The Pilgrim fathers of New England : a history / by W. Carlos Martyn ..

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Preface

Lord Bacon assigns the highest meed of earthly fame to the builders of states, conditores imperiorum. The Pilgrim Fathers were members of that guild, and their story belongs to the heroic age of America. “No other state,” remarks Stoughton, “can boast of such an origin, and adorn its earliest annals with a tale as true as it is beautiful, as authentic as it is sublime.”

But aside from the honor which attends the Forefathers as the founders of empire, they march down the ages crowned with richer and more fragrant laurels ; for they built not for themselves or for posterity alone, in imitation of Bomulus, and Cyrus, and Caesar, and Ottoman ; they planted also for justice and for God.

Therefore they are the rightful heirs of the benedictions of mankind ; while to Americans they are doubly precious as “the parents of one-third of the whole white population of the Republic.”

Of course, the career of the Pilgrim Fathers has been often painted : but the interest of the story is inexhaustible, and its thrilling incidents exhibit the wisdom, the benevolence, the faithfulness of God in so many glorious and delightful aspects, and are so replete with facts whose inevitable tendency is to inflame the love, strengthen the faith, and awaken the wondering gratitude of the human heart, that it is impossible to wear the “ twice-told tale ” threadbare by repetition. Besides, a thoughtful scholar, who has himself laid his garland of everlasting upon the altar of the Pilgrims, has re-

PREFACE.

minded us that, “however Tvell history may have been written, it is desirable that it should be re-written from time to time by those who look from an advanced position, giving in every age to the peculiar and marked developments of the past, a simple, compact, and picturesque representation.”

This sketch runs back to the cradle of Puritanism ; summarily rehearses the causes of which it was begotten ; accompanies the Pilgrim Fathers across the channel, and depicts the salient features of their residence in Holland, and the reasons which pushed them to further removal; sails with them in the “ Mayflower ” over the stormy winter sea ; recites in some detail, the incidents which accompanied the settlement at Plymouth and the kindred colonies throughout New England ; and closes in the sunshine of that league between the New England colonies. which was the prophecy of the Republic, and the crowning glory of those who are distinctively called the Pilgrim Fathers.

The volume has been carefully written, and it is fortified by copious marginal notes and citations from a wide range of authoritative authors, from the humblest diarist to the most pretentious compiler who struts in the rustling satin of history.

This is “a round unvarnished tale,” and aims at fairness of statement, not copying that dealer in history whom Lucian derides for always styling the captain of his own party an Achilles, and the leader of the opposition a Thersites. Nor does it enter the “debateable ground” of sectarian polity; but avoiding alike the Scylla of indiscriminate encomium, and the Cliarybdis of controversy, it merely reproduces the broad and unquestioned facts of an emigration whose purpose and whose result was to

“Win the wilderness for God.”

New York, January, 1867.

CHAPTER L

Spiritual Forces and the Motors of Materialism — English Puritanism— Its Conflicts with the Dramatic Religion of the Popes — Aspiration — The Modern Era — The Recast Ecclesiasticism — Two Parties in the New-modelled English Church — The Puritans— The Conformists — The Error of the Church-and-state Reformers — The Epic of our Saxon Annals — Britain, emancipated from the Pope, hugs the Popedom — Persecution — The Separatists — Their Disappointment — The Separatists of the North of England — Division in the Protestant World — The Philosophy of Luther — Calvin’s Bationale — The Separatists adhere to Calvin — The Raid for Exact Conformity — The Pilgrim Fathers prepare to quit the Island — Pilgrim Traits — Obstacles— The Attempted Exodus — Treachery — The Pilgrims ‘ ‘ rifled by the Catchpole Officers” — Imprisonment — The Second Attempt— The Rendezvous — A Midnight Scene by the Sea-shore — • Arrival of the Ship — The Stranded Barque — The Captain’s Alarm — The Ship sails — The Deserted Dear Ones on Shore — A Woful Picture — Captured — The Storm — Holland at last — Reunion page 17

CHAPTEK II.

The Quays of Amsterdam —Quaint Aspect of the City — Its History— The Pilgrims and the Dutch Burghers — Strange Characteristics of Dutch Social Life — The Pilgrims go to Work — Their Employments — The Removal to Leyden — Reason of the Change of Residence — Leyden — Its Thrilling Story — The Exiles “raise a Competent and Decent Living” — They “enjoy much Sweet Society and Spiritual Comfort together in the W~ays of God” — John Robinson — Elder Brewster — The Pilgrims grow in Knowledge and Gifts — Their Discipline — Robinson’s Wisdom — The Exiles win the Cordial Love and Respect of the Dutch — An I*

Contents

Illustration — Testimony of the Leyden Magistrates — The Controversy— Robinson and Episcopius — The Debate — “ Famous Victory” of the English Divine — Reformed Churches of the Continent — Catholicity of the Pilgrims — Their Bias towards Religious Democracy — Peregrini Deo curce 37

CHAPTEE III.

Many Circumstances conspire to render the Exiles anxious and uneasy in Holland — They ‘ ‘ know that They are but Pilgrims ” — The Projected Removal from the Low Countries — Their “Weighty Reasons” — A Grand Germ of Thought — The New World — Career of Maritime Discovery — The Pilgrim Council — The Debate — The Argument of the Doubters — The Apostles of the Future — Ho, for America — The Decision 52

Chapter I. The Exodus

“Nothing is here for tears ; nothing to wail Or knock the breast ; no weakness, no contempt, Dispraise or blame ; nothing but well and fair. ”

Milton, Samson Agonistes.

The influenca of that mysterious- triad, tlie

gold eagle, the silver dollar, and the copper cent, has been overestimated. Spiritual forces are more potent than the motors of materialism. The Sermon on the Mount outweighs the law of gravity. Ethics make safer builders than stocks. Two hundred years ago, commercial enterprise essayed to subdue the New World in the interest of greedy trade, hungering for an increase; but though officered by the brightest genius and the highest daring of the age, backed by court favor and bottomed on

the deepest bank- vaults of London, the effort failed.

2*

THE PILGEIM EATHEBS.

Where physical forces balked, a moral sentiment bore off a trophy. The most prosperous of the American colonies were planted by religion. New England is the child of English Puritanism ; and yet, paradoxical as it may seem, antedates its birth. Men say that the history of New England dates from 1620. ’T is a mistake. New England was in the brain of Wickliffe when, in the infancy of Britain, he uttered his first protest against priestcraft and pronounced the Christianity of Borne a juggle. New England, in esse , was born in that chill December on Plymouth Bock; New England, in posse, was cradled in the pages of the first printed copy of the English Bible.

Soil does not make a state ; nor does geographical position. That spot of ground which men call Athens does not embrace the immortal city. It bears up its masonry; but the Athens of Socrates and of Plato exists in the mind of every scholar. The intellectual and moral elements which enter into and shape it, these are the real state. In this sense, New England was in the pages of the Puritan publicists, in the psalms of the Lollards, and in the prayers of Bradwardine, centuries before that winter’s voyage into the dreary wilderness.

Society, government, law, the graces of civility, the economic formulas, are growths. “ Books, schools, education,” says Humboldt, “ are the scaffolding by means of which God builds up the human soul.” There are no isolated facts. Events do not occur at hap-hazard. Each effect has its cause ; it may lie buried beneath many blinding strata, so that it must be dug for, but it exists.

Puritanism was not a sudden creation. It did not crop out of the sixteenth century unexpectedly, and begin to impeach formalism without a cause. It was a growth. “ It was as old as the truth and manliness of England. Among the thoughtful and earnest islanders, the dramatic religion of the popes had never struck so deep root as in continental soil.”* Chafed and weary, the people had long demanded a purer and more spiritual faith. The strong repressive hand of the Yatican was not able to stop the mouth of unwearied complaint. Thinkers were convinced that Rome had paganized Christianity. Christ was banished from all active influence. He could only be reached and “ touched with the feeling of our infirmities” through the intercession of saints, who were constantly invoked. The popes professed to possess a fund of supererogation, which they might dispense at will ; and this became their stock in trade. Salvation by meritorious works was preached. Brokers in souls hawked their celestial wares in every market-place. Borne, an incarnate Pharisee, made broad its phylactery, and hid beneath it a dead religion and a corrupt church, f

From Wickliffe to Tyndale, a few earnest, devout men had impeached this cheat. But the influ-

* Palfrey, Hist, of New England, vol. 1, p. 101.

f Perhaps this whole chapter of history is nowhere more graphically treated than in D’Aubigne’s Hist, of the Ref. in the Sixteenth Century. See also, Ranke’s Hist, of the Popes.

THE PILGRIM FATHERS.

ence of these teachers was at best but local. They ivere barely able to keep the gospel torch aglow, and to pass it down from hand to hand through the dusky centuries. The masses were affrighted from the pursuit of knowledge by the jingle of the rusty and forged keys of St. Peter, which locked the storehouse of divine revelation, and barred the investigations of the human mind.

The modern era dawned in the sixteenth century. The invention of printing was the avant courier of reform. The reformers gained a fulcrum for their lever. Scholars might shake the dust from their mouldy folios, and by opening the early records, convict Rome of heresy. Their conclusions might then be scattered broadcast on the wings of the press. Weil might the perturbed ghost of Latin Orthodoxy exclaim,

“Ah, fatal age, which gave mankind A Luther and a Faustus.”

Bibles were everywhere opened. Reform swept from the mountains of Bohemia into Germany; crossing the Saxon plains, it entered the Netherlands; thence it passed the channel into England. In the island it was received with enthusiasm. The government, from personal motives, extended to it the hand of fellowship; the people adopted it, because they felt the inadequacy of Romanism to meet their religious wants.*

Rome did not strike its flag without a struggle. As Demetrius was shocked when Paul, a wandering * Uhden, New England Theocracy, p. 15.

THE EXODUS.

preacher from Tarsus, impeached his Diana, so the Vatican professed to be horrified when the reformers inveighed against the popedom. “Socrates” — so runs the old Grecian indictment — “is guilty of crime for not worshipping the gods whom the city worship, but introducing new divinities of his own.55* The adherents of the ancient faith tacked a similar indictment upon the front of the reform. Where they dared, they invoked the thumb-screw and kindled an auto-da-fe. When they could not fight with these congenial weapons, they made faces at their opponents, and hurled epithets. The iconoclasts were called “ infidels.55 Hooker and Hales, Stillingfleet, and Cudworth, and Taylor were thus stigmatized.! And indeed, “ this is a cry which the timid, the ignorant, the indolent, and the venal are apt to raise against those who, faithful to themselves, go boldly forward, using the past only to show them what the present is, and what the future should be.55

These men recast the ecclesiasticism of their age. The essence of Romanism was extracted from their creed, but many of its forms were retained. Then, within the new-built temple of the English church, there arose two parties. The Puritans demanded the complete divorce of the reformed church from Rome, in its ceremonies and in its belief. They strove to inaugurate the purity and simplicity of what they conceived to be the primitive worship. They esteemed the retained forms

c* Grote, Hist, of Greece.

t Preface to Warbnr ton’s Divine Legation.

THE PILGRIM FATHERS.

to be pregnant with mischief, in that they were the badges of their former servitude, and because they tended to bridge over the chasm between Rome and the Reformation.*

At the outset, the Puritans did not quarrel with the English Establishment ; they all claimed to be within its pale,t and many of their leaders were men of high ecclesiastical standing, of the truest lives, and of the loftiest genius; but they held to the spirit rather than to the letter; to the substance of the church, not to its forms.J

The Conformists considered the ceremonies to be non-essential; but they desired to retain them, partly because they wrere enamoured of those old associations which they symbolized, but chiefly because they dreaded the effect of too sudden and radical a change upon the peace of the island. Besides, to facilitate the passage from Romanism to the reformed church, they wTere willing to step to the verge of their consciences in the retention of the old forms, and in the incorporation of those features of the ancient faith into the outward structure of the new theology which were not intrinsically bad.§

* Neale, Hist, of the Puritans. Collier’s Church Hist. Hallam, Const. Hist, of Eng.

f See “An Account of the Principles and Practices of Several Non-conformists, wherein it appears that their religion is no other than that which is professed in the Church of England ,” etc. By Mr. John Corbet ; London, 1682.

J Elliot, Hist, of New Eng., vol. 1, p. 43.

§ Fuller, Church Hist. Strype, Life of Parker, neylin, Life of Lord Clarendon.

THE EXODUS.

Unquestionably honest minds might differ in this policy. “ But certainly the doctrine of the Puritans concerning the connection and mutual influence between forms and opinions, so far from being fanciful or fastidious, had foundations as deep as any thing in moral truth or in human nature. A sentiment determined their course ; but it was more cogent than all the learned argument which they lavished in its defence. A man of honor will not be bribed to display himself in a fool’s cap ; yet why not in a fool’s cap as readily as in any apparel associated in his mind, and in the minds of those wdiom he respects, whether correctly or not is immaterial, with the shame of mummery and falsehood ? To these men the cope and surplice seemed the livery of Borne. They would not put on the uniform of that hated power, while they were marshalling an array of battle against its ranks. An officer, French, American, or English, would feel outraged by a proposal to be seen in the garb of a foreign service. The respective wearers of the white and tricolor cockades would be more willing to receive each other’s swords into their bosoms than to exchange their decorations. A national flag is a few square yards of coarse bunting; but associations invest it which touch whatever is strongest and deepest in national character. Its presence commands an homage as reverential as that which salutes an Indian idol. Torrents of blood have been poured out age after age to save it from affront. The rejection of the cope and mitre was as much

THE PILGRIM FATHERS.

tlie fruit and the sign of the great reality of a religious revolution, as a political revolution was betokened and effected when the cross of St. George came down from over the fortresses along fifteen degrees of the North American coast”* in ’76.

The contest which ensued between nascent Puritanism and the entrenched Conformists was prolonged and bitter. It deeply scarred the history of the contemporaneous actors ; and it has shaped the ethics and the politics of two centuries; nor is its force yet spent. Indeed, it may be fitly called the epic of our Saxon annals.

“ On the one side, in the outset, were statesmen desiring first and mainly the order and quiet of the realm. On the other side were religious men desiring that, at all hazards, God might be worshipped in purity and served with simplicity and zeal. It is easy to understand the perplexities and alarms of the former class; but the persistency of their opponents is not therefore to be accounted whimsical and perverse. It is impossible to blame them for saying, ‘ If a man believes marriage to be a sacrament in the sense of the popes and the councils, let him symbolize it by the giving of a ring ; if he believes in exorcism by the signing of the cross, let him have it impressed on his infant’s brow in baptism ; if he believes the bread of the Eucharist to be God, let him go down on his knees before it. But we do not believe these things, and as honest men we will not profess so to believe by act or sign * Palfrey, Hist, of New England, vol. 1, p. 113, note.

THE EXODUS.

any more than by word.’ Theirs was no struggle against the church, but against the state’s control over it.”*

The fatal error of the church-and-state reformers was, that they strove to coerce unwilling consciences into exact conformity with a prescribed formula of worship by penal legislation. No latitude was even winked at. It was a new edition of the old story of Procrustes and his iron bed. Britain, emancipated from the pope, still hugged the popedom. The rulers of the island clutched the weapons and enacted the role of the Hildebrandes, the Gregorys, and the Innocents of ecclesiastical history. Dissent was “ rank heresy.” Liberty was “ license.” The measure of a conscience was the length of a prelate’s foot.

“ An act was passed in 1593,” says Hoyt, “ for punishing all who refused to attend the Established Church, or frequented conventicles or unauthorized assemblies. The penalty was, imprisonment until the convicted person made declaration of his conformity; and if that was not done within three months after arrest, he was to quit the realm, and go into perpetual banishment. In case he did not depart within the specified time, or returned without license, he was to suffer death.”f

In 1603, when James I. came down from Scotland to ascend the English throne, so stood the law. Nor did it rest idle in the statute-book. The parch-

* Palfrey, Hist, of New England, vol. 1, p, 114.

Filsnm Fathers, 'l

THE PILGRIM FATHERS.

ment fiat was instinct with vicious life. Hecatombs of victims suffered under it.* “ Toleration,” remarks Goodrich, “ was a virtue then unknown on British ground. In exile alone was security found from the pains and penalties of non-conformity to the Church of England.5’! •

During the pendency of the dissension between the Puritans and the Conformists within the bosom of the church, many honest thinkers, feeling hopeless of success in that unequal conflict, broke from their old communion, and set up a separate Ebenezer4 Even so early as 1592, Sir Walter Baleigh, speaking in the House of Commons, affirmed that these “ Come-outers” numbered upwards of twenty thousand.§ Since that date, every year had added new recruits to their ranks, until, in 1603, they had expanded into a wealthy, influential, and puissant party in the state.H

Though socially tabooed and politically ostracised— though shackled by fierce prohibitory legislation and by governmental ill-will, the Separatists, as they were called, still prayed and hoped, walking through persecution with faith in their right hand and with patience in their left. At one time they thought they could discern a ray of light on the sullen horizon which gloomed upon them. James

* Fuller, Ch. Hist., vol. 3. Rymer’s Foedera, vol. 16, p. 694.

j- Goodrich, Ch. Hist.

J Neale, History of the Puritans, vol. 1. Rush worth, Clarendon, etc. § Parliamentary History.

|| Strype, Life of Whitgift. Bradshaw, English Puritanism, 1605.

THE EXODUS.

I. had been educated in Presbyterian Scotland.* He liad often hymned the praises of the polity of stout John Ivnox.f When he crossed the Tweed, jubilant Puritanism cried, “Amen,” and “All hail.” Ere long, however, the weak and treacherous Stuart deserted his Scottish creed. From that moment he hated his old comrades with the peculiar bitterness of an apostate. No epithet was vile enough by which to paint them. He raked the gutter of the English language for phrases. “ These Puritans,” said he, “are pests in the church and commonwealth— greater liars and perjurers than any border thieves.”;):

At the Hampton Court Conference — an intellectual tournament between the representatives of the opposing religious parties — the royal buffoon affirmed his determination to make the Puritans “ conform, or harry them out of the land, or else worse. ”§

It has been truly said that “ the friends of religious reform had never seen so hopeless a time as that which succeeded the period of the most sanguine expectation. In the gloomiest periods of the arbitrary sway of the two daughters of Henry VIII., they could turn their eyes to a probable successor to the throne who would be capable of more reason or more lenity. Now nothing better for them ap-

* Calderwood, True Hist, of the Ch. of Scotland. Perry, Ch. Hist., vol. 1. f Ibid.

t Fuller, Ch. Hist., vol. 3. Hume, Hist, of Eng., etc.

§ Barlow’s Account of the Hampton Court Conference. A copy of it is in Harvard college library. Harrington, Nugae Antiquae.

THE PILGBIM EATHEES.

peared in the future than the long reign of a prinoe wrong-headed and positive alike from imbecility, prejudice, pique, and self-conceit, to be succeeded by a dynasty born to the inheritance of the same bad blood, and educated in the same pernicious school. It is true that, as history reveals the fact to our age, almost with the reign of the Scottish alien that nobler spirit began to animate the House of Commons which ultimately ” checkmated tyranny beneath the scaffold of Charles I. But this astounding blow was then remote. “As yet the steady reaction from old abuses was but dimly apparent, even to the most clear-sighted and hopeful minds; and numbers of devout and brave hearts gave way to the conviction that, for such as they, England had ceased for ever to be a habitable spot.”*

Towards the close of Elizabeth’s reign, a number of yeomen in the North of England, some in Nottinghamshire, some in Lincolnshire, some in Yorkshire, and the neighborhood of these counties, “whose hearts the Lord had touched with heavenly zeal for his truth,” separated from the English church, “ and as the Lord’s free people joined themselves, by a covenant of the Lord, into a church estate in the fellowship of the gospel, to walk in all his ways made known or to be made known unto them, according to their best endeavors, whatsoever it should cost, the Lord assisting them. ”f

The Protestant world was at this time divided

* Palfrey, Hist, of New England, vol. 1, p. 131.

f Bradford, Hist, of the Plymouth Plantation, p. 9. 4

200067 between two regal phases of reform. “Luther’s rationale ,” says Bancroft, “was based upon the sublime but simple truth which lies at the bottom of morals, the paramount value of character and purity of conscience ; the superiority of right dispositions over ceremonial exactness ; and, as he expressed it, ‘ justification by faith alone.’ But he hesitated to deny the real presence, and was indifferent to the observance of external ceremonies. Calvin, with sterner dialectics, sanctioned by his power as the ablest writer of his age, attacked the Boman doctrines respecting the communion, and esteemed as a commemoration the rite which the papists reverenced as a sacrifice. Luther acknowledged princes as his protectors, and in the ceremonies of worship favored magnificence as an aid to devotion ; Calvin was the guide of Swiss republics, and avoided in their churches all appeals to the senses as crimes against religion. Luther resisted the Roman church for its immorality ; Calvin for its idolatry. Luther exposed the folly of superstition, ridiculed the hair-shirt and the scourge, the purchased indulgence, and the dearly-bought masses for the dead ; Calvin shrunk from their criminality with impatient horror. Luther permitted the cross, the taper, pictures, images, as things of indifference ; Calvin demanded a spiritual worship in its utmost purity.”*

The Separatists were ardent Calvinists. They esteemed the “ offices and callings, courts and can- • Bancroft, Hist. United States, vol. 1, pp. 277, 278.

3*

THE PILGRIM FATHERS.

ons” of tlio English church “monuments of idolatry.” Those of the North of England, though “presently they were scoffed and scorned by the profane multitude, and their ministers urged with the yoke of subscription,” yet held “ that the lordly power of the prelates ought not to be submitted to.”*

In this northern church was “Mr. Richard Clifton, a grave and revered preacher, who by his pains and diligence had done much good, and under God had been the means of the conversion of many ; also that famous and worthy man, Mr. John Robinson, who afterwards was their pastor for many years, till God called him away by death ; and Mr. William Brewster, a reverent man, who afterwards was chosen elder of the church, and lived with them till old age.”+

In the year 1607 these reformers seem to have received the vindictive attention of the government, for Bradford makes this record: “After that they could not long continue in any peaceable condition, but w’ere hunted and persecuted on every side. Some were taken and clapped up in prison. Others had their houses beset and watched night and day. The most were fain to fly and leave their houses and goods, and the means of their livelihood. Yet these things, and many more still sharper, which afterwards befell them, were no other than they looked for, and therefore they were better able to bear them by the assistance of God’s grace and

* Bradford, Hist. Plymouth Plantation.

j- Ibid., Morton’s Memorial, Founders of New Plymouth, etc.

THE EXODUS.

spirit. Nevertheless, seeing themselves thus molested, and that there was no hope of peace at home, by joint consent they resolved to go into the Low Countries, where, they heard, was freedom for all men ; as also how sundry from London and various parts had been persecuted into exile aforetime, and were gone thither, sojourning at Amsterdam and in other cities. So, after they had continued together about a year, and kept their meetings every sabbath in one place and another, exercising the worship of God despite the diligence and malice of their adversaries, seeing that they could no longer continue in that condition, they prepared to pass over into Holland as they could.”*

The Pilgrims were preeminently men of action. They were not dreamy speculators ; they were not dilettanti idealists. They never let “I dare not” wait upon “ I would.” With them decision was imperative, and meant action. They had dropped two words from their vocabulary — doubt and hesitation. Instantly they prepared for exile; and they accepted it as serenely when conscience beckoned that way with her imperious finger, as their descendants would an invitation to attend a halcyon gala.

Still, in the very outset they met obstacles which would have unnerved less resolute men. But the heart of their purpose was not to be broken. In 1607, t the Pilgrims made an effort to quit the shores

* Bradford, Hist. Plymouth Plantation, pp. 10, 11. See also Neal’s Hist, of New England, vol. 1, p. 76.

f Some authorities say 1602. Newell, for instance, p. 348, citiug the British Quarterly Review. But so competent an author-

THE PILGRIM FATHERS.

of tliis inhospitable country. They had appointed Boston, in Lincolnshire, the rendezvous, and a contract had been made with an English captain to convey their persons and their goods to Amsterdam. The Pilgrims were punctual ; the seaman was not. Finally, however, he appeared. The eager fugitives were shipped ; but they were taken aboard only to be betrayed. The recreant master had plotted with the authorities to entrap the victims. The unhappy Pilgrims were taken ashore again in open boats, and there the officers “rifled and ransacked them, searching them to their shirts for money.”* Even the women were treated with rude immodesty, t After this thievish official raid, they were “ carried back into the town and made a spectacle and wonder to the multitude, which came flocking on all sides to behold them. Being thus first, by the catchpole officers, rifled and stripped of their money, books, and much other goods, they were presented to the magistrates, and messengers were sent to in* form the lords of the council of the matter; meantime they were committed to ward. The magistrates used the Pilgrims courteously, and showed them what kindness and favor they could ; but they were not able to deliver the prisoners till order came from the council-table. The issue was, that after a month’s imprisonment, the greater part were dismissed, and sent to the places from which they

it j as Bradford gives the date in the text. See also Young’s Chronicles, etc. * Bradford, p.12.