The new South investigated, by D. Augustus Straker

Preface

The publication of these views in book form is the result of many requests, verbal and written, by friends. Extracts of some of these requests I append, hoping that my readers will accept them as a sufficient and excusable reason for this attempt.

My experience in the South ranges through a period of more than a decade of years, and includes a residence in South Carolina, and various visits to other States, where I have delivered addresses and lectures on many occasions. During these years, extending from 1875 to 1887, various and vast changes have taken place in this portion of our country, sufficient to entitle said change to the title “New South.” By this it is not intended to prove, as is sometimes erroneously alleged, that there is an entire transformation of the South from Old into New, so that there is no vestige of old customs, no trace of ancient laws or habits, no indicia of slavery or civil law, no old homesteads nor even family cast of countenance preserved. This is not the meaning of the “New South” as treated in the following pages, but it is intended only to portray the evident changes which have occurred since the emancipation of the slaves and the reconstruction of the States engaged in civil war. These events have always produced change where they have occurred, and strange it would be, indeed, if similar results did not occur in our

PREFACE.

land. Truly has someone said that the “Old South” means all those facts and forces that characterized the geographical South, particularly as moulded by the institution of slavery. It is a political designation. But even the most inveterate conservatives and strongest partizans North and South are compelled to recognize a change and to acknowledge that the South of 1886 is not the South of 1850, 1863, or even 1870. The “New South” marks the beginning and progress of great changes, sociological and industrial, and the following pages will thus treat the topic.

The march of civilization has been east, north and west, marked by all the social, political and industrial changes which history records. It must complete its work. It has commenced south, its first fruit being the destruction of slavery. Since then it has borne more and varied fruit, enjoyed and to be enjoyed by the youth of the present and of the future citizens of a new South. In order to fully understand the South, the “New South,” if you please, one must place it side by side with the “Old South,” see its change; see the negro as a slave and as a free man; as a chattel and as a recognized human being; as a nonentity in the government to which he owed allegiance, and as a citizen with the constitutional rights thereof, enjoyable if not enjoyed. See the negro changed from deep ignorance and superstition to a high degree of enlightment and religious culture; from a poor, homeless creature to a possessor of the soil and a taxpayer. See “King

PREFACE.

V

Cotton” upon the pedestal of requited labor, however inadequate, and the mineral resources no longer lying dormant in the bowels of the earth, but brought to its surface by a new industry and laid at the feet of man, controlled by his power; see the vast change in architecture, the new style of houses occupying the places of the old-fashioned mansion — the habitation of the slave owner; see chapels and schoolhouses where the slave-block once stood; see the man and brother growing up in a closer relationship in spite of caste prejudice. Now all this does not mean that the South in its new growth is perfect and without error, as some construe the new South to mean. Not at all; the South is still old in many respects. Its customs, its habits, its ideas, its practices, are not entirely new; but they are not entirely old. I have lived and seen many changes in the South for the better during the time I have lived there, and I believe it is necessary to the proper understanding of the South and its people to view it from the standpoint of a new growth. The better understanding between the people of these two sections, is “a consummation devoutly to be wished.”

It is not all it should be, even at the present time. It need learn the ways of the North and adopt the energy of the people of this section. Its education must be a new one to meet its new necessities and emergencies. There are enough inherent possibilities in the South to make it a great section of our country. This is seen not only in its material development since the late

VI

PREFACE.

civil war, but in the development of new ideas. The inequality between the two races — the Anglo Saxon and Negro — resting upon the fallacious belief of the inherent inferiority of the latter and a divine law of the necessity to keep them separate, unequal in privileges and unrecognized in manhood, has begun to stir up the minds of some in the Old South, and to produce new ideas fitted for the new development. Judge Tourgee prepared the ground in his “Fool’s Errand” and “Bricks Without Straw;” Mr. Geo. W. Cable and Dr. Atticus Haygood planted the first seed. Nay, even earlier than this, men lived in the South who, seeing the end and results of the war, regretted its commencement and adopted the new ideas necessary for reformation and progress. They were few and apart, but many knew of them.

In South Carolina, Senator Hampton, F. W. McMaster, Sr., and others, urged the necessity of educating the negro as a safeguard against corrupt government as well as a right belonging to them. These views have multiplied and men have increased in the same. In fact, admitting the inherent power of the South to grow into a new shape from the old, it must be admitted that it has had infused into it the spring of a new life from the North. Men and women of this region have given their money and their lives to save the South from becoming defunct as a government or a country. The education and development of the Negro is to be traced chiefly to this source; and the writer, as one of the Negro race, is

PREFACE.

VII indebted to this spirit of the North and its deeds for a portion of his education.

But the chief aim and purpose of these pages is to portray, even though imperfectly done, the South as it has grown in the past twenty-four years; and to bring closer the two sections. Nothing but kindness, allied with firmness, on the part of the North, and truth and justice in the South, can do this. Take nothing for granted against the South. Prove all things; hold fast to the truth. The great problem of the (lay, as is seen to be solved in the South, but not exclusively there, is the true relationship of the Negro with the Anglo Saxon. I shall devote a few pages hereafter to the growth and development of the negro race in the South, by giving brief sketches of the lives of some of the race who have become marked and shining pillars in the “New South,” and without regarding whom, the “New South Discussed” is incomplete. The intellectual growth of this race chiefly is the marvel of the age, as is the disbelief of its capacity and fitness to rise alongside with the white brother — the wonder in human disbelief and perverseness. Nearly fifty-three millions of people in this country w orship God falsely in their belief that the Negro is an inferior being and unfitted for their association and privileges. This idea must be reformed; but I will not discuss this topic in these pages but leave them to abler hands. I therefore introduce my book to the public, with the hope that “the will will be taken for the deed,” and what I vm PREFACE.

have not done attribute to my earnest desire to do for the benefit of a common people of a common country.

I). AUGUSTUS STRAKER, Author.

Detroit, Mich., August 1, 1888.

Contents

I. — General View 17

ERRATA.

On p. 27, line 5, read “ Selma ” for “ Selena.”

Introduction

INTRODUCTION.

I herewith introduce the following letters and extracts received from distinguished citizens in various parts of the country, expressing their views briefly on the topic discussed in this work, and the benefit to be derived from the publication of the same. It will be seen from these letters how deeply interested the public mind is on this vital topic, so strongly interwoven with the future welfare of our whole country. These letters afford to the reader an opportunity to see how far the author’s views agree with those of other citizens. In the following pages I have, in the language of ex-Governor Daniel II. Chamberlain of New York (late of South Carolina), endeavored as best I can to “exorcise the demon of party spirit” in my discussion of the “New South.” It must, however, be admitted that the “demon” of the controlling party spirit of the South today, is not easily exorcised ; it must, nevertheless, die under the influences of such a “New South” as it is to be hoped will ere long appear: a South of progressive ideas, enlarged industry, broad education and obedience to law and order.

Extracts from Letters Received as to Publication of the Work.

Your lecture, to which I had the pleasure of listening, was very instructive to me, and gave evidence of great liberality in

INTRODUCTION.

treatment. The subjects with which you deal are of great interest to us in the North. I need not say that in the development and prosperity of the colored citizens of the South, wre owe you earnest sympathy. I believe you have found the key to the advancement of your race. I hope you will publish your views — I desire to read your book.

Sincerely yours,

GEO. FRED. WILLIAMS,

Counsellor at Law,

Boston, Mass.

I am glad to learn that you intend to publish your lecture, “ The New South.” It is a forcible presentation of our case.

Very truly,

GEO. L. RUFFIN,

Boston, Mass.

I regard it as a masterly production. It is clear, comprehensive, impartial and reassuring. It seems to me that the American people would read with interest and protit a work from your pen in which you would present “ The New South.”

Yours truly,

T. McCANTS STUART,

Attorney at Law,

New York, N. Y.

“ The New South,” an excellent paper on the Negro problem, excellent alike for the soundness of its thought and the method of its treatment.” — The Detroit Plaindealer.

The above were received from such persons who listened to my lecture, entitled “The New South,” which is now enlarged to the size of a book, in which much more is said and my views

INTRODUCTION.

enlarged upon. The following is concerning this book as now compiled: Author.

“ You can scarcely (lo any better work than the publication of your book entitled “The New South Investigated.” Your literary ability, your knowledge and experience and your downright earnestness, will enable you to do for the subject what few others would do. You have not only lived at the South, but you have lived at the heart of the South. * * The knowledge obtained

from what you have seen, felt and heard in that quarter will be valuable. Very truly yours,

FRED ’K DOUGLASS.

Anacostia I). C., July, 1888.

Detroit, Mich., July 16th, 1888.

D. A. STRAKER, Esq.,

Dear Sir: — Replying to yours of the 14th inst., inviting an expression from me as to my view's on ■ ‘ the propriety and benefit of publishing a book on ‘ the new South,’ ” I have only to say, that as yet, in my opinion, “the new' South,” as the North and all loyal citizens desire to see it, has but an ideal existence.

It is wealthy in its undeveloped resources, and attractive in its climate; peculiar in its reconstructed politics, but still far removed from its proper relations under the law and constitution to all the people of its own and those of the sister States.

The people of the North cannot fail to be interested in its advancement and prosperity; and under proper and safe conditions, they w ill be disposed to aid in the investment and loan of their capital for this end.

However, two things are essential before Northern capital will flowr South, and Northern confidence in its protection there, will be accepted; and these are, first, a free delivery and an honest return of the people’s ballots under the Constitution of the United States; and, second, the enactment, or at least the enforcement of such laws as will guarantee and protect personal property, personal liberty and personal security.

Southern men may say, that they already have these; but, as a matter of fact, we know' the contrary to be the truth. These things being once conceded as truly and practically established,

INTRODUCTION.

the North will he cordial and kind, and evince the same degree of reciprocity in traffic and intercourse, as now exists between them and the people of all other States not included within the political designation of ‘‘the South.” Until then, the “New South,” like Plato’s republic, will exist only in idea — the romance of a dream.

If your book will in anywise tend, by the presentation of facts and arguments, to bring about this happy result, and so make our Union a harmonious one, one of our entire people (as our fathers intended, and the great majority of the Northern people desire it should be), I shall be glad to see it published and carefully read, and I would cheerfully give my name to its subscription roll.

Y ours respectfully,

' D. BETHUNE DUFFIELD,

Detroit, Mich.

New York, July 5, 1888.

D. AUGUSTUS STRAKER, Esq.,

Detroit, Mich.

Deai^ Sir: — I am informed that you intend to prepare a book entitled “The New South Investigated;” and you indicate that your attention will be specially directed to the industrial and social aspects of the South at present. Such a work, if done in a fair and just spirit, with an eye bent upon the new South rather than the old, and written with a purpose to make the best of the present as well as to make the future hopeful, exorcising the demon of party spirit and political rancor, will do much good and is a work which may wrell excite the patriotic ambition of any intelligent man and especially a colored man. I sincerely hope you will do this work in the spirit above indicated, and you can rely, in that case, upon my applause and my assistance to any extent compatible with the very busy pursuit of my profession here. No one could have had better opportunities than you have had for studying these questions, and I believe you have sufficient intellectual and literary power to make such a book interesting and valuable.

Y ours very truly,

I). II. CHAMBERLAIN.

New York, N. Y.

Detroit, July 6, 1888.

I regard Prof. Straker’s book, “The New South Investigated,” as a timely contribution to the discussion of the most unique chap-

INTRODUCTION.

ter of our political history. When the historian of the future notes how the Republican party increased the representation of the South by enfranchising the slaves and making them citizens, and how the increased representation was retained by the Democracy while the votes of the newly-made citizens were suppressed by fraud, he will wonder at the patience with which the outrage was endured .

COL. JOHN ATKINSON,

Att’y at Law.

Prof. Straker is a well-poised, cultured man; he is equipped with a pride and hope for his race; he believes in them, and his book, bristling with an armament of logic and of fact, will form an argument as well as an incentive to high endeavor and healthy growth of his race. I should trespass on the domain of true criticism did I say more than this. He is my friend and I love him; my peer in the law and I honor him; my brother in that bond that makes the brotherhood of man next only to the fatherhood of God.

The need of such a work is apparent. It seeks to acquaint the world with the past, present and future of the South; to develope its industrial and commercial interests; to show how in diversity of pursuits is to be found the highest prosperity of the South. The North knows little of the resources and the immense advantages it holds out to labor and capital, and how protection to her industries will eventuate in the breaking up of a solid South. The North needs this book; and its wide circulation will do much to bring to view the true status of the South.

COL. SYLVESTER LARNED.

Detroit, Mich., July 6, 1888.

New York, July 10, 1888.

No people ever enjoyed civil liberty who had not the courage to tight for it and the intelligence to preserve it after they have got it. Our people have got to solve the Southern problem themselves. As long as they remain poor and cowardly, they will be robbed and defrauded of their rights.

THOS. FORTUNE.

INTRODUCTION.

Salisbury, N. C., July 23d, 1888.

From the Rev. J. C. Price , D.D., President of Livingston College. HON. D. A. STRAKER:

My Dear Friend — “ The South is, indeed, “New” in some respects ; but the ‘ New South ” we hear of and read about so frequently is not new absolutely as many would have the world believe.

There is a “ New South,” and there is an “ Old South.” The evidences of the existence of both are not tangible. In other words it is the “ New Old South.” If the “ New South” is all it purports to be, it can bear investigation : but on the other hand, if it is not what the name implies, it ought to be willing to “stand convicted.” Out of your large experience and very superior culture the country will not look in vain for a very interesting, instructive and timely book in “ The New South Investigated.”

All who know something of your ability feel that the interests of the South and the nation will be safe in your hands. You know the South.

The New South.

Chapter I. General View

There is no portion of onr common country which is possessed of more interest to the true patriot than that known as the South. In the early times of the republic it bore a noble part in the struggle for independence and national existence, and the pages of history are illumined with the brave deeds of its sons, the eloquence of its orators and the wisdom of its statesmen. It also has been the theatre of human slavery, and within its confines, for more than two hundred years, have lived a race of people who were held in cruel bondage by their fellow man. To sustain the institution of slavery, and the principles upon which it was founded, it has witnessed and endured the awful carnage of thousands of its citizens upon the battlefield. To maintain the principle that slavery was both legal and right, a principle which although false was by the South sacredly believed to be right, it engaged in the most horrible internecine strife known to the annals of history. The devastations of civil war have marked the South indelibly in all its ramifications. From the citadel of wealth it lias descended to the plane of comparative poverty. The industry of its past has been changed; its citizens are changed; its education has been 2

TIIE NEW SOUTH.

changed, and during the past twenty-five years it has had a transitional period from “Old South” into “New South.” The phrase “New South,” indicates a previous condition from the now existing one. A brief retrospect of the condition of the South in the past, and a survey of it today, will doubtless enable the reader to comprehend its possibilities, ascertain its progress, and fully appreciate the hopes entertained for its future. Men have written what is called the history of the United States; but the true history of our country, comprising North. East, West and South, and showing even the average development of the American citizen, is yet to be written. And this cannot be until all of its citizens enjoy the fullest opportunity for intellectual, industrial and moral advancement in the North, East, West and South alike; and all sections of our common country are in perfect harmony and intent in producing this development.

Before the civil war, in which the two sections of our country engaged in deadly .strife, the South presented to the civilized world a government whose corner-stone was slavery. This system divided its people into two classes of several subdivisions — bond and free — which comprised the rich and the poor, the educated and the ignorant, black and white. This kind of social government, in its aristocratic form and practice, kept in effect the poor whites of the South in a state of serfdom, and the Negro in a state of total subjection and ignorance. In short,

GENERAL VIEW.

it was tlie lord and the peasant, with the slave added. In this condition, self-development was impracticable, save in muscle, as labor enriched the slave-owner, and kept poor and ignorant poor white and slave alike. The social relationship was protected by barriers of pedigree, and every avenue for advancement in such knowledge as would enlighten the human mind, was securely closed by law. The schoolhouse was for the rich only. All this was necessary, in order to maintain the bondage of the Negro and the peasantry of the poor whites. But meanwhile this condition prevailed, the entire South was in a state of stagnation. It moved forever in the groove which such men as Clay and Calhoun would mark out for it. This was seen in its industrial progress. Commerce was confined to one production only. “Cotton was King.” Lands were held like unto the feudal times. Alienation of real property was little known. Hundreds and thousands of acres were the possession of one man, or one family, and descended from one generation to another, and was parcelled out to tenants. The article, so called, of commerce most pursued was human flesh, which was bought and sold as a commodity. Industry, in its broadest sense, was almost unknown. The arts and sciences were not cultivated, and invention, “the mother of necessity,” had no mother or father in the South, and was, therefore, nullus films — nobody’ s chi 1 d .

This, briefly, was the condition which marked the South in the past. It was not a condition

THE NEW SOUTH.

to promote the highest welfare of this section of our country; it was, moreover, at variance in its progress with the other portions of the country, and in nowise received that healthful influence of inter-commerce, or con-association in any of the methods of progress. And why? Because of that political mysticism known as “ State Sovereignty,” which meant the independence of the several States from the Federal Government in all respects, except as the States consented to be governed, and as they themselves construed such consent. This idea kept the Southern States from the benefit of the industrial influence of the sister States of the North, and this estrangement following was fostered by its statesmen, who translated true patriotism to mean sectional superiority. This condition, and this doctrine, grew and bore fruit — the Civil War. The devastations of this strife are yet to be seen in many parts of the South today. The fearful loss of lives, and waste of treasure, are within the memory of many. By the blight of this war, men and women were made poor in the South, who were formerly rich; industry was swept away, lands were laid waste, education had departed, government was chaotic, men were desperate, women were mournful ; but a race was emancipated, a sufficient reason for all else. And that fearful condition of the South might have lasted until today, but for the magnanimity of that noble patriot, that grand hero and soldier, whom we have laid in the chamber of eternal rest, General Ulyssus S. Grant, who by bravery, courage and unbending

GENERAL VIEW.

purpose defeated the enemy of the Union of our great country, and thus forever buried the false idea of independent States to the Union, with its falser help-meet — slavery. But upon the gra\e of this error was planted the new South, by General Grant giving to General Lee his parole at Appomatox, and bidding him tell his soldiers to take their horses and return to their homes, to the peaceful pufsuit of agTiculture. By this magnanimous act of good feeling and statesmanship, followed by his patriotic utterance a few years after: “Let us have peace,” the noble hero, soldier and saviour of his country, inspired his fellow citizens of the South with the hope of reviving it. It is a happy thought to know, and a- happier one to perceive, that although wai may stride over a land with the crushing step of a giant, unpeopling here a village, and there a city, until every dwelling is a sepulchre, the sky itself brazen, and the beautiful greenness gives place to a parched desert, a wide waste of unproductive desolation,” that yet these are only physical evils, and that “ the wild flower will bloom again in peace, where the battlefield was, and that above the crushed skeleton the destroying angel will retire and the nation will again bieathe freely.” So it has been with the South, to a very great extent, and I believe that this revival had its source in the feeling created by General Grant on the battlefield, which was, that despite the civil strife which had just closed, the North and South still remained brethren, and citizens of a common country. This sentiment carried

THE NEW SOUTH.

into practice placed the dead hero of Vicksburg higher on the roll of great warriors than has yet been attained, before or since, by earth’ s bravest soldier. Caesar conquered nations by his large armies, and never ceased to seek to conquer until insatiate ambition caused his ruin. Alexander the Great, after conquering well nigh the known world, yet sighed for further power and dominion without regard to the benefit his conquests gave to mankind. Napoleon and Frederic the Great loved war for the power it gave them. Wellington, it is said, only fought for a peerage. Not so with him who lies at Riverside Park, N. Y. In him patriotism, such as the world had not seen since the days of the black warrior, Toussaint L’ Overture, marked his every action, both as soldier and statesman. Toussaint L’ Overture and General Grant as soldiers, showed their greatness by their magnanimity towards the foe. It will be remembered, that when Toussaint L' Overture had conquered the armies of the French proconsul, Napoleon sought through General Maitland to make terms of peace with the Haytien chief, and some one of Toussaint’ s generals, learning of Maitland’s intended visit, sought to induce Toussaint L’ Overture to seize and keep the French General as an hostage against the enemy ; but it will also be remembered how the noble hearted Negro Chief of the Haytien Army rebuked his tempter saying, “tell General Maitland my word is my honor;” and to his tempter said: “ Sir, I am incapable of baseness.” Having received General Maitland, Toussaint requested

GENEKAT. VIEW.

him to tell Napoleon Bonaparte that he sought not honor, fame nor riches; but only liberty for his people from a cruel bondage, and justice and equality for them before the law. In this manly, brave, Christian, statesmanlike and patriotic conduct, Toussaint furnished a lesson in the history of true civilization in warfare, which General Grant did not think unworthy of following in his course towards General Lee, as was seen both at Appomatox and afterwards in Washington, when Secretary Stanton sought to nullify his words of promise to the conquered chief. Truly did the poet Blair describe these two great soldiers, when he wrote : ‘ ‘ that the greatest man on earth can no sooner commit an injury, than a good man can make himself greater by forgiving it.” Both of these warriors distinguished themselves by being fearless in duty, yet full of affection for their brethren, self-denying, zealous for the public good, magnanimous without being proud, humble without being mean, just without being harsh, manly in feeling, reliable in their word, they both have died a bright example to the soldier, the statesman and the ruler. The life and character of these two greatest of warriors and patriots are the noblest monuments of their country, and the pride and affection of a once down-trodden race of two countries. Toussaint L’ Overture gave liberty to the Haytien slave; General Grant to the American bondsman.

Now let us revert to the condition of the South at the close of the war. The first step in placing the South in its proper place under a

THE NEW SOUTH.

new condition, was tlie measure of reconstruction enacted by Congress, whereby as Senator Sumner expressed it, the Southern States became tabula rasa, clean slates, and the enactment of the 13th, 14th and 15th Amendments to the Constitution, gave to the ex-slave citizenship and suffrage. The next step of importance was the education of the masses. The Negro needed education to tit him for his new responsibilities of citizen and voter ; the poor whites needed education to fit them for the new condition of the South, which for the first time had presented an opportunity for all alike to rise in the scale of human progress. But this movement towards the education of the Negro, found great opposition from the native whites, who, lacerated in feeling and debased in pride, saw in the education of the Negro the total oblivion of the former rule of an aristocratic class. Blind to their best interests, they burnt school houses, and persecuted Northern teachers. But it is also true, that political demagogues, under the guise of teaching Republican doctrine, fomented strife between the two races in the South at that period, and used the Negro as a political tool to further their own end and aim, which was chiefly political fortune. This was pulling at both ends, which invariably produces no advancement. It gave the seed of education no opportunity to grow. And this is no apology for Copiah, Danville or Hamburg; but is a fair statement of the true condition of the then South. It soon became evident that while the newly emancipated race needed intel-