Past and present policy of England towards Ireland

Front matter

HISTORY,

PAST AND PRESENT

POLICY OF ENGLAND

Preface

Whoever has watched the course of events^ from the commencement of the Repeal Agitation down to the close of the debate on Lord John Russell^s motion in February, 1844, cannot fail to perceive that a fresh Catholic question has been started ; and they who are acquainted with the rise, progress, and end of aU great poHtical questions in this country during the last half century, can hardly doubt that some great change in Irish pohcy will ine\dtably be made, though in all probability not without a struggle, the duration of which it would be rash to predict. There certainly was little or nothing in the first view of this debate which promised the near approach of such a result. The leaders of the Government declared emphatically that they would not consent to any alteration of that ecclesiastical policy which is generally felt to be the real and essential (though hitherto unacknowledged) object

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of contest. They would neither alienate the revenues of the Protestant Church, nor pay the Catholic clergy. On the other hand, the opposition presented a variety of incongruous opinions ; and the question of redressing Irish grievances seemed settled for the time by a majority of 100 against any inquiry into their causes or effects. But it is impossible not to be struck vi^ith the very remarkable change in the tone and temper in which the Irish discussion was then carried on, and still more with the altered state of opinion which now prevails in society on this topic. It is difficult to meet with any one in or out of Parhament who does not admit that something must be done/^ and the whole of the minority of 226, with no inconsiderable portion of the majority against Lord John Russell^s motion, not only avowed this conviction, but appeared (however undecided or disagreeing on specific measures) impressed with the necessity of laying the foundation of a real and permanent union between the two countries. Much difference of opinion prevails as to the nature of the measures that would be

* In March 1829, Sir Robert Peel spoke as follows in the House of Commons : — " We camiot determine on remaining idle spectators of the discord and distm-bances of Ireland. The miiversal voice of the country declares that something must be done. I am but echoing the sentiments of all reasonable men when I repeat, that soraetliing must be done."

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requisite for this end — to what the people of England could be brought to consent, and what the people of Ireland would be content to receive. But even those who are most vehemently opposed to any change in the appropriation of Church property, admit that, by some means or other, the Catholics must be satisfied. It is clear enough that the reason why more exphcit opinions have not been expressed, and more definite plans proposed, has been the apprehension of shocking or excitmg the prejudices of the people of this country ; and it is the difficulty, and at the same time the necessity, of vanquishing these prejudices, which presents one of the most formidable obstacles to the great work of estabhshing tranquillity and peace. The good people of England have, for the most part, sucked in with their mothers' milk a disHke to the Catholic rehgion, and they have been accustomed to associate its profession in Ireland with turbulence, disaffection, the perpetration of revolting crimes, and all the evils of a vast moral and social disorganisation. This impression, which had its origin at an earher period, was confirmed and exasperated by a bloody and exterminating ci\dl war ; and for a long time it grew with the gi'owth, and strengthened with the strength of public opinion. It caused a nation, naturally just and hmnane, to regard with complacency

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the enactment of the penal code. It was the chief source of George the Third^s popularity, and it explains the remarkable political phenomenon of the successful resistance so long opposed to Catholic Emancipation, though supported by the wisdom, zeal, and eloquence, of the greatest statesmen and orators whom our age has produced. But the mighty mass of those who are elevated enough in life to reason and reflect, though tenacious of their early prepossessions, are accustomed to observe a just proportion between their efforts and their objects ; and while they would strive to the death against any invasion of their own rights and privileges, or against any attempt to impose upon them a pohtical or rehgious yoke, would not be disposed to make the same sacrifices, merely to maintain an ascendancy over a people determined no longer to endure it. So long as the question is merely speculative, and no effects flow fi'om it but such as operate upon the welfare of Ireland herself, resolute No-popery Englishmen will feel little, either of remorse or fear, on account of the poverty and discontent which they have been accustomed to see or hear of: but if they should begin to find their own material interests in jeopardy, if trade were to diminish and taxation to increase, a new Light of hberality and toleration would infallibly

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dawn upon theii' minds ; they would ask themselves whether the questions which arouse all the feelings and passions of Irishmen, really concern Englishmen in any sensible degree : a prudent English Protestant, when he finds himself compelled to pay for the reinforcement of the army in Ireland, will consider what interest he or his children have in maintaining the Irish church, in defiance of the wishes of the great majority of the Irish people. There is no nation in the world more ill-informed, and more under the influence of false and erroneous impressions than the Enghsh, in respect to the international transactions of England and Ireland,* and the practical working of Catholicism in its connection with Protestant states. All the sources of knowledge have been poisoned by polemical bigotry, or party misrepresentation. No history has been so perverted and disfigui'ed for the purposes of faction or fanaticism as that of Ireland. Irish agitators who harangue monster meetings on the Hill of Tara, exciting the combustible passions of their countrymen by fabulous narratives of Saxon cruelty, are not more culpable, and are far more excusable, than the

* " It is a great misfoi'tune of this country, that the people of England know less of it than they Icnow, perhaps, of any other nation in Europe, Their impressions, I do really beHeve, are received from newspapers, published for the set piu'pose of deceiving them." — Lord Clare's Speech on Catholic Relief Bill.

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orators of Exeter Hall^ wlio strive to resuscitate the languid Anti-Popery zeal of Englislimen, by raving about the massacre of 1641, and the theology of Peter Dens. What the people of England want is knowledge of the truth, in order that they may be led by it to cast away their ancient prejudices, and to deal with Ireland in a spirit of wisdom and justice. They who wiU patiently and candidly trace the whole course of Irish calamities and crimes, through their unbroken chain of causes and effects, "vvill be obhged to confess that the Irish Catholics are neither more nor less than what our policy has made them ; and that according to every principle of human nature, and every historical analogy, such poHcy could not possibly have made them different from what they are. Violence, oppression, and insult, win inevitably beget hatred, resistance, and revenge. From the savage state in which we found, but from which we never endeavoured to reclaim and elevate them, we reduced them to the condition of slaves, and we never ceased to despise, till they compelled us to fear them.

It is the object of the following pages to present an intelligible narrative of the policy which England has pursued towards Ireland throughout the whole period of thefr connection, with its changes, its inconsistencies, and its effects.

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In stating tliis case^ the recorded opinions and arguments of some of tlie greatest authorities who have written or spoken upon Irish affairs have been produced^ like witnesses, in support of an indictment. The conduct of England has neither been extenuated nor aggravated, and many painful details (especially those of the Rebellion of 1798) have been passed lightly over, from reluctance to revive scenes and deeds of violence and cruelty, the description of which is not essential to my purpose. I have shown the principle on which Ecclesiastical affairs are managed in other countries, and, in contrast and comparison with them, have described the character of our own — of that system, if system it can be called, which is based upon no principle, or in which some half-abandoned, half-asserted principle is perpetually struggling with necessity or expediency, and producing a state of danger and disaffection in one di\dsion of the Empire, of alarm and distrust in the other, and of bitter animosity in both. From want of sufficient local and technical knowledge to deal with such important subjects, I have refrained from entering into the various secular grievances of Ireland ; nor is it necessary to dilate upon the question of Repeal. In Ireland it would be useless, in England superfluous, to waste words upon this colossal bubble. Everybody in this country, and almost all calm and

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rational observers elsewhere^ regard it as a comedy of an indefinite number of acts, whicli tlie migbty manager, ^' for divers unknown reasons," thinks fit to persist in representing. Certain symptoms, however, indicate that the speculation is no longer quite so attractive, or so productive, as it has been, and it is not difficult to beheve that there must be some limit to the credulity of the Irish people, and that they will, sooner or later, discover that Repeal, hke the phantom ship, though constantly pursued, is never approached.

*' Thus on and on

Till day was gone, And the Moon through Heaven did hie her ;

He swept the main,

But all in vain.

That boat seemed never the nigher."

It is difficult to determine how far the influence of Mr. O^Connell over his countrymen is, as yet, materially or permanently impaired. It is his misfortune, as well as theirs, that he has put them upon a false scent, and hallooed them so vehemently on it, that, if he wished it, he is now unable to whistle them off; and he is compelled to prolong the hopeless chase, for fear of being devoured by his own disappointed pack. Recent circumstances have, however, shown that his authority is by no means so paramount and undisputed as it was; and his own

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conduct has e\dnced signs of weakness and perplexity very unlike the ■sdgonr and decision of his earlier days. The eagerness with which he has jumped from one foohsh novelty to another, allying himself one day with the federalism of Mr. Grey Porter, and the next with the Orangeism of the Kev. Tresham Gregg, has excited no inconsiderable feeling both of ridicule and disapprobation. Unhappily, Mr. O^Connell's personal position is a great obstacle to peace. The rent, indeed, for accepting which he has been so reviled, instead of being discreditable, ought to be deemed honoiu^able to him, as a national acknowledgment of his services. Nor is it otherwise than fit and just, that a man who has relinquished abundant sources of professional emolimient, in order to devote himself to his country, should be remunerated by the country for his personal sacrifices in her cause. It would be unjust to Mr. O^Connell to suspect that he has been exclusively, or even mainly, influenced in his pohtical conduct by mercenary considerations. It may be conceded that his ruling passion has been love of Ireland, and that he has courted power as the instrument of advancing her prosperity. But with every disposition to render him fair and impartial justice (as the following pages will show), and allowing that his motives may have been quite as much patriotic as personal during a

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great part of liis political career^ it is impossible^ by the most charitable construction, to excuse his conduct in heaping incessantly fresh fuel on the repeal agitation, and straining all his energies to defeat every beneficial and concihatory measure proposed for Ireland, and to keep ahve those feehngs of international estrangement, which all wise and good men of both countries are striving to extinguish.

In attempting to show the disgrace, as well as the danger, of lea\4ng matters as they are, and the justice and wisdom of establishing the principle of concurrent endowment in Ireland, I have pui'posely abstained from oiFering any positive and definite suggestion as to time and circumstances, knowing weU how many difficulties surround the question ; and that, provided the recognition of the principle be obtained, all the details had better be left to the discretion of those on whom the executive responsibihty must ultimately rest. Difficulties, however, disappear when they are boldly faced ; and the Minister who will cheerfully encounter them, may trust to the goodness of his cause, and to the disinterested support of all moderate and reasonable men.

It only remains to add, that I have no pretension to bring forward any new matter upon a question so completely exhausted, nor to do more than by

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putting together facts and arguments, the greater part of which must be abeady familiar to those who have studied Irish history or attended to Irish affaii's, to place the subject in such a point of view, as to draw a more general and impartial attention to its deep interest and its paramount importance.

As a suggestion to increase the efficiency of Maynooth is contained in the following pages, it appears necessary to state that this work had passed through the press before Parliament met, and therefore, before the intentions of Government to propose such a measm-e had been announced.

ERRATA.

Page 27, note, for " in England" read " in L'eland"

— 51, for " ordinances,'" read " adversaries.''^

— 64, last line, omit " a."

— 156, for "are attributable,^'' read "are not"

— 239, for " even" read " never."

— 292, note, for " Cumming" read " Canning."

— 351, for « StocJcdale's," read « UrsMne's." Pages 11, 15, 21, 23, for "ye" read "the."

PAST AND PRESENT POLICY

OF

ENGLAND TOWARDS IRELAND.