The Reformation in Sweden; its rise, progress, and crisis; and its triumph under Charles IX

Chapter I

SWEDEN FROM THE TREATY OF CALMAR, 1 398, TO THE INVASION OF CHRISTIAN II. OF DENMARK, K20.

THE history of Scandinavia, previous to the union of the three kingdoms of Denmark, Sweden and Norway, under Queen Margaret, in accordance with the treaty of Calmar, is a record of violent commotions and revolutions, and of incessant wars between the three kingdoms. There is very little in it to repay the student of general history for the time and toil it will cost him to acquire any coherent idea of its evershifting conditions, and still less to attract or reward the student of ecclesiastical history. Scandina- The reigns of Birger, 1290-13 19, and of his via previous son Magnus, 1319-1363, in Sweden, were c/ltnar, so marked by cruelty and disaster to the *398- nation that some of the banished nobles

invited Albert, Count of Mecklenburg, son of the sister of Magnus, to invade the kingdom and take possession of the throne. He accepted the invitation and succeeded to the throne and reigned from 1363 to 1389. But his favors to Germans so offended the native nobility that they compelled him to dismiss his German favorites, and to accept one of their number, Bo Jonsson, as his chief adviser in the government.

Jonsson soon became his master, and his heirs offered the throne to Margaret, Queen of Denmark and Norway. She sent an army into Sweden, which defeated and captured and imprisoned Albert. As Albert's son died in 1379 there was no one to contest Queen Margaret's claim to the throne, and the designation of her nephew Eric, Duke of Pomerania, to succeed to the triple throne of Denmark, Norway and Sweden, which was secured by the treaty of Calmar, in 1398. Sweden un- The conditions upon which the union of the der Queen three kingdoms was concluded were such as argar' seemed to promise peace and many mutual advantages. It promised to put an end to the feuds by which the Scandinavian kingdoms had hitherto been convulsed, and to give to each member of the confederacy, while still retaining its separate laws and customs, a strength beyond its own to resist the encroachments of more powerful states. It provided that the election of the king should in future be made conjointly, — the sons of the sovereign being preferred; each realm was to be governed by its own laws; fugitives from one country were not to be protected in another; all were bound to take up arms for the common defence. It is obvious to remark how great would have been the advantages of such an arrangement if it could have been faithfully maintained; but it is equally obvious to conclude that such a union of rival states is scarcely practicable in the most advanced stages of civilization, and quite impossible at an era of violence and under an undefined system of succession to the throne. Margaret herself introduced, or rather set in motion, the existing elements of discord by her partiality to her Danish subjects,— to whom she committed the chief posts and fortresses of Sweden, — by her new and heavy imposts, her prodigality to the clergy, and her avowed policy of humbling the nobles of the land. The inevitable result immediately ensued — hatred on the part of the Swedes and devotion on the part of the Danes. By a native historian of Sweden she is said to have been regarded by the Danes as sanctam ct canonizatione dignam, and by the Swedes as profundi ssimo dig nam inferno. c , The discontent of the Swedes broke out

Sweden under King into open rebellion after the death of Queen

Eric. Margaret and the accession of King Eric.

The king was not qualified either by his character or his administrative ability to conciliate the esteem, or to silence the dissatisfaction of his subjects. His cruel treatment of his wife Phillippa of England, who by her gentleness and intelligence won the hearts of the Swedes, subjected him to deserved obloquy. In the pursuit of objects in which Sweden had no interest— the recovery of his dukedom of Pomerania and the fruitless attempt to conquer Schleswig — he exhausted the resources of the country and shed the blood of his subjects in wars from which they could reap no benefit. This continued drain of men and money from the kingdom, and the oppression of the Danes and Germans, who filled all the offices and occupied all the castles of the land, led to a civil war, which, checked from time to time, still broke out afresh, and was to be extinguished only after a hundred years of discord and bloodshed by the disruption of the union between Denmark and Sweden.

Rising of Englebert Englebertson, an intelligent, elo- Engiebertin quent and popular miner of Dalecarlia, who Dalecarlia. ^^ ?3iSse^ his youth ill the household of

great barons, and had there acquired a degree of knowledge and culture superior to that which was usual in his class, vowed to avenge the injuries suffered by the Dalecarlians in common with all their countrymen. The government of that province was in the hands of a Danish nobleman named Ericson. His administration was marked by every species of brutal cruelty and oppression. Englebert proceeded to Denmark and laid before the king proofs of the atrocious tyranny of Ericson. The king ordered an inquiry to be made, and the charges were admitted by the State Council to have been sustained. Armed with their report, Englebert returned to Denmark and laid it before the king and demanded the removal and punishment of Ericson. But the king had changed his mind, and ordered Englebert to be gone and never again to appear in his presence. Eric replied — " Yet once more I will return."

The report of this reception by the king was the signal for revolt. The Dalesmen rose, elected Englebert to be their leader, marched against Westeras in the autumn of 1433, and though induced to retire by some of the State Council who were there, by their promise to urge reforms, yet they would not disperse before taking an oath that they never again would pay taxes to Ericson. An attempt on the part of Ericson to collect the taxes led to a second insurrection; but the State Council having persuaded Ericson to resign his command, the Dalesmen were again appeased. Ericson himself took refuge in the monastery of Wadstena, from which, two years after, he was dragged out by the peasantry and put to death.

This was the first armed resistance to the Danish dynasty, which continued from this period, 1433, at intervals and with varying fortunes, and with several revolutions, until at length, under Gustavus Vasa, and by his agency, Sweden became, and has since continued independent of Denmark.

It was necessary to describe the circum- Christian stances under which Sweden became sub- II. of Den- ject to the crown of Denmark, in order to

understand the history of Gustavus Vasa, who both liberated Sweden from the sway of Denmark and introduced and established Protestantism in his kingdom. But it is not important, as preparatory to a sketch of the Reformation in Sweden, to narrate the civil history of the interval between the treaty of Calmar and the accession of Christian II. A mere outline of those events will answer for our present purpose. Suffice it to say that Englebert was elected Regent of the Kingdom, and held the position for three years; that he was succeeded in that position by another patriot, Karl Knutson, who was subsequently elected king; that the dynasty of Denmark again came into power in Sweden and held it nominally and sometimes for a brief period actually, during the reign of Christian I., 1448-81, and of Hans or John, 1481-1513, who was succeeded by Christian II. in the latter year. From this point the history of the Reformation in Sweden properly begins.

Reims of ^he supremacy of the kings Christian I. and Christian I. John in Sweden was rather nominal than and John. real The real p0wer was exercised by patriotic Swedes for the most part, who were repeatedly at war with Denmark. Under a popular native nobleman, Sten Sture, nephew of their former king, Karl Knutson, as regent, Sweden enjoyed for some few years comparative peace and prosperity. But in consequence of evils which fell upon the kingdom, for which he was in no degree responsible — such as a succession of bad crops, and the excommunication pronounced against him, because in the interests of the state he withheld the revenues claimed by the Danish Queen dowager — Sture became unpopular with the fickle and unreasoning people. The king availed himself of this dissatisfaction, and the consequent depression of the kingdom, to march an army into Sweden with a view to establish his personal authority. The expedition of King John was successful; and he was crowned in Stockholm on the 25th of November, 1497. Sture was deposed from the Regency, but became High Chancellor, and was one of the four commissioners to whom the administration of the kingdom was committed, by King John, on his return to Denmark. But on account of the great dissatisfaction with King John's administration, in 1501 Sture was again placed at the head of the government with the name of Guardian of the Kingdom. This position he held until his death, December 15, 1503. He was succeeded in the same office by his kinsman, Saunto Sture, whose administration of nine years was an incessant but successful series of wars, in resistance of the efforts of King John to regain supremacy in the kingdom. After his death in 15 12, his son, Steno Sture, was called by the popular voice, rather than by any recognized authority, as his successor. His election was subsequently forced upon the council at Stockholm by the popular clamor. Death of Christian II., justly known as " the tyrant," King John succeeded Kins: John, who died in 1 q 13. He

— Accession . , . . ,

of Chris- immediately opened negotiations with the Han //. Guardian and the Council with a view to

secure their recognition of his right to the throne of Sweden. Failing in this attempt, he excited his partisan,

Trolle, the Archbishop, to organize an armed rebellion in his interest against the existing government. The Archbishop was described as one "who never forgave a past wrong, real or fancied." It in no degree disarmed his hostility that Sture, in order to bring about a reconciliation, had secured his election to the Archbishopric. He stirred up war therefore in the interest of Christian II., who upon the invasion of Sweden, suffered a complete defeat. This battle, as celebrated in Swedish annals as that of Bannockburn in the history of Scotland, was fought at Bren-Kirka, July 22, 15 18. It was in this battle that Gustavus Vasa first appeared prominently, having occupied the honorable position of standard bearer, and distinguished himself for valor and ability in the field. As the history of the rise of the Reformation in Sweden turns upon that of Gustavus Vasa, and his history is inseparably implicated with that of Christian II., it becomes necessary to give a sketch of the life and character of each. Christian Christian II. was the only son of King John IL and his Queen, Christina of Saxony, and was

born in 1481. It is an evidence of the simplicity of the times, and of the country, that in order to provide for their frequent absence from Copenhagen, the King and Queen, instead of leaving him in the palace in the care of their own attendants, placed him under the charge of a book-binder of the City. It may be inferred also that, discerning his imperious, cruel and crafty nature, his parents felt that these evil traits would be more likely to be restrained in a well regulated private home, than in the palace, where his faults would be likely to be flattered and inflamed, rather than restrained, by subservient menials and courtiers. Hans Metzenheim, the book-binder, was a burgomaster and a counsellor of state, and having no children of their own, he and his wife devoted themselves assiduously to the education of the royal boy. His capacity was very great, and he applied himself well, under constraint, to his studies, and made rapid progress; but his tutor Hinze, a Canon of the Cathedral, dared not trust the wayward boy out of sight, and therefore, always took him to church when on duty there. As the young Prince had a fine voice and a good ear for music, he was made to sing among the choristers at matins and vespers. But when King John was told that the heir of three Kingdoms was singing, and was much admired, in all of the choirs of Copenhagen, he sharply rebuked his tutor for placing his son in a position derogatory to his royal dignity. The incident led to a change of tutors. At the request of the King, Joachin of Brandenburg sent him another tutor, Magister Conrad, a man of great learning and force of character, who was able to control his pupil, and succeeded in imbuing him with a love of learning. Christian made great progress and is said at an early age and during all his life "to have written and spoken Latin as well as the most learned University professors of his time" (Otto's Scandinavia, page 214).

But this ready mastery of learning seems in no degree to have softened or refined his character. He was accustomed, after he was domiciled in the palace, to bribe the porter to allow him to go out in the night and join in scenes of revelry and licentiousness. On some occasions, when detected in these escapades, the King personally applied a horse-whip to his shoulders. But when he had reached the age of twenty, and this sort of rigid discipline became no longer possible, the King sent him as his Viceroy to govern Norway. He at once put himself in an attitude of hostility to the nobility, and relentlessly crushed out every attempt at resistance or rebellion. He seems from his early boyhood to have hated the nobility, to have had a dislike to their character, habits and manners, quite irrespective of their feelings or relations towards himself. His chosen associates were among the lower classes. His enmity to the nobles was increased by the restrictions which they imposed upon his authority at his Coronation.

Gust av us Gustavus Vasa, or as he was called before Vasa. he became king, Gustavus Erickson, was de-

scended from an ancient and noble family. His grandfather, Christopher Nilson, was appointed a councillor by King Eric. His father was not distinguished in the public service, and though called " a merry and facetious lord," was arraigned before the council in Stockholm for cruelty to his peasants, and made to pledge himself "that he would not thereafter place them in irons or treat them like senseless beasts," when accused of depredations upon his estates, but "would allow them their rights in law." The date of his birth has been fixed on good grounds, on Ascension Day, 1496. Those presages of future greatness which seldom fail to be subsequently recorded, in the case of those who become renowned, were not wanting at his birth. A crimson cross was marked upon his breast, and the outline of a helmet was seen upon his head. When he was only four years old, King John, during one of his later visits to Sweden, saw him playing the part of the king in the midst of a group of children and, as the story goes, patted him upon the head, saying "that if he lived he would be a remarkable man." He kept the bright boy in his io The Reformation in Sweden.

train while he was in Sweden, and wished to carry him to Denmark. If he had done so the whole history of Northern Europe would have been changed, the Reformation in Sweden perhaps never effected, nor the liberation of Protestantism, mainly due to the heroic Gustavus Adolphus, achieved. But Sten Sture, suspecting that the king was more bent on securing a hostage than a foster son, sent him to his father, who was then Lord Feudatory of Aland.

Geijer remarks that "all accounts agree that young Gustavus was placed in the Seminary of Upsala, in 1509." "It is known," he continues, "that he was placed in the grammar school and was subjected to personal chastisement while there by the Danish schoolmaster. The latter was informed that the young pupil had upon some occasion said, 'See what I will do! I will go to Dalecarlia, get out the Dalesmen, and knock the Danes on the head.' Gustavus suffered his school flogging, then drawing his little sword, he thrust it through the curtains with a malison never to return. A hundred years afterwards the country people could point out the places in the neighborhood of Upsala which he had frequented with his playmates, and tell how he had been at a wolf chase hunting merrily." As an indication of the bent of his mind toward religious subjects, it is stated that while he was at Upsala, his chief studies, outside of the curiculum of the school, were canon law and theology. He was also a gifted musician, and while at school made several musical instruments, which are still preserved in the palace of Stockholm.

All accounts agree that he was received and employed in the Court of the Regent Sten Sture the younger. He was then eighteen years of age, and was

The Reformation in Sweden. ii

placed under the tuition of Hemming Gadd, who had been mathematicus to Pope Alexander III., had written a history of Sweden which was much prized, was a sworn enemy of the Danes and an able politician. With him, no doubt, the young patriot could freely resume his boyish talk of his purpose to rouse up Dalesmen and knock Danes upon the head — a seemingly wild and empty boast which was subsequently so remarkably fulfilled. The chroniclers of the time speak of him as "a noble youth, comely, ready-witted and prompt in action." He was particularly distinguished, even at that early period, for the persuasive eloquence which was one of the most potent means by which he subsequently acquired such a commanding influence over his countrymen. Even to his extreme old age, when Gustavus met any large body of his countrymen in council, or in a crisis of affairs, they would clamor for a speech from the old man eloquent, and receive it with immense applause, and insist that there was no orator like him. We shall see how at a momentous crisis of his own fortunes and of those of the Reformation, he consolidated the former and saved the latter by a single speech.

The battle ^ was after Gustavus had resided at the of Brenn- court three years, that the rising of Archbishop Trolle, in the interest of Christian II., already alluded to, occurred. The Archbishop was besieged in his castle of Stekborg and a Danish reinforcement was sent to his relief. This force was defeated by Gustavus. In the following year, in the famous battle of Brenn-Kirk, between King Christian and Sten Sture, in which the king was defeated, Gustavus, as we have seen, bore the banner. But by the treachery of the king, and the misplaced confidence in him of the Regent, this victory resulted in disaster and loss rather than gain. The Danes attempted after the defeat to retreat, but the fleet in which they embarked their shattered forces was detained by contrary winds, and sorely pressed by famine. The king, in order to gain time, professed a desire to negotiate a peace which should leave Sweden henceforth unmolested by the Danes. The Regent, feeling that he had the king in his power, and that he could force upon him terms which would secure him and his kingdom in the future, consented to treat with him; and during the negotiations he generously furnished the famishing squadron with beef and other provisions. The king invited him to a personal conference on board his ship; and the unsuspecting Regent would have fallen into the snare thus prepared for him, had not the town council declared that if he went on board they would soon have another Regent, for they were sure he never would return.

Foiled in this base design, the king devised another, equally treacherous, which was completely successful. He professed his willingness to come on shore, provided suitable hostages should be sent to the squadron. Six nobles — including Gustavus and Hemming Gadd — were chosen for this purpose. But the boat in which they were embarked, had not accomplished half its passage to the fleet, when a Danish ship with a hundred men on board captured it, and carried the six hostages to the fleet as prisoners. A favorable breeze springing up took away all hope of rescue. The fleet weighed anchor, the sails were filled, and they were all soon landed on the coast of Denmark. Thus the defeated king, by an act of gross treachery, evaded the promised proposals of peace, provisioned his starving fleet and army from his victorious enemy, and carried into captivity six of the most eminent nobles of the land. But it was a triumph which, by intensifying the patriotic passion of the Swedes, led to an ultimate defeat. ^7 „ . Gustavus had the good fortune to be com-

The Captiv- • i 1 r -r» t-» •

ity and es- mitted to the care of a kinsman, Baron Eric cape of Gus- Baner, Governor of the castle of Kallo, North

Jutland, where he spent upwards of a year as a prisoner, and was treated with kindness and allowed a liberty, not usually granted to prisoners of state. But the whole country was ringing with rumors of the great preparations which were in progress for the conquest of Sweden. Christian had imposed new taxes for the prosecution of the war and even extorted from the Papal Legate the sums that had been amassed by the sale of indulgences, which he appropriated on the plea that it was a war in which the interests of the Papacy were involved. Copenhagen was thronged with French, Scotch and English mercenary officers and troops. The young soldiers at the mess of the castle of Kallo talked of the preparations for the conquest of Sweden with exasperating exultation. They boasted that they would soon play with the Swedes 44 S. Peter's game" — an allusion to the Papal interdict which they hoped to secure, and jestingly and mockingly parcelled out among themselves the wealth and beauty of the nation.

How the ardent and patriotic heart of the young Gustavus must have chafed in his captivity! " By such contumelies was Lord Gustavus Ericson seized with anguish beyond measure, so that neither meat nor drink might savor pleasantly to him, even if he had been furnished better than he was. His sleep was neither quiet nor delectable, for he co-uld think of nothing- else than how he might find opportunity to extricate himself from the unjust captivity in which he was held" (Geijer, page 98).

It is not to be wondered at that under such circumstances Gustavus should have persuaded himself that he might without dishonor escape from his captivity. He might well feel that he was called to do so by duty to his country. He was not a prisoner captured in war. He was stolen and consigned to captivity in violation of Royal pledges and of the laws which regulated the warfare of civilized nations. Early in the morning of February 19, he left the castle disguised, according to some as a pilgrim, but according to others as a drover, and traveled on the first day of his escape forty-two English miles. He did not reach Lubeck until the last day of September, when he threw himself on the protection of the Burgomaster and Council. As soon as Eric Baner discovered the retreat of Gustavus, he hastened to Lubeck, armed with a letter of the King, and demanded back his prisoner. He complained at the same time that Gustavus had escaped, contrary to his pledged word as a Knight and a Kinsman. Gustavus spoke in his own defense. "I was captured," he said, " contrary to all justice and plighted faith. It is notorious that I went to the King's fleet as a hostage. Let any one who can, point out the place where I was made prisoner in battle, or declare the crime for which I deserve chains. Call me not then a prisoner, but a man seized, unjustly, overreached and betrayed. Am I not in a free city and before a government renowned for justice and for befriending the persecuted ? Shall I be altogether deceived in the confidence I have reposed in them ? Or can breach of faith be reasonably objected to me byone who never kept oath or promise ? Or can it be wondered at that I should free myself from a prison which I deserved by no fault except that of trusting to a King ? "

Gustavus promised to repay to Baner the $6,000 by which he was pledged to Christian for the security of his prisoner. This promise he was not able at first to fulfil, and subsequently he believed himself exonerated from it by the wrongs which he had endured. He denied also that he had given any pledge to remain at Kallo, or that he was in the position of a prisoner on his parole of honor.

However much or little the shrewd burgesses of Lubeck may have felt the force of this argument, their sympathies no doubt were enlisted on the side of a fine, spirited young man, the dupe of a faithless tyrant. Moreover, motives of policy happily coincided with those of feeling. Christian, as the undisputed Lord of the three Northern Kingdoms, would possess a power which he might easily employ for the subjection of one of the smallest of the free Hanse towns, which was protected rather by a tradition of its inviolability than by any possession of military power. The Burgomaster urged this view upon his colleagues. "Who knows," said the council, "What Gustavus may do when he gets back to Sweden?" They evidently hoped that he might be an instrument for checking the progress of the King in his native land, and thus prevent him from plotting against their liberties. With this view they refused to deliver Gustavus to the Baron Baner, and determined to send him back to Sweden.

His brief residence in Lubeck exercised a momentous influence on the subsequent career of Gustavus. It was there that he first heard and became interested in the doctrines of the Reformation, and thus became providentially prepared for his great mission — the deliverance of his country from the Papal despotism. The Inter- During the captivity of Gustavus events of dicL the utmost moment had occurred in Sweden.

The talk of the young soldiers over their cups in the dinner hall of Kallo, which had so exasperated him and led to his escape, was not all boyish gasconade. The "Game of S. Peter" — the threatened interdict — had been played, and Sweden was soon after successfully invaded by Christian.

The only ground on which the Pope could claim that there was cause for his interference between Christian and the Swedes, was that the latter were in rebellion against their lawful lord; and that it was his duty to coerce kings to perform their civil duties by spiritual penalties. There was as yet no question of religion involved in the strife. But the once terrible instruments of interdict and excommunication had not lost all their power, and the former was laid upon the kingdom, and the latter was pronounced against the Regent, and against all who had espoused his cause. Pope Leo X. was equally ready to pronounce a blessing or a curse which would replenish his treasury, and enable him to indulge his luxurious tastes. No real influence appears to have been exerted by these spiritual weapons. That in which the sting of the Papal Bull was contained was the fact that the execution of it was committed to Christian. It was this unusual provision which constituted the plea for the horrible atrocities which he committed when he acquired the possession of the kingdom.

Chapter II

FROM THE INVASION OF CHRISTIAN II., 152O, TO THE ACCESSION OF GUSTAVUS TO THE THRONE, I 523.

Christian's T^HE whole of the year 15 19 was spent invasion of -A- in making" preparations for the invasion. In the beginning of the year 1520 the Danish army broke into Sweden under the General Otho Krumpen. He caused the Papal Ban to be affixed to all the churches on his march. The Regent met the invaders on the ice of the lake of Ascunden in West Gothland. But being wounded in the beginning of the battle, he was carried out of the conflict and his army was defeated. Learning that the victorious Danes were marching upon Stockholm, he caused himself to be carried to the Capital on a sledge, but died upon the ice of lake Malar when near the city. Everything was thrown into confusion by this disaster. A few magnates met but did not feel authorized to appoint a successor to the Regency. The country people assembled in various localities to resist the enemy; but without leaders and organization, they were easily dispersed. The heroic widow of the Regent, Christina Gillenstierna, still continued to defend Stockholm. She refused to accede to the agreement which the Swedish barons in a diet had made with Christian, that they would recognize him as king, on condition that he should govern in accordance with the laws of the kingdom and the treaty of Calmar.