The religious instruction of the Negroes in the United States

Front matter

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^ol- iit

LIBRARY

Preface

The preparation of the following' pages has been undertaken at the suggestion of friends, seconded by the convictions of my own mind, that a small volume on the Religious Instruction of the Negroes in the United States would not be an unacceptable offering to the Public, and especially the Christian Public, at the present time. Whatever I have before prepared or published on the subject has been freely used, whenever it has suited my purpose, in the present composition.

I have endeavored to confine myself to the Religious Instruction of the Negroes, and have touched upon other subjects only when it has been necessary for the illustration or support of the one before me.

I commend the Book to the candid consideration of those

who read it. My design has been to speak the truth plainly

and in love, and to do good. May the blessing of Almighty

God attend the effort.

CHARLES COLCOCK JONES.

Riceboro, Liberty County, Ga., ) July 4th, 1842. £

Part I

Historical Sketch of the Religious Instruction of the Negroes from their first introduction into the Country in 1620 to the year 1842 : divided into three periods.

The First Period — From their introduction in 1620 to the first census in 1790 : a period of 170 years, 1

1. Account of the Introduction of Negroes into the Colonies under the Government of Great Britain, - 2

2. Estimated Negro Population of the Colonies at the Declaration of Independence and census of 1790, - 3

3. Efforts for their Religious Instruction, both in Great Britain and America, year by year, during this Period, -------------- 6

The Second Period — From the first census in 1790 to 1S20 : a period of 30 years, year by year, 47

The Third Period — From 1820 to 1S42: a period of 22 years, year by year, 65

1. Efforts year by year. Manuals of Instruction, 65

2. Action of Ecclesiastical Bodies, and of different Denominations of Christians, ------- 89

3. This period — a period of revival as to this particular duty, throughout the Southern States, - - - 96

4. General Observations, in conclusion of Historical Sketch, 99

TU CONTENTS.

P ART II.

The Moral and Religious Condition of the Negroes

I. Disadvantages to be encountered in prosecuting an inquiry into the Moral and Religious Condition

of the Negroes in the United States, ... 101

T. The First Disadvantage. •— Our intimate knowledge of the degraded moral character of the Negroes 103

2. The Second Disadvantage. — Our difference of color and superior relations in society, ----- 104

3. The Third Disadvantage. — Our latent, and in many instances, manifest, disinclination to the full disclosure of the Moral and Religious Condition of the Negroes, _-_,-__----_- 106

4. The Fourth Disadvantage. — The difficuty of obtaining an insight into the Negro Character, - - 110

II. Circumstances which affect their Moral and

Religious Condition, 112

1. The circumstances of the Slave Population, - - 112

[1.] The Negro in his Childhood.

(a) Family Government, --------- 112

(b) Religious Instruction, private and public, - - 113 (c Access to the Scriptures, ------- 115

(e) Clothing, 115

(f) General mode of living, ------- 116

(b) Religious Inslruction, -------- 117

(c) Access to Scriptures, -------- 118

(d) Marriage and Government, ------ 119

2.. Circumstances of the Free Negro population, - 120

CONTENTS. VU.

(b) Station and Condition in Society, - - - - 120

(c) Education and access to the Scriptures, - - 121

(d) Houses of Public Worship, Ministers, and Sabbath Schools, - ---- 122

(e) Family Government, associations, and prospects

of advancement in society, ------ 123

HI. Moral and Religious Condition of the Negroes

in the United States, 124

1. The Moral and Religious Condition of the Slave

[1.] Country Negroes.

(a) Ignorance ot the Doctrines and Duties of Christianity, is prevalent among the Negroes, - - 125

(b) Intimately connected with their ignorance is their Superstition, 127

(c) Their sense of obligation to improve their religious privileges is seriously defective, - - - 128

(d) They have but a poor standard of moral character, and are indifferent to the general corruption of manners that prevails around them, - - - - 129

(e) The frequency of Church Discipline and the character of the crimes requiring it, cast light upon their Moral and Religious Condition, - - 131

(f) Brief view of prevailing vices, ..... 133

1. Violations of Marriage Contract, - - - - 132

4. Falsehood, 135

5. Quarreling and Fighting, -----.. I3g 0. Insensibility of heart, - 137

7. Profane swearing, -------.. 137

9. Sabbath breaking, 133

[2.] Town and City Negroes.

(a) Classes, 139

Vlll. CONTENTS.

(b) Comparison with country Negroes, - - - - 139

[3.] Extracts from various Authors corroborative of the view taken of their Moral and Religious

2. Moral and Religious Condition of the Free Negro

Population, ---- _. J45

[1.] Prevailing Vices, 145

(a) Lovers of pleasure and show, 145

(b) Proverbially idle, _.._ 14Q

(c) Improvident, 146

(d) Addicted to profane swearing, 146

(f) Sabbath breaking, 146

(h) Theft, 146

[2.J Extracts from different publications, - - - 147 [3.] General conclusions on the Moral and Religious

Condition of the Negroes in the United States, 153

Part III

Obligations of the Church of Christ to attempt the Improvement of the Moral and Religious Condition of the Negroes in the United States, by affording them the Gospel.

I. Obligations of the Church to afford the Gospel to the Negroes, J 55

1. To the Negroes in the Slave States. Considerations which place them first in their claims upon our benevolent attention, --------- 156

They are the most dependent of all people upon us for

CONTENTS. \X.

They are the most needy and most accessible, - - - 158 The obligation of the Church in the Slave-holding States to impart the Gospel to the Negroes within those States, imposed upon us.

[1.] By the Providence of God, 159

[2.] By the Word of God, 159

(a) Passages of a general character, ----- 160

(b) Express commands to masters, both in Old and New Testament. Relation recognized, - - - 161

[3.] We cannot disregard this Obligation, thus imposed, without forfeiting —

(b) Our Gratitude, 166

(d) Our claim to the spirit of Christianity, - - - 168 2. It is the duty of the white churches i;i the Free

States to afford the Gospel to the Negroes in those

States, 171

[1.] Because of their general poverty, - - - - 171

[2.] Their moral degradation, ------- 172

[3.] Their dependence upon the whites, - - - - 172

[4.] And of consistency, -- 173

II. Excuses in relation to a discharge of the Obligations now proved to rest upon the Church of Christ, usually advanced in the Slave States, - 175

1. The Negroes have the Gospel already, - - - 175

2. They arc incapable of receiving religious instruction except to a very limited extent, 178

3. The Gospel meets with little success among them, 180

4. We have no means of supplying them with the Gospel, 181

5. There are peculiar and great difficulties to be overcome, _..-. 182

6. Excuses sometimes urged by owners, - - - - 183 (a) I am a Master, but no Christian, and am therefore

excused from the duty, 184

X. CONTENTS.

(6) Although I hope I am a Christian, yet I am not

qualified to instruct my servants. 184

(c) I live away from my people, 185

{d) The management and religious instruction of

servants cannot be united in one person, - - 18G

(e) When I instruct my people they presume upon it, 188 7. Excuses sometimes urged by Ministers. - - - - 189

(a) I am not able to make myself understood by the Negroes. I have no turn for preaching to them, 189

(b) My church allows me no time to preach to the Negroes. I am willing to do so, if I could, - - 190

III. Objections to the Religious Instruction of the Negroes in the Slave Slates, -•'•-*■ 192

1. If we suffer our Negroes to be instructed the tendency will be to change the civil relations of society

as now constituted, 193

2. The way will be opened for men from abroad to enter in and inculcate doctrines subversive of our interests and safety, 195

3. The religious instruction of the Negroes will lead

to neglect of duty and insubordination, - - - - 197

4. The Negroes will embrace seasons of religious worship for originating and executing plans of insubordination and villany, 201

5. Religious instruction will do no good ; it will only make the Negroes worse men and worse hypocrites, 203

IV. Benefits which would flow f;om the faithful Religious Instruction of the Negroes, - - - 206

1. There would be a better understanding of the relations of Master and Servant, and of their reciprocal duties, 206

2. The pecuniary interests of Masters would be increased, ----- 208

3. Religious instruction would contribute to safety, . 210

4. Would promote our own morality and religion, - 216

CONTENTS. XI.

5. Much unpleasant discipline would be saved the churches, 217

6. The souls of our servants would be saved. Conclusion to Part III, 218

Part IV

Means and Plans for promoting and securing the Religious Instruction of the Negroes in the United States.

I. The Chinch of Christ must be made familiar with

the duty, and moved to its performance, - - 221

1. No necessity for formation of extensive associations

and societies for the work, 221

2. Churches in their respective organized forms competent to the work, 232

3. Duty should be brought before Bishops, Elders, and Deacons, and introduced by them into their respective Churches and Church Judicatories, and manner

of doing so, 222

4. Essays, reports, sermons, and tracts should be printed and circulated on the subject, - - - - - 225

II. Ways and Means of imparting Religious Instruction to the Negroes, 226

1. The Gospel should be communicated to the entire Negro population ; statedly, frequently, intelligibly,

and in its fulness, 226

2. Persons by whom it shall be so communicated.

(a) In the first place, by Bishops of Churches both in

the Free and Slave States, 227

Particularly by Bishops in the Slave States, for 1. They are settled over entire households — Masters and Servants, 227

Xll, CONTENTS.

2. They should, therefore, devote a portion of each Sabbath to regular preaching to the Negroes. 228

3. Lecture if possible, and attend plantation meetings during the week, 228

4. Should have regular Sabbath Schools for children and adults. Their benefit, 229

5. Stated seasons for meeting with colored members; and with colored children for their catechetical instruction, 230

6. Attend Funerals, 232

7. Perform Marriage Ceremonies, .... - 232

8. Attend with their Sessions punctually and dilligently to the discipline of colored members, and appoint committees of Instruction for Inquirers, 233

9. Endeavor to awaken Church Members, Masters and Mistresses to the duty of affording suitable Instruction to their Negroes, 234

(b) In the sec >nd place, the Gospel must be communicated by Ministers of the Gospel, employed as Missionaries to the Negroes.

1. Missionaries absolutely needed, 235

2. Should be Southern men, -_----- 235

3. But how shall they be employed and supported? 235 By Domestic Missionary Societies, - - - - 237 By Presbyteries, Associations, Conferences and

Conventions, 237

By one or more Churches uniting their contributions, ..... 238

By one or more Planters doing the same, - - 238

(c) In the third place, we are to look to owners themselves to communicate the Gospel to the Negroes, 239

1. The owner should impress upon his people the great duty of aitending public worship on the Sabbath, - - 240

2. Make all the children and youth attend punctually the Sabbath School, 240

CONTENTS. XU1.

3. The plantation should be brought under religious influences and the physical condition of the People improved, 240

4. The owner should undertake the instruction of the people himself. Way and manner of his doing so, ------------ 244

(d) In the fourth place, we are to look to Elders and Laymen to assist in this good work, .... 248 Our main dependence, in conclusion, must be upon settled pastors & stated snpplies of our Churches 249 III. The Manner in which the Gospel should he communicated to the Negroes, so as to meet the character, condition, and circumstances of the People, 250

1. Manner of Preaching - ------- 250

fa) What kind of Ministers are needed ? Not ignorant, but educated and intelligent Ministers, - 250

[1) The Minister to the Negroes should pay attention to his general deportment among tnem, - - - 254

(c) To his manner in preaching, ------ 255

(d) To the style and character of his sermons. What kind of sermons are most suitable, - - 256

(e) He should see that the strictest order is observed

in all his religious meetings, ------ 252

(f) And mark the deportment of the people, - - 252

2. Manner of conducting Sabbath Schools. Manuals

and Plans of instruction, - -- 252

3. Manner of conducting Plantation Meetings, - - 267

4. Manner of treating opposition to the work of Religious Instruction of the Negroes, ----- 269

5. Manner of speaking and acting in relation to the Civil Condition of the Negroes, 270

6. The best form of Church Organization for the Negroes, - - 273

7. Conclusion, 275

Part I

Historical Sketch of the Religious Instruction of the Negroes from their first introduction into the Country in 1620 to the year 1842.

Chapter I

Ti'ie First Period — From their first Introduction, in 1620, to the first Census, in 1790 : a period of 170 years.

Such is the scarcity of materials, and the difficulty of arriving at the scattered sources of information, that I have called the following Historical Notice of the Religious Instruction of the Negroes in the United States, "A Sketch." It deserves no better name, although, perhaps, it may embody the principal facts on the subject.

For the sake of perspicuity, the Sketch is divided

into Periods of Time — the First Period, extending

from the Introduction of the Negroes into the Country,

in 1620, to the first Census, in 1790; a period of 170

years : the Second Period, from 1790 to 1820; a period

of 30 years : and the Third Period, from 1820 to 1842;

a period of 22 years. 1

1. Account of the Introduction of Negroes into ike the Colonies under the Government of Great Britain.

It was in the year 1501 that Isabella of Spain granted permission for the introduction of Negro slaves into Hispaniola; but such only as had been born in Spain, or in slavery among Christians; and in the following year a few had been sent into the New World.

In 1508 the Spaniards opened a direct trade in slaves, and imported Negroes into Hispaniola from the Portugese settlements on the Coast of Guinea. Ferdinand V., by royal ordinance, enjoined a direct traffic in slaves between Guinea and Hispaniola, in 1511, and Charles V., in 1512-13.

In 1517 Charles V. granted a patent to one of his Flemish favorites, containing an exclusive right of importing slaves, four thousand annually, into Hispaniola* Cuba, Jamaica, and Puerto Rico. This favorite sold his patent to some Genoese merchants for 25,000 ducats, and they were the first who brought into regular form that commerce for slaves between Africa and America, which has since been carried on under such revolting circumstances and to such an amazing extent.

Forty-five years after, in 1562-3, the English entered the trade under Sir John Hawkins and carried Negroes from Africa to Hispaniola, and in 1567 Queen Elizabeth protected and sliaied the traffic. Thus the Mother Country was engaged in the traffic forty-five years before the first permanent settlement was made in her American Colonies, which was at Jamestown, Virginia in 1607.

The Dutch, in common with other maritime nations of Europe, engaged in the trade, and a man-of-war of that nation, from the Coast of Guinea, in August, 1620, (four months before the Plymouth Colony arrived in America,) landed twenty Negroes for sale* in the Colony of Virginia, on James river, which determines the epoch of their introduction into the Colonies. From this period they were gradually, and at different times, introduced into all the Colonies from Massachusetts to Georgia ; and for the most part, contrary to the wishes of the Colonists.

The first cargo of Negro slaves was brought into Boston in 1G45, and though their introduction was denounced and the Negroes ordered to be "returned at public charge;" yet it was afterwards permitted, and people engaged in the trade.

In Maryland acts were passed encouraging the importation of Negroes, in 1671 ; and in this same year *.hey were first introduced into South Carolina. They were legally admitted into Georgia in 1747. The precise year of their admission into the remaining eight of the old thirteen Colonies is not accurately known.

2. Estimated Negro Population of the Colonies at the Declaration of Independence ; and Census of 1790.

I have no references at hand by which to determine the number of Negroes in each of the Colonies, nor the aggregate in all, before the Declaration of Independence, as no general census was ever taken of the Colonies while they continued such. But there are statements of the number in most of the Colonies, given in different years, which I shall proceed to mention.

Virginia was settled in 1607, and in 1671 contained 2,000 Negroes ; in 1763, 100,000.

Massachusetts was settled in 1620, and in 1763 contained 4,500.

Rhode Island was settled in 1636. In 1680 had imported but a few Negroes, in 1730 contained 1,648, and k 1748, 4,373.

Connecticut was settled in 1635. In 1680 had 30 Negroes, and in 1774, 6,464.

New Hampshire was settled from Massachusetts and became a separate Colony in 1741, and in 1775 contained 659 Negroes.

New York was settled by the Dutch in 1613. In 1756 contained 13,542.

New Jersey was settled 1627. In 1738 contained 3,981 Negroes and slaves, and in 1745, 4,606.

Maryland was granted to Lord Baltimore in 1632. In 1755 contained 42,764 Negroes, and for a time, 2,000- were imported annually. Mr. Burke says, in 1757 the number was upwards of 60,000.,

North Carolina was permanently settled in 1650, and became distinct from Virginia in 1727. In 1701 it had 5,000 inhabitants, besides Negroes and Indians, and in 1702, 6,000.

South Carolina was granted to Lord Clarendon in 1662. In 1723 contained 18,000 Negroes ; in 1724, 439 were imported ; in 1730 contained 28,000; in 1731 1,500 were imported. In 1765 contained 90,000 ; in 1773 over 6,000 were imported. This Colony lost 25,000 Negroes in the Revolutionary war.

Georgia was settled in 1732-3. Slavery was legalized in 1747, and in 1772 contained 14,000 Negroes.

The probable number of Negroes in the Colonies at the Declaration of Independence in 1776, may be ascertained in the following manner. Take the known population in the different Colonies nearest the year 1776 ; compare that with the census of 1790; take into consideration the rate of increase from nature and from importation, and also the decrease; and then give the supposed population in round numbers.

Massachusetts. — Last return in 1763 to 1776, 13 years, the population decreasing ; supposed population in 1776 3,500-

Rhode Island,— 1748 to 1776, 28 years, stationary 4,373

Connecticut.. — J 774 to 1776, 2 years, decreasing 6,000

New Hampshire. — 1775 to 1776, 1 year, stationary 659

New York. — 1756 to 1776, 20 years increasing 15,000j

New Jersey. — 1745 to 1776,31 years increasing 7,600

Delaware. — Estimated in 1776 compared with 1790 9,000

Pennsylvania. — Estimated in 1775 compared with 1790, the act of Abolition in 1780 taken into the account 10,000

In 1757, Mr. Burke says, " not the fortieth, part of the inhabitants were Negroes."

Virginia — 1763 to 1776, 13 years, increas-- ing 165,000

North Carolina. — Estimated in same way as Delaware 75,000

South Carolina. — 1765 to 1776, 11 years, increasing, and loss in Revolution considered. 110,000-

Georgia. — 1772 to 1776,4 years, inci easing. 16,000

Making a total, in round numbers, of 500,000 Negroes wbo had, in the course of 156 years, from 1620 to 1776, accumulated on our shores, by importation and natural increase.

T.he proportion of free Negroes, in this estimate, at 1* the Declaration of Independence, must have been inconsiderable; as it was not until after the Revolution that manumissions by owners, and manumissions in the progress of acts of Abolition, multiplied.

The Census of the United States for 1790, gives 697,697 Slaves and 59,481 Free Persons of Color; a total of 757,178.

3. Efforts for their Religious Instruction, both in Great Britain and America, year by year, during this Period.

Having brought distinctly to view this multitude of people introduced amongst us in the inscrutable providence of God, the original stock being in a state of absolute Heathenism, we may inquire into the efforts made for their Religious Instruction.

1673. Mr. Baxter published his " Christian Directory," in which he has a chapter of " Directions to those Masters in Foreign Plantations who have Negroes and other slaves; being a solution of several cases about them."

The first Direction calls upon masters to "understand well how far your power over your slaves extendeth and what limits God hath set thereto."

" Remember that they have immortal souls, and are equally capable of salvation with yourselves : and therefore you have no power to do any thing which shall hinder their salvation. Remember that God is their absolute owner, and that you have none but a derived and limited propriety in them ; — that they and you are equally under the government and laws of God ; — that God is their reconciled tender Father, and if they be as good, doth love them as well as you ; — and that they are the redeemed ones of Christ: — Therefore, so use them as to preserve Christ's right and interest in them."

The2d. Direction. — "Remember that you are Christ's trustees, or the guardians of their souls; and that the greater your power is over them, the greater your charge is of them and your duty for them. So must you exercise both your power and love to bring them to the knowledge and the faith of Christ, and to the just obedience of God's commands."

The 3d. — " So serve your necessities by your slaves as to prefer God's interest and their spiritual and everlasting happiness. Teach them the way to heaven, and do all for their souls which I have before directed you to do for all your other servants. Tho' you may make some difference in their labor and diet and clothing, yet none as to the furthering of their salvation. If they be infidels use them so as tendeth to win them to Christ and the love of religion, by shewing them that Christians are less worldly, less cruel and passionate, and more wise and charitable and holy and meek, than any other persons are. Wo to them that by their cruelty and covetousness do scandalize even slaves and hinder their conversion and salvation."

The 1th and last Direction — "Make it your chief end in buying and using slaves to win them to Christ and save their souls. Do not only endeavor it on the by when you have first consulted your own commodity, but make this more of your end than your commodity itself; and let their salvation be far more valued by you than their service; and carry yourself to them as those that are sensible that they are redeemed with them by Christ from the slavery of Satan and may live with them in the liberty of the saints in glory."

The works of this eminent servant cf God had an extensive circulation, and these Directions may have been productive of much good on the. Plantations of those owners into whose hands they fell.

1680. Forty-four years after the settlement of Connecticut, the Assembly forwarded answers to the Inquiries of the Lords of the Committee of Colonies, wherein they say : " There are but few servants and fewer slaves; not above 30 in the colony. There come sometimes three or four blacks from the Barbadoes, which are sold for 22Z each. Great care is taken of the instiuction of the people in the Christian religion, by ministers catechising and preaching twice every Sabbath and sometimes on lecture days j and also by masters of families instructing their children and servants, which the law commands them to do."

V 1701. "The Society for the Propagation of %the

Gospel in Foreign Parts," was incorporated under v William III. on the 16th day of of June 1701, and the first meeting of the society under its charter was the 27th of June of the same year. Thomas Lord Bishop of Canterbury, Primate and Metropolitan of all England was appointed by his Majesty the first President.

This society was formed with the view, primarily, of supplying the destitution of religious institutions and privileges among the inhabitants of the North American Colonies, members of the established church of England ; and secondarily, of extending the Gospel to the Indians and Negroes,

It had been preceded by a company incorporated by Charles II. in 1661, for " the Propagation of the Gospel amongst Heathen Nations of New England and the parts adjacent in America ;" which, however, did not accomplish much ; the design, for the times then present and the necessities of the Colonies, being too narrow. The Honorable Robert Boyle, was first President of this company, and it was his connection with this society which led, him to a deeper interest in the defence and propagation of the Christian religion, and he therefore left in his will an annual salary, forever, for the support of eight sermons in the year, for proving the Christian religion against notorious Infidels ; and he requires that the preachers employed, " shall be assisting to all companies and encouraging them in any undertaking for propagating the Christian religion in Foreign Parts."

The Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts entered upon its duties with zeal, being patronized by the King and all the dignitaries of the Church of England.

They instituted inquiries into the religious condition of the Colonies, responded to " by the Governors and persons of the best note ;" (with special reference to Episcopacy,) and they perceived that their work " consisted of three great branches: the care and instruction of our people settled in the Colonies ; the conversion of the Indian Savages; and the conversion of the Negroes.'''' Before appointing Missionaries, they sent out a traveling preacher, the Rev. George Keith, (an itinerant missionary,) who associated with himself the Rev. John Talbot. Mr. Keith preached between North Carolina and Piscataquay river in New England, a tract above 800 miles in length, and completed his mission in two years, and returned and reported his labors to the society.

The annual meetings of this society were regularly held from 1702 to J819 and 118 sermons preached before it by Bishops of the Church of England, a large number of them distinguished for piety, learning, and zeal. The society still exists.

The efforts of the society for the Religious, Instruct , tion of the Negroes, are briefly as follows.

In June 1702 the Rev. Samuel Thomas, the first missionary, was sent to the Colony of South Carolina. The society designed he should attempt the conversion of the Yammosee Indians; but the Governor, Sir Nathaniel Johnson, appointed him to the care of the people settled on the three branches of Cooper river, making Coose creek his residence. He reported his labors to the society, and said " that he had taken much j pains also in instructing the Negroes, and learned 20 of them to read. He died in October 1706.

Dr. LeJeau succeeded him in 1 706, and found " parents and masters indued with much good will and a ready disposition to have their children and servants taught the Christian religion." " He instructed and baptised many Negroes and Indian slaves." His communicants in 1714 • arose to 70 English and 8 Negroes. Dr. LeJeau died in 1717, and was succeeded permanently by Rev. Mr. Ludlam, who began his mission with gieat dilligence. *' There were in his parish a large number of Negroes, natives of the place, who understood English well; he took good pains to instruct several of them in the piinciples of the Christian religion and afterwards admitted them to baptism. He said if the masters of them would heartily concur to forward so good a work, all those who have been born in the country might without much difficulty be instructed and received into the church. Mr. Ludlam continued his labors among the Negroes and every year taught and baptised several of them ; in ono year eleven, besides some mulattoes."

The Indian war checked the progress of the society's missions for several years. The Parishes of St. Paul's, (1705,) St. John's, (1707,) St. Andrew's and St. Bartholomew's, (1713,) St. Helen's, (1712,) received missionaries. Mr. Hasell was settled in the last named parish, and the inhabitants were "505 whites, 950 Negroes, GO Indian slaves, and 20 free Negroes."

Rev. Gilbert Jones was appointed missionary of Christ Church Parish, 1711. He used great pains to * persuade the masters and mistresses to assist in having their slaves instructed in the Christian faith ; but found this good work lay under difficulties as yet insuperable. He wrote thus concerning this matter: "Though laboring in vain be very discouraging, yet (by the help of God,) I will not cease my labors; and if I shall gain but one proselyte, shall not think much of all my pains." He was succeded in 1722 by Rev. Mr. Pownal. Two years after he reported in his parish 470 free born, and "above 700 slaves, some of which understand the English tongue ; but very few know any thing of God or religion."