that hung in the church. I began to ask myself why this Man among men — this Jew — should be so hated by me. There was little in the glorious history and poetry of my race that I had not studied and exulted over — yet of this Jew's story I knew but scornful details. This was the beginning of my secession from the ancient teachings of my sect that grew stronger as I read New Testament history.

My welcome in Budapest was not a warm one — all doors were shut against the backslider, and so I rented a little room by myself and plunged into the excitement of journalism on one of the Opposition dailies. Wanderlust again attacked me and my good uncle, who thoroughly approved of my desire to see the wTorld, provided me with the funds to travel in South America and the United States.

Meanwhile, my father had forgiven what he deemed my lapse into irreligion, and welcomed me back to the old home. But my London experience had stirred me too deeply, and I went to Hamburg, where I entered the Mission House of the Eev. Frank. On Christmas day of 1899, I was received into the Christian Church under the name of Ignatius Timotheus, and after a course in theology at the Lutheran College at Breklum the summons came for me to go to Canada. There I became the assistant in the Presbyterian Mission to the Jews of Montreal, finishing the while my theological studies at the Presbyterian College there. In 1902, on the transference of this mission to the Anglican Church, I was retained as the agent and ordained into the Church of England by the Archbishop of Montreal.

In 1902 and 1903 I traveled all over the eastern provinces of Canada on preaching tours which were not unsuccessful, as the files of the Canadian Churchman, the Halifax (N. S.) Chronicle and the Montreal dailies will bear witness. Some of my greatest successes as a preacher took place in St. Paul's Church, Halifax, N. S. Sir Eichard Borden, the Prime Minister of Canada, who heard me, ventured to say that it was the best sermon he had ever heard. At another occasion, the Ottawa daily press hailed me "as undoubtedly the most eloquent preacher who had ever visited Ottawa." Work in the free colonial atmosphere was most congenial to me, but in 1903 my health broke down and I was compelled to take a long holiday, which I spent in Germany.

While there I applied to the Archbishop of Canterbury for parish work and was appointed curate of Appledore in Kent.

Life in a Kentish village did not make great demands upon my resources and I began to develop an interest in social and political conditions outside the Church. So much so, in fact, that at the end of fourteen months I sent in my resignation to the Archbishop. His Grace's kindly consideration of me at this time will always be a grateful recollection.

I gave up my curacy in Appledore, Kent, against the earnest entreaties of the Vicar, the Bev. C. B. Hall, whom I addressed thus : " In six years I shall be a member of the House of Commons. ' ' He laughed, but all the same I have kept my word; within five years and eight months of this prediction, I was a British M. P.

How did I do it? During my work with Mr. Eowntree, to be mentioned presently, I came into contact not only with politicians, but also with the undercurrents of British politics. So all the time I was working with and for Mr. Eowntree, I constantly kept in mind the achievement of my object, which was to become a British M. P.

In March, 1909, I thought the time had arrived to go boldly for it. It did not require great ingenuity to obtain an invitation from the Liberal Party to fight a London Constituency, but on the very next day an invitation from the Darlington Liberal Association reached me. Darlington is a very important industrial center, full of big and famous engineering works. The first railway in the world was the Darlington- Stockton Kailway. The first locomotive in the world was built by Stephenson— in Darlington. E. Stephenson and Company are still building locomotives in Darlington.

The sitting member for Darlington was Mr. Pike Pease, Whip of the Unionists. He sat for Darlington already eleven years, succeeding his father, who succeeded his father. So it was the third generation of Peases in direct succession who had represented Darlington. It had become what is called in England a "family seat." There were two attempts previously to unseat Mr. Pike Pease, once by a Labor then by a Liberal Candidate. Where they, the Englishmen, failed, I, the foreigner, succeeded. Darlington has never seen scenes like the one on the declaration of the poll, announcing my victory. The North Star of Darlington, the Tory paper, and my vehement opponent, often asked in their editorials, "We should like to know what Mr. Lincoln's frequent and mysterious visits to the Continent mean!" My maiden speech in the House of Commons was made two weeks after my entry. I spoke frequently and soon enjoyed the very

II. Batoning Street. 3SbrU6«U.J8.Sa.

11th January 1910.

Dear Mr. Lincoln,

You have ny heartiest good wishes in your contest at Darlington. A win at Darlington would be a great victory for Free Trade* and Liberalism, and I feel confident that the vigour with which you have conducted your campaign and the excellence of our cause will combine to defeat the forces of re-action and Protectionism. Yours sincerely,

TTZty D^-

I. T. T. Lincoln Esq*

Reproduction of a Letter from Lloyd George, Congratulating Mr. Lincoln on His Victory at Darlington.

coveted distinction of seeing my caricature on the political page of Punch.

At the beginning of the year 1906 Mr. B. S.

From Punch, March 9, 1910.

Paks Vobiscum; or, The Lincoln Handicap — "We weel not zend Budg-ett to ze Haus of Lorrdz to be zrown out on-ly again! !" (Mr. I. T. T. Lincoln — born at Paks in Hungary.)

Rowntree, the cocoa manufacturer and well-known English philanthropist of York, England, engaged mo as his private secretary. Mr. Eowntree, who wields a great influence in the councils of the Libera! party, was then and for many years prior engaged upon an investigation, the purpose of which was to discover the causes of economic poverty.

He had published a book a few years previous under the title of " Poverty, a Study of Town Life." That book was the chief impetus of the Poor Law legislation in England of the succeeding years. He decided to follow up his investigation of the economic life of the town with a comprehensive and exhaustive inquiry in most of the European continental countries, with a view to finding out the relation between economic poverty and the systems of land tenure. The investigation was to embrace Belgium, Denmark, Germany, Switzerland, France, and Holland. My task was the organization and supervision of the whole inquiry. The first countries undertaken were Belgium and France.

In common with the majority of people, diplomatic secrets had always a great fascination for me.

A few weeks after starting Mr. Bowntree's inquiry and when on my first periodical visit to England to discuss matters with Mr. Bowntree, I received a letter from a very high personage inviting me to meet him in one of the most exclusive clubs in London in order to discuss a certain matter with me. I had never seen him, nor had any relations with him, though his name was familiar to mo, as it is to all readers of the daily papers in England.

I could not conjecture the purpose of his invitation, but was very glad to make the acquaintance of such a distinguished Briton. On the appointed day I drove up to the club in question — not a mile distant from Cockspur Street — only further west. I sent up my card and was immediately shown up. There stood before me, greeting me most cordially, a well-groomed and faultlessly dressed gentleman, rather stout and under sized, with round, clean-shaven face and keen, penetrating eyes. At first I thought it was Lord Eosebery, so striking was the similarity in voice and manner, but the searching eyes were not Eosebery 's, though they flashed or hid the thoughts of a Scotchman.

I should like here to point out that it is not always the governments who originate or carry out the diplomatic and political plots for the achievement of certain objects. It is a fallacy to blame the English " People' ' or the German " People' ' for this war; neither they nor any other " People' ' wanted it. Notwithstanding the democracy or parliamentary government, and other much vaunted achievements of our age, the people, the nation in fact, not only does not know the hidden moves on the international chessboard; they are not even consulted in the most vital questions.

The more important a question or policy, the more it is shrouded in secrecy.

It would be wholly unjust and unwarranted to blame the English people for this war. It is not the people, Parliament, nor even the Cabinet, which can be made responsible. It lies at the door of a group of individuals who, having a particular object in view, decided upon a certain course and by their influence in political and aristocratic circles began weaving a subtle and clever web of plots and intrigues in which they ultimately landed the government itself. The anti-German plot embarked upon by England after the accession of King Edward VII and the retirement of Lord Salisbury was not a deliberate or wellthought-out policy of the British Government as such, but was the work of a few individuals who ultimately made it the official and deliberate policy of the British Government. The chief plotters, indeed conspirators, in this dangerous international intrigue were King Edward, Sir Edward Grey, Sir Charles Hardinge, Sir Francis Bertie, Lord Esher, and Lord Eoberts.

The full significance of this undercurrent of politics was disclosed to me in my second meeting with my cryptic Scot, who apparently had been favorably impressed in his preliminary appraisal of my abilities.

"I have heard of your investigation for Mr.

Rowntree on the Continent, I was also told of yonr intelligence and capacity and of your antecedents . . ., and I am convinced, if rightly used, you could be of great benefit to England, aye, to the world.' '

I did not know at the time whether this was disingenuous flattery or honest convictions. At all events, the earnestness with which he spoke deeply impressed me, and he urged with great emphasis, heightened by forceful gestures and the flashes of emotion in his penetrating eyes. Sometimes — as if unable to control or repress his abounding energy and vitality — he would get up from his chair, walk a few paces up and down, then stop in front of me and repeat his last few words.

1 l There is a conspiracy on foot to involve this country with Germany — are you willing to help us to ward off this danger V9

"Certainly, decidedly," I said, "but I fail to see how I could be of any help in the sphere of high politics and diplomacy."

His statement did not come as a surprise to me. Any impartial observer of the known diplomatic moves of those days, as recorded in the press, could not fail to notice that something on those lines was being enacted. But I did not fully appreciate the meaning of his words until, by way of instruction as it were, he informed me of what had been going on in Europe since 1902, which, indeed, revealed to me the sordid motives and criminal and despicable objects that prompted all those machinations against Germany.

My subsequent experiences, my first-hand knowledge, acquired during five years of Secret Service work, have only too well substantiated the charges of this gentleman, whom henceforth I will call "D." "D" was one of the coterie of influential and distinguished personalities who, being convinced of the dangerous foreign policy of Edward VII with his ententes, decided to watch developments behind the scenes in order to thwart his warlike schemes. They were convinced partizans of an Anglo-German general understanding. These two coteries, the Edwardites and the group of "D," carried on a "kid glove" war behind the scenes, which was none the less bitter. Each group had its supporters in the press, in Parliament and in entourage of King Edward VII. Had Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman lived a few years longer, the anti-German schemes of Edward VII and Grey would not have resulted in war. I must leave to a future^ date the lifting of the veil of secrecy from these hidden clashes between the two groups.

Once in 1912, "D's" group nearly succeeded, but unofficial moves by Grey and one of his unofficial lieutenants in the Balkans definitely destroyed the hope of an Anglo-German understanding, although in 1913 one more effort was put forth. But it can safely be said that from 1912 the present war became inevitable. There 'must be many people, particularly in Bucharest, who remember my oft repeated prediction within three years we shall have a European war. In the succeeding chapters the reader will be enabled to peep behind the hitherto impenetrable secrecy and mystery of some of the diplomatic battles fought behind the scenes, though his curiosity will not and cannot be wholly satisfied. Not yet !

Looking back on those years of diplomatic and political preparations, I can truthfully say that an abyss of immeasurable depths and incalculable dimensions was being dug by Edward VII and his fellow conspirators, who did not disdain to enroll as their helpers the infamous and criminal dregs of political humanity: the Pan-slavists of Eussia, and the hysterical chauvinists of France, who for the problematic remedying of imaginary wrongs have made their country the blind and willing tool of corrupt Russia and covetous Britain.

"We know," he continued, "that there is a vast scheme on foot, engineered by certain persons in England and France, completely to isolate Germany and then make war upon her. We believe this to be inimical to the best interests of Great Britain. We want to prevent this. The first condition is for us to be well and exactly informed of all the moves, schemes, decisions. This would be your duty. You have splendid opportunities. The investigation you are conducting for Mr. Rowntree might easily be made an opportunity for you to get acquainted with ambassadors and statesmen all over Europe. Moreover, the chief centers of interest at present are Paris and Brussels— where I understand your work for the present will lie. Are you willing to undertake work of such a nature 1 ' '

I did not see any harm in accepting his proposal. It would not in the least interfere with my work ; besides, it was in complete harmony with my own idea. A keen student and observer of international politics, I could not fail to see that Great Britain was steering a wrong and highly dangerous course, and I said so in private conversations and public speeches. Now an opportunity was afforded me to watch from behind the scenes and, if possible, to contribute to its undoing. I readily admit that in order to do this I had rather often to practise deception. I do not feel any moral scruples on this score. I never did. I know I have done very useful work — though unavailing against the tremendous influences arrayed against us. Many armchair moralists will condemn me. But as long as the fate and destinies of nations are directed in obscurity by irresponsible secret diplomacy, so long the spying out of their work — for their undoing — will have to be done in secret.

I was not a spy or a Secret Service agent in the usual meaning of the term. Indeed, the great opportunities I had of knowing many of the most important events, and the great success that attended my missions, were to a very large extent due to the fact that my Secret Service activities were carried out on original lines. The usual Secret Service agent is sent to a foreign country with one or two specified objects : "Go bring us a drawing of the new naval gun to be installed on the super-dreadnought Thunderer." Or, "Go to Belgrade and find out how far Monsieur de Harting (Russian Minister) is implicated in the Eussian agitation, " or, "Go to Copenhagen and find out the present state of negotiations between Eussia and Great Britain,,, or, "Obtain the secret naval code of the torpedo boat divisions of the Home Fleet of Great Britain,' ' etc., etc.

But a Secret Service agent such as I was has quite another work to perform. Although definite questions are occasionally given him, his duty consists in continual and indefatigable watchfulness over policies, plots, and schemes, and he is left to his own resources. He is even free to employ subagents. He must mix with ministers, statesmen, diplomats — which I have successfully done. Many of those who helped me in my work did not know

20 Revelations of an International Spy it at the time. The reading of this narrative, therefore, will come to them as a shock and surprise I even had the help of Sir Henry Campbell Bannerman, Prime Minister of Great Britain as I will describe it in its proper place. I am bold enough to state that few, if any, agents engaged in secret, political or diplomatic espionage, have interviewed and had the assistance (often unwittingly) of so many highly placed personages as 1 did in the years of my service.

The chessboard I had to study and watch might be described as follows :

The Players: King Edward and Kaiser Withelm II.

King Edwaed playing dark; his figures:

The King: Russia.

The Queen: France.

The two Knights : Canada and Australasia.

The two Bishops: Italy and Ser via.

The two Castles: Japan and Portugal.

Pawns: Belgium, Persia, Manchuria, Mongolia, Balkans, Turkey, Morocco and Egypt.

King Edward was surrounded and assisted by The Editorial Department (devising the problem) : Lord Roberts, Lord Esher, Sir Edward Grey, Sir Charles Hardinge, Mons. Delcasse, M. Isvolsky.

Substitute Playees: Sir Francis Bertie, Sir (Arthur Nicholson, Sir Fairfax Cartwright.

Activities in the European Cajritals 21

Marker: Sir Donald Mackenzie Wallace. Attendants: Sir Arthur llardinge, Sir Frank Lasccllcs, Sir Edward Goschen and many others.

I had to watch the game and find out the intentions of the players in advance, by obtaining a summary of their secret conversations, during which the next move was discussed with "D" and decided upon — as will be shown later — and then make a countermove.

I have had my own chessboard. My figures were : Sir Edward Grey, who supplied me, ostensibly for Mr. Kowntree's investigations, with special letters of introduction to his chessmen — the British Ambassadors in Europe. These in turn introduced me to their chessmen — Belgian, French, Danish, Servian, statesmen and permanent officials. My connections reached up even into imperial and royal circles. I was received in audience in 1910 by the murdered Archduke Francis Ferdinand, late Heir-Presumptive of Austria- Hungary, in his palace of Belvedere, when a highly important conversation about the Balkans took place between himself and myself. Part of this interview I published at his request in a London Daily (Daily Chronicle).

The gist of the interview — a fuller description of it will be given in a later chapter — was his ardent desire, which was also the meaning of his two visits to England, for a rapprochement between Austria-Hungary and Great Britain with a view of paving the way for a general Anglo-German understanding and his emphatic contradiction that Austria-Hungary had political designs on the Balkans. He, however, let it be understood that Austria-Hungary had great commercial interests there which he considered his duty to foster and develop.

The publication of it caused a profound sensation in all the capitals of Europe. The Neue Freie Presse of Vienna and other leading papers textually reproduced my interview and expressed surprise at the views of the Archduke and confidently predicted a speedy denial which, needless to say, did not come. Indeed, the publication of this article was deliberately made for certain reasons. The Daily Telegraph, surmising these reasons, declined to publish it, but I had to publish it, and so I gave it to the Daily Chronicle.

A few days after its publication I called upon Sir Edward Grey at the Foreign Office by appointment, requested by me (I was an M.P. at the time). I wanted to glean certain things from him, but I did not succeed, for I saw only one of the permanent officials. Sir Edward Grey — I must admit — is very clever, reticent, but shallow. I am afraid the "German Menace," chimed into his ears by the Editorial Department of the Chess

Club, had taken full possession of his thoughts — too insular at all times. Later it became an obsession. So easily was he caught in the meshes of the intrigues and plots.

After a few days of consideration I decided to undertake the fascinating work "D" proposed to me and again met him at his club. He was visibly pleased. "Before everything else — don't be in a hurry. Take your time. If at any time you consider it necessary for us to meet, if you cannot come to London, I shall be pleased to meet you on the Continent. Never trust really important information to the mails, communicate them always personally. Absolute secrecy is not only the first essential condition of success, but is also advisable in order to prevent a European scandal. I do not want to injure either His Majesty or Sir Edward, but I and those who think with me have made up our minds to counteract their schemes and so work for an Anglo-German understanding. Kemember this is a work where quality tells. It is a drill of brains. Here is £500 for your expenses. You will be good enough to let me have once a month your statement of accounts. As to your remuneration— leave that tome!"