The new Far East

Introduction

The design of this work is to give a condensed exposition of certain significant phases of the Far Eastern question since it assumed its present shape and tendency, especially in its relations to Western civilization and the interests of the United States of America.

The material was gathered in the course of several sojourns in the Far East, made during the last six years, when I visited all the localities chiefly affected by recent great events, and was at times an observer of and participant in those events. While I have exercised the privilege of using my own judgment in determining facts and weighing policies and conditions, and have endeavored to write without animus, I have, in submitting them to the test of analysis, not hesitated to face the logic of my conclusions.

To the extent that the inherent importance of its subject, rather than any merit it may have, draws attention to the book, I will be content if it shall aid in restoring, in America and elsewhere,

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INTRODUCTION a critical instinct in respect to matters of great moment to the whole world.

I beg to acknowledge my indebtedness to the publishers of Scribner’s Magazine for permission to reproduce here, in part, matter which has previously appeared in its columns.

Thomas F. Millard.

New York, February 15, 1906.

Chapter I

Some Premises of the New Far Eastern Question — Nothing Fundamental Settled by the Russo-Japanese War — Injection of a New Element — Relation of Publicity to Prevalent Western Opinion — The British and Japanese Propagandas — Their Method and Results Analyzed — Attitude of the American Press — Real Issues of the Late War — Importance to the Western World of a Clear Knowledge of the Facts and Understanding of the Issues — An Effort Toward Sanity Page 1

Chapter II The True Position Of Japan

Popular Opinion in Japan — Sentimental Impulses of the People — Government by an Oligarchy - — Elements in Political Life — Foundation of Prevailing Misconceptions — Manufacture of Public Opinion — Popular Enthusiasm for the War — Japan’s Real Position Among the Nations — Still an Oriental Power — The National Ambition —

The Military Programme — Possible Future Opponents.

CHAPTER III THE TRUE POSITION OF JAPAN ( Concluded )

Foundations of National Wealth — Situation of Japanese Agriculture — Only Half the National Domain Now Cultivated — Mineral Resources of the Country — The Fishing Industry — Industrial Japan — Subsidized Industries — Condition of Japanese Labor — Foreign Commerce of the Country — Estimate of the National Wealth — Effects of the War — The Financial Situation — Future Possibilities , . . . * . . . Page 33

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Chapter IV

The Political Struggle Between Japan and Russia in Korea — Antecedents to the Late War — Japanese and Russian Diplomatic Methods Compared — The Ante-Bellum Negotiations — Advantage of the Japanese — Control of Communications — Interruption of Telegraph Service —

Mr. Pavloff’s Obtuseness — The Breaking off of Diplomatic Relations — The Situation in Seoul — Landing of Japanese Troops — The Situation at Chemul-po — Diplomatic Dinners at Seoul — The Critical Moment . Page 50

Chapter V A Question Of Neutrality

Arrival at Chemul-po of the Japanese Fleet — Admiral Uriu’s Ultimatum — Action of Foreign Naval Commanders —

The “Vicksburg” Incident — Conduct of the Russian Naval Commander — Failure of the Neutral Intervention — Opening of the Fight — Destruction of the Russian Ships — International Aspects of the Incident — Diplomatic Correspondence — The Russian Charges — The Japanese Reply — The Truth About the Matter . . Page 65

Chapter VI

Assurances of Japan Respecting Her Intentions in Korea — Ante-Bellum Statements — The First Protocol — This Remarkable Instrument Examined — Usurpation of Korean Autonomy — Coercion of the Korean Emperor and Cabinet — Resort to Intimidation — The Emperor’s Vain Appeals to the Foreign Ministers — Construction of Railways —

The Second Protocol — Further Abolition of Korean Autonomy — Effects of the Japanese Occupation — Attempt at Financial Reform Page 80

CHAPTER VII JAPAN IN KOREA ( Continued)

Effects of the Japanese Occupation upon Foreign Interests in Korea — Predominance of American Interests — Prosperity During the War — Japanese Removal of Foreign Advisers — Political Pressure upon Commercial and Indus-

IX trial Affairs — The Su-An Syndicate — Feeling of Foreigners in the Country — Diplomatic Position of Foreign Powers — Dr. Allen’s Removal — Political Future of Korea — The Suzerainty Agreement — Japanese Military Coercion — Suicide of Korean Ministers — Korean Emperor’s Vain Appeal to America — Political Significance of Korea Page 94

CHAPTER VIII JAPAN IN KOREA ( Concluded)

Effects of the Japanese Occupation upon the Koreans — Korean Hatred of the Japanese — Reasons for this Hatred • — National Sentiments Involved — Japanese Abuse of Koreans — Character of Japanese Immigrants — A Personal Experience — Koreans Treated as a Conquered People — The “Nagamori Land Scheme” — The “Kong-chin-hoi” Society — The “Il-chin-hoi” — Pathetic Situation of the Emperor — Japan’s Intentions in Korea — Agricultural and Commercial Possibilities of the Country.

Chapter IX

Relations of Manchuria to the Far Eastern Question — Japan Rebuffed — The Russian Aggression — Recent Events and Their Significance — Enormous Russian Expenditures — Count Witte’s Policy — Admiral Aliexieff ’s Failure —

The Beginning of the War — Prosperity of the Chinese Population — Later Developments — The Japanese Advance — Changes in Conditions — Sufferings of the Chinese — Results of the Japanese Administration — Some Effects of Martial Law upon Non-combatants . . Page 124

Chapter X The Japanese In Manchuria

Second Year of the War — The Japanese Administration — Insecurity of Life Among the Chinese Population — Summary Executions — “ Ex post facto ” Regulations — Effects of the Advance of the Japanese Armies — Work of Spies and Informers — Military Regulations for the Conduct of Non-combatants — Japanese Camp-followers — Hardships of the Chinese — Chinese Financial Losses — Confiscation of Chinese Property Page 142

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CHAPTER XI THE JAPANESE IN MANCHURIA (i Concluded)

Effects of the Japanese Occupation of Manchuria upon Foreign Interests — Military Control of Ports of Entry — Some Effects upon American Trade — Disreputable Methods of Competition — Military Blockade upon Commerce — Japanese Colonization of Manchuria — Japanese Judicial Jurisdiction — Judicial Discrimination Against Foreigners — Japanese Judicial Supervision over the Chinese — The “ Hung-hutzes” — The Neutral Border — Russian and Japanese Military Use of “Hung-hutzes” — General Nogi’s Flank Movement — China’s Neutrality — Old “Fakes” Revived Page 155

Chapter XII

Unreliability of Diplomatic Utterances as a Basis for Sound Opinion — Basic Motive of Most Foreign Policies in the Far East — The British Policy — Birth of the “Open Door” Doctrine — England’s Motive in Advancing It — Securing Support for the New Doctrine — Progress of the Forces for Dismemberment — The “Sphere of Influence” Doctrine — Proposed Division of China — The Anglo- German Agreement — The “Yiang-tse Valley” Agreement— The Hay Agreement — Lesson of the “Boxer” Troubles Page 176

CHAPTER XIII FOREIGN POLICIES IN CHINA ( Continued)

The New Anglo-Japanese Alliance — Real Intent of this Instrument — The Turning Over of Korea to Japan — England’s Reason for this Action — “Special Interests” of England and Japan in Eastern Asia — “Territorial Rights” of England and Japan — The Japan-China Manchurian Agreement — Destruction of Chinese Autonomy in Manchuria Page 190

CHAPTER XIV FOREIGN POLICIES IN CHINA ( Concluded)

The Russo-Japanese Peace Treaty — The Agreement Respecting Manchuria — Analysis of These Clauses — The Matter of “Railway Guards” — China’s Unavailing Protests — xi

Period of Evacuation — A New Military Frontier — Japan’s Occupation of Port Arthur — Revival of the “ Sphere of Influence” Doctrine — The German, Russian and French Policies — The German-Russian Entente — Coincidence Between the Designs of Japan and Russia — England’s Equivocal Position Page 202

Chapter XV

The Awakening of China — Forces Within the Empire — External Elements — The Balance of Power — Foreign Commercial Exploitation — Relation of Diplomacy to Commercial and Industrial Enterprises — Foreign Concessions — Growth and Development of Railways in China — Conquest by Railway — Russia’s Daring Scheme — The American Railway Concession — The Belgian Stalking Horse — Beneficial Forces — The Imperial Railways of North China — Influence of General Foreign Commerce — Great_Opportunities Page 217

CHAPTER XVI THE NEW CHINA ( Continued)

Quasi-foreign Forces Within the Empire — The Japanese Influence — Growth of the Native Press — Peculiar Conditions — Extra-territoriality — Growing Force of Publicity in China — Japanese Use of this Force — Anti-foreign Propaganda — Subtle Methods Employed — The Boycott of American Goods — Origin of the Movement — Misconceptions Regarding It — The Real Forces at Work — Footprints of the Agitation — Injury to Chinese Merchants — Methods of Intimidation — Progress of the Movement — A Warning to the West Page 236

CHAPTER XVII THE NEW CHINA ( Concluded)

Internal Forces of the Empire — Evidences of an Awakening — Errors in Western Conceptions of the Chinese — Liberal Patronage of Railroads — Modem Industrial Development — Profits of Railway Lines — Political Forces — The Chinese National Spirit — Some Confusions of Thought Among Westerners — The Ambitions of Old China — Influence of Chinese Educated Abroad — The “ Japanese Students” — The Reform Movement — Birth of a New Doctrine — Characteristics of the People — Ambitions of the New China . Page 256 xii

Chapter XVIII

The “Yellow Peril” Possibility — Japan’s Relation to the Question — China the Determining Factor — Creation of the New Chinese Army — Use of Japanese Military Instructors — Possible Restrictions upon China’s Military Development — Progress of Education in China — Oriental Industrial Possibilities — Some Food for Reflection — Influence of Japan upon the Future of Commerce and Industry in the East — Logic of Japan’s Position . Page 270

Chapter XIX America’s Position And Policy

Coming Realignment of Policies in Asia — Foundations for Existing Impressions in America — Examination of Basic Propositions Involved — Foreigners and Foreign Commerce in Japan — Japanese Attitude Toward Foreign Enterprises — Effects upon American Interests — Attitude of American Manufacturers Toward Japan — Japanese Feeling Toward America — Japanese Moral Standards — Has England Thrown America Over? — Problems for American Diplomacy Page 283

APPENDIX A The Anglo-Japanese Alliance . . .

APPENDIX B The Russo-Japanese Peace Treaty .

APPENDIX 0

The Japan-Korea Agreement

Chapter I A Starting Point

Some Premises of the New Far Eastern Question — Nothing Fundamental Settled by the Russo-Japanese War — Injection of a New Element — Relation of Publicity to Prevalent Western Opinion — The British and Japanese Propagandas — Their Method and Results Analyzed — Attitude of the American Press — Real Issues of the Late War — Importance to the Western World of a Clear Knowledge of the Facts and Understanding of the Issues — An Effort Toward Sanity.

The apparent disposition of the Western press and peoples to regard the making of peace between Russia and Japan as having considerably advanced the Far Eastern question toward a satisfactory settlement must have impressed even the casual observer.

One needs, then, a strong conviction and a fairly well fortified opinion to advance the suggestion that, far from settling the Far Eastern question, the peace leaves it in almost as unsettled a state as before hostilities began. This should not be construed as meaning that nothing has been ac-

l complislied by the war. Much has been accomplished. A new and potent element has been injected into the situation ; an element by many long deemed visionary in prospect, and much scoffed at — a waking and capable Orient. All the old elements, with all the old cross-purposes and hostilities, still remain, and are now confronted with the problem of assimilating or being assimilated by this new force. The settlement is still a matter for the future.

It is clear that the practical details of the settlement that is to come must be worked out mainly in the future of the Chinese Empire and, incidentally, of Korea ; and there are indications that the existing situation in these countries is not fully understood in the West, and particularly in America. Korea has not consented to be transferred to Japan; on the contrary, she objects as strenuously as she may. Besides Russia, none of the great powers that are interested, politically and commercially, in the future of Korea have formally recognized Japan’s preponderating influence except England. Theoretically, the status of Korea remains unchanged. Instead of Russia being in Manchuria, both Russia and Japan are there. Both have agreed to evacuate, it is true, but then Russia has always agreed to evacuate.

Taking the situation as the peace between Russia and Japan finds it, there is not the slightest alteration of the political status of Manchuria as a result of the war, and the general interests there remain the same as they were before. Manchuria is to be given back to China “as soon as is practicable”; but the same has been said ever since Russia took advantage of the “boxer” trouble to occupy the country. If diplomatic assurances could have settled these important issues, they would have been settled before the late war began, for the terms of the peace treaty might have been copied, in so far as they apply to Russia, from past official announcements of her intention.

Is it not plain that, while great changes have taken place, nothing vital to the question has really been settled? The actual results of the war have been a decided shifting of the balance of power in the Far East and the establishment of Japanese military authority in Korea and the substitution of it for Russian authority in the southern part of Manchuria. The various policies of the various powers, generally suspended or only surreptitiously urged during the progress of the war, are now seeking to adjust themselves to the altered situation, with the object, as always, of devising ways and means to gain their several ends. Thus the future is full of uncertainty, for desires differ, and in the counter-pressure of complex and opposing forces there is almost infinite opportunity for international friction.

Since the tendencies of Japanese energies and ambitions and the political questions involved in the settlement seriously affect the desires and interests of a number of the great Western powers, particularly America, they are worthy of something more than passing consideration. Indeed, it is not too much to say that some of the gravest problems influencing the destiny of the human race are included within the scope of events now so rapidly culminating in that part of the world, and it would be a blind public opinion or statesmanship that would regard them with indifference.

However, in discussing these matters in so far as they are influenced by Japanese ambitions and tendencies, one encounters a serious difficulty at the very outset. This has its roots in the immense amount of misinformation which has in the last year or two, under various disguises, been disseminated concerning Japan, her policy and people, and the popular misconceptions based thereon now prevalent among Westerners. So, in order to give any adequate portrayal of the elements and issues involved, it seems necessary to first clear away this mass of rubbish.

The chief agency in creating this misconception has been, naturally, the press ; and to make clear the method by which this extraordinary result was accomplished some elucidation is required, the pertinency of which will appear. It has long been the boast of American journalism that our press is to a great degree free, in the delineation and discussion of foreign news, from the prejudices and influences which so often mar the efforts of our British and Continental contemporaries; and it must be with a feeling of mortification that it now begins to realize how all these years it has in many things been led by a string held in London. And yet the explanation of this seemingly singular condition is simple enough. During the first century of American national existence the chief concern of the people was about internal affairs, and they were quite content to take ordinary news about events transpiring outside the national boundaries from outside sources, since the effect upon internal progress was so slight as to seem insignificant.

The causes which made London the news clearing house of the world are obvious. Before the day of the telegraph British ships sailed all the seas and penetrated to the remotest parts of the earth. British interests grew up everywhere, making communication frequent and easy. Then came the telegraph, and the laying of marine cables. Here England was again the pioneer, and for many years cables controlled by British interests were almost the only avenues of news transmission between Europe and America and remoter regions, while chartered concessions for a long time did, and in many instances still forestall competition. So far as America was concerned, practically all of the foreign news which reached the press came through London, and still does, although the laying of a Pacific cable now gives the Western hemisphere ready and direct access to the Orient. Other practical reasons applicable to journalistic conditions, such as the differences in time caused by the rotation of the earth, added to the forces which established the route of the world’s news movement from east to west. Thus London became the news centre of the world, and the American press found it not only convenient, but practically necessary to depend upon the London press for the great bulk of its foreign news.

It is only in late years, since my work lias taken me to various parts of tlie world and brought me face to face with the actual method used in the gathering and transmission of such news services, that I have come to realize what an immense power they have exercised in enabling England to advance her policies and interests, and my annoyance at the discovery is lost in admiration of the results achieved. That historians of the rise of the British Empire should have, in their analyses of the forces which have produced the result, ignored this corner on information of a certain class and what it has involved shows that appreciation of the function of publicity in civilization is still in a nebulous state.

Interesting as this question is, and well worthy of exhaustive elucidation, I only refer to it here because it affords the principal clue to matters directly pertinent to a discussion of Japanese ambitions and designs in the Orient. The reader need not expect to be able to reach any intelligent understanding of the great Far Eastern question without an investigation that must at least consider the fundamental propositions involved. The ingenious and pithy epigram may dazzle, but it leaves the mind ignorant and unconvinced. And the relations of publicity to the present situation and its results cannot be ignored, since it has been, and is being utilized to call into play and influence forces directly bearing upon the settlement. Recently, in discussing the present situation in the Orient with a foreigner long distinguished by his association with events in that part of the world, I asked him what, in his opinion, is the greatest force applicable in the readjustment which must follow the war between Russia and Japan.

“Public opinion in America and England,” he replied without hesitation.

Striking as this statement may seem at first thought, it is essentially true in the last analysis, and in his reply I found a long-growing conviction of my own somewhat unexpectedly confirmed. But to say that the greatest force applicable to the forthcoming problems is public opinion in America and England is not to say that such opinion will necessarily dictate their settlement. It merely indicates that it may do so. I venture to go further, and assert that it should do so. "Whether it will or not depends upon what that public opinion is and how it is exercised in influencing the actions of the American and British governments.

In this connection it is worth while to review, briefly, the manner in which this public opinion has been shaped into its existing state, and the underlying motives which have given it direction. For, as any observant person must have noticed, there is at present a truly remarkable coincidence in the general trend of British and American popular opinion about certain policies and methods in the Far East. When previous divergence of national thought and prejudices is remembered, the present agreement can scarcely be set down as the result of merely incidental forces. It is, in fact, the result of manipulation, aided by certain incidental forces tending to bring English and s

American national policies and interests into harmony. This result, extremely desirable in itself, and founded upon just grounds, already shows signs of creating a counterbalancing force which may conceivably be used to defeat the objects the Anglo-American harmony was designed to secure. With such a possibility inherent in it, the subject, in all its details, cannot be regarded as other than very important.

British antipathy to Russia is a matter of such common knowledge that it is unnecessary to review its causes and growth. One of its results has been to assist materially in bringing about the late war and the critical situation consequent upon it. It created the first Anglo- Japanese alliance, and that alliance was the immediate forerunner of the Russo-Japanese war. From the moment it was concluded the war was a foregone conclusion, fully determined upon by Japan, no matter what may be asserted to the contrary, and any opinions formed out of other views lead up a blind trail. This statement is fully borne out by a close study of the facts, and does not necessarily bear upon the right or wrong of the dispute between Japan and Russia. To say that Russia was wrong does not mean that Japan was right, and arguments based on this assumption are destined to come some severe croppers in the near future.

From the moment that England determined upon an alliance with Japan as the most promising means of checking Russian ambitions on the Pacific, there began a propaganda through the press to create a sympathy with the purpose of the alliance in the two countries where it was absolutely necessary to secure support — England and America. The time was peculiarly favorable for carrying out this project. It required, of course, little effort to set the tide of English opinion flowing strongly against Russia, but in America more delicate manipulation was needed. However, it chanced that public opinion in America, just awakened to a new discovery of Asia by the unexpected acquisition of the Philippines, was beginning to feel aggrieved at Russia owing to her aggressive policy in Manchuria, which was considered to be detrimental, in prospect, to American interests. Moreover, there had been a decided renewal of American friendly interest in Japan, through a variety of causes. So the field was ripe for the reaping.

At that time the gathering and distribution of news from the Far East was almost entirely in the hands of a British news agency, long dependent in a measure upon governmental favors, and whose policy was and is, consequently, amenable to reserved governmental suggestion. The Pacific cable was not laid, and all news that reached America from the Orient, except that from the Philippines, came via London with the usual British coloring. There has always been, and justly, I think, latent in the breast of the average American a feeling of hostility toward the anachronisms of the Russian Government, even while feeling the most lively liking for the Russian people, which gave to clever adverse pictures of Russia’s Far Eastern policy a ready acceptance. And, indeed, this view is in my opinion entirely justified by the facts. The cleverness of the manipulation consisted in that the adverse delineation of Russian doings in the Orient was made to also serve to represent Japan’s aims and acts in a favorable light, and the two impressions thus became coexistent in the popular mind.

British manipulation of the Oriental news service during this period did not confine itself to openly or insidiously attacking Russia. It dealt blows also at France and Germany whenever opportunity offered. This led, naturally, to the establishment of news bureaus conducted in the German and French interests, but little from these sources reaches America. The foreign press published in China and J apan has, until very recently, been almost exclusively in British hands, which was also a great advantage to the favorable presentation of the British point of view. As a rule, editors and reporters on these papers are employed as correspondents for the English and American press, and their correspondence naturally has reflected the interests in which their respective papers are published. Mind, I do not wish to convey the impression that any great preponderance of news forwarded from these sources is false, or even improperly colored ; but I do think that the general result has been, in matters that could be given a political hearing, calculated to represent England and Japan, so far as Far Eastern events are concerned, in a generally favorable light, and Russia, France and Germany in a generally unfavorable light.

During this period, which may be said to embrace the interval between the “boxer” disturbances in China and the negotiations which precipitated the late war, the principal Oriental news service distributed to papers published in America came from the Associated Press, by virtue of an arrangement between it and the leading British agency; so that while the service was outwardly American, it was in reality British in its essential aspects, subject to a process of “straining” in the offices of the American organization. This is no reflection upon either the enterprise or integrity of the Associated Press. I have reason to think that its managers have long realized the desirability of maintaining its own correspondents abroad, and decided steps in that direction have been made in quite recent times. But financial and other practical reasons have made the process a gradual one, which still probably falls short of what the management wishes and hopes to accomplish. The press of America gets no financial assistance, either direct or indirect, from the Government, as is common elsewhere; which, while being one of its greatest sources of strength and value, sometimes puts it at a temporary disadvantage and prevents it for a time from doing what it would like to do. Most governments not only subsidize news agencies permanently or upon occasion, but go so far as to purchase or establish newspapers outright for the purpose of carrying forward a propaganda in support of their policies. It is to call attention to these methods, particularly to their past and present influence upon the future of the nations in the Orient, and not to reflect upon the fundamental excellence of the press, that I discuss the subject here.

When the recent war began the Associated Press at once realized the importance of having its own representatives on the scene, and a number of experienced and capable men were sent. A large number of special correspondents also hastened to the Far East, although the American press was generally disposed to depend for its special service upon its English contemporaries. As a consequence, by far the larger proportion of the special correspondents were of British nationality or employed by British publications. Owing to the impression that correspondents would be more welcome with the Japanese, and the foundation of interest and sympathy for them which had already been laid, a great majority went to Japan, where, in the beginning, they received every attention calculated to confirm their friendly predisposition. Many were seeing Japan for the first time, and for the moment its peculiar glamour fell upon them. Moreover, there is no doubt that many of the correspondents for London newspapers had explicit instructions to adopt a pro- Japanese attitude. A few of them, men of sufficient reputation to have some weight, went even so far as to advise with Japanese officials and offer suggestions with a view to disseminating the pro- Japanese propaganda. Thus for several months a large number of correspondents remained in Japan, royally entertained by the Japanese, and writing articles of fulsome praise about the country and people, which were eagerly printed by Western newspapers and periodicals.

Taking a leaf out of England’s book, perhaps acting upon friendly suggestion, the Japanese Government set to work to organize a definite plan to hold what it had gained — popular sympathy in America and England. There is no doubt that the more astute Japanese statesmen fully realized that useful as this sympathy was for the moment, particularly in bolstering the nation ’s somewhat weak finances, it would become of far greater importance after the war had been fought and the day for the settlement came. Japan had carefully calculated the chances of the war and expected to be successful, else she would not have entered upon it. But military success did not necessarily mean the full accomplishment of her political policy. This policy was destined, as her leaders well knew, to bring her into contact, even friction, with Western powers other than Russia. There loomed ahead a possible congress of the powers, in which Japan would be unable to accomplish her desires without powerful allies, or at least a passive sympathy which would give her a free hand in certain directions.

So a Japanese press bureau was established in London, with branches in Europe and indirect connections in America, for the purpose of keeping the Japanese point of view conspicuously to the fore. This bureau supplies special articles for publication to various news-distributing concerns which operate in England, Europe, and America. It also supplies a special telegraph news service to newspapers published in the Orient that will print it, and most of them do. A number of newspapers and publications are directly, though surreptitiously, subsidized, especially papers printed in the Far East. Practically the whole of the British press in the Far East continues to be rabidly pro- J apanese, although there is a decided drift of contrary sentiment already noticeable among Britishers residing in the Orient. The resident Japan correspondent for a prominent London newspaper, whose special service is widely used and opinion much quoted in America, is the publisher of a paper subsidized by the Japanese Government.