Near side of the Mexican question,

Foreword

There are two sides to nearly every matter and the ever-present Mexican question offers no exception to this general rule. The side of this question of which we hear least is that lying north of the international line, yet this aspect of the situation is of vital concern to every citizen in the United States. The future of our country is unalterably and inextricably bound up with the future of Mexico and the Mexicans. Every passing year but adds emphasis to this fact. The multitude of Mexicans, who have found refuge within our borders during the last decade, added to the not inconsiderable Spanish-American element resident for a much longer period here, forms a group which has become well-nigh indispensable to our national life and one with which we must reckon in the days to come.

It is to help the reader understand something of the intimacy of our relationship to Mexico and the large contribution which Mexicans and Spanish-Americans are already making to our national life that this book is written. If it helps at all toward a sympathetic approach to the common problems which Mexicans and Americans must work out side by side in the days ahead, it will have accomplished its purpose.

Jay S. Stowell.

New York City.

Chapter I The “border”

'An Arizona boy was recently taken by his mother for his first visit to the “Border.” He stood at the international line and gazed in every direction. Then in disappointment he turned to his parent and cried, “Why, Mother, I don’t see any Border.”

The scenery on one side of the line was not particularly different from that on the other; the vegetation was the same; the little adobe huts on the American side looked exactly like those on the Mexican side; and the people were as dark-skinned on one side of the line as on the other. There was a barbed wire fence, to be sure, but it was not labeled, and it was not strikingly different from the thousands of miles of similar fence which crisscross the United States from coast to coast.

No, it was not specially surprising that the boy was disappointed. Our 1,833 miles of Mexican Border have little that is spectacular to offer the visitor. The Rio Grande River which flows between Texas and Mexico is, at certain places and at certain seasons, an imposing stream, but at other points and other seasons it is far from awe-inspiring. Even when it is too deep to be forded, railroad bridges, foot bridges, licensed ferries, and unlicensed boatmen at out-of-the-way points convert the Rio Grande into the stream that unites Texas with Mexico rather than separates her from Mexico. West of El Paso, however, there is no Rio Grande and the Border stretches for hundreds of miles to San Diego and Tia Juana, marked here and there by concrete posts and intermittent stretches of wire fence, but elsewhere unmarked and often unguarded. The thing which impresses the traveler from Brownsville on the east to San Diego on the west is the same thing which impressed the boy, namely, that there is no Border. For nearly two thousand miles the United States stands joined to Mexico. Legally there may be a place where one nation stops and another begins; an instant when you are in the United States and the next instant in Mexico; but such distinctions are artificial, and so far as our Southwestern Border is concerned they can easily be over-emphasized. Human nature has ever ignored artificial barriers, and human nature on the Border is no exception. Life on the two sides of the Border has blended to a remarkable degree.

American business men reside in the United States and spend most of their waking hours in Mexico; Mexican children sleep in Old Mexico and come into the United States each morning to attend school; American laborers work across the line in Mexico and Mexican laborers do every conceivable sort of work in the United States; Mexican women purchase their groceries in the United States and thousands of American women and men go into Mexico to trade, to see the sights and, until recently, at least, to gamble, to play the races, and to otherwise disport themselves ; ministers on Sunday preach the Gos-

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pel in the United States in the morning, in Old Mexico in the afternoon, and again in the United States at night; railroad and street car passengers get on trains in the United States and ride down into Mexico, and other passengers get on trains in Mexico and ride across into the United States; Mexican criminals seek haven in the United States, and our criminals flee into Mexico. And thus the list might be indefinitely continued. There are important border towns in the United States which are eighty-five per cent Mexican, and where Spanish is the language of the home, the street and the market-place, and there are Mexican towns across the line where English is practically as current as Spanish.

Added to these intimate and inevitable contacts there is the bond of a large and ever-increasing international trade. In spite of internal turmoil in Mexico this has amounted to a large total in recent years. For the fiscal year 1910 just before the resignation of President Diaz it was $115,000,000. In 1917 the total wtas $191,000,000; in 1918 $245,000,000; in 1919 $278,000,000; and for 1920 it is reported as over $300,000,000. Some one has pointed out that our sales to the 15,000,000 people of Mexico are more than our sales to the 400,000,00c people of China or the 300,000,000 people of India. We import sisal, petroleum, cotton, hides, copper, chick-peas, coffee, mahogany, india rubber, silver and multitudinous other products. In return we send Mexico quantities of manufactured articles and refined products. Before the war we were supplying about one-half of Mexico’s imports. It is said that we are now supplying eighty-five per cent of her imports and taking ninety per cent of her exports. Much of the trade which comes directly across the Border passes through Texas, but for the year ending June 30th,

1919, the total imports and exports for the Arizona District were nearly $38,000,000 and for the Southern California District nearly $20,000,000. Douglas and Nogales, Arizona, and Calexico, California, have, within a few years, become very important ports of entry. The large investments of American capital in Mexico have been an important factor in turning Mexican trade to the United States. Before the war the investment of American capital in Mexico was estimated at over $1,000,000,000. It was recently estimated by United States Senator Fall at $2,000,000,000. The War which shut off other sources of supply from Mexico has perhaps been the chief factor in the recent rapid growth of our trade with Mexico.

Now that the War is over the important question arises whether we are to hold the trade which we acquired by force of circumstances while it was in progress. The attitude of the new government in Mexico toward the United States becomes a matter of immediate concern to many an American business man.

To many the term “Mexico” is but a synonym for “revolution,” and it is true that during the last decade there have been several overturns in governmental authority. Even before that period Mexico was not a stranger to wars, internal dissensions, and revolutions. Before the coming of the Spaniards under Cortes in 1519 the story of Mexico was the story of the struggle of one group for supremacy over another. By 1376 the power of the Aztecs was generally recognized, and they were the rulers when Cortes appeared. Cortes had been in Mexico City only a month, however, until he had Montezuma II, the last ruler of the Aztecs and Emperor of Mexico, in jail. History tells us that the reign of Montezuma II was

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occupied “with expeditions of conquest, suppression of revolts, erection of temples, and extensive immolations of human victims.” From 1519 until 1821 Mexico was under the direct rule of Spain, exercised during the first fifteen years through military governors and then through Viceroys, of whom there were more than sixty. Some of these were good rulers and some were bad, but in general, with the exception of numerous Indian revolts, they kept the people in subjection, and there was considerable progress in education, mining, agriculture, drainage, commerce and similar lines.

On September 16, 1810, there began the struggle for Mexican independence which lasted for more than a decade, and on October 4, 1824, the first constitution of the Republic of Mexico was proclaimed. There followed a half century of internal dissension, during which revolution followed revolution and Mexican affairs were in continual turmoil until the coming of Porfirio Diaz. During this period the independence of Texas was won (1836) and ten years later the war between Mexico and the United States broke out. This resulted in a new and largely modified boundary for Mexico. In 1876 Diaz assumed control of Mexico and the following year he was elected President of the Republic. From 1876 until 1911 Porfirio Diaz was the dominant figure in Mexico. He established a stable government; negotiated foreign treaties; extended educational facilities; established the credit of Mexico; built railroads, harbor facilities, and other public improvements ; and did much to regulate the internal affairs of the Republic. In 1911 Francisco Madero overthrew the power of Diaz and was elected President. Revolts at once broke out and guerrilla warfare sprang up. In 1913 Madero was forced out of the Presidency and four days later was murdered. General Victoriana Huerta assumed control, and his power as provisional President was continued until July 5th, 1914. On August 20th, 1914, Venustiano Carranza made his triumphal entry into Mexico City. He was soon forced out of the City, however. He then set up his government at Puebla and later at Vera Cruz. In one way or another Carranza continued to be the dominant factor in Mexican politics, until the outbreak of the revolution in Sonora, April 10th, 1920. Just thirty days from the outbreak of this revolution Associated Press dispatches told of the flight of President Carranza from the City of Mexico, and on May 22nd press dispatches were telling of the death of Carranza at the hands of his own troops. Adolfo de la Huerta, Governor of the State of Sonora, was made provisional President of the Republic, with General Alvaro Obregon a strong factor in the new government and candidate for the position of President. On September 5th, 1920, General Obregon was elected President.

From such a background, optimism concerning the immediate future of Mexico and of our relations with Mexico can arise either because “hope springs eternal in the human breast” or because there are real reasons for optimism. Probably both factors are at work in the present situation. At any rate there is a surprising amount of optimism along the Border in regard to the future of conditions in Mexico. It chanced that during the entire time that the revolution was in progress I was on the Border and had an opportunity to see the Border phases of it in process. There was little that was spectacular, but there was much that was interesting. Most interesting of all was the conversation of those who were witnessing at short range or were sharing in the revolution in some way. I

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was over in Carranza’s territory and also over in the revolutionists’ territory while the revolution was in progress ; I talked with officials of both sides; and I talked with many Americans of many sorts, some of whom had lost heavily through the long continued unsettled conditions in Mexico. Not once did I hear the revolution referred to as “another Mexican revolution” or in any other disparaging terms. There was a disposition everywhere to take the movement seriously and to welcome it as a step toward the establishment of a stable and dependable government in Mexico.

So far as the revolution itself was concerned it was conducted with a minimum of violence and bloodshed. In Sonora the revolution caused little disturbance, owing to the fact that the leader of the revolution was the Governor of the State. There was little or no interruption of business across the border, and a visitor to Nogales or to any of the other Arizona points on the Border would have seen nothing to indicate that a revolution was in progress. In Chihuahua General Emilio Salinas, brother-in-law of Carranza and provisional Governor of the State, was imprisoned, but later allowed to escape upon payment of 12,000 pesos. I met General Salinas a few hours after his escape and traveled with him and his young wife for nearly twenty-four hours. He had formerly been Mexican Consul in New York City.

Perhaps the severest disturbance on the Border occurred at Nuevo Laredo just across from Laredo, Texas, on May 9th. General Reynaldo Garza, the Carranza leader, refused to surrender the town. His garrison consisted of sixty men. The revolutionists attacked him with eighty men. The battle lasted for thirty minutes, during which the residents of Laredo gathered at the bank of the river just across from Nuevo Laredo. A few aeroplanes added to the picturesqueness of the situation, and several Mexican women provided the finishing touch by calmly sweeping their sidewalks or patios while the fighting was at its height. Other citizens in Nuevo Laredo watched the fighting from their homes. Almost none of them tried to find refuge in the United States as they had done in previous times of disturbance. General Garza fought for a time, and then he and his son jumped into an automobile and started out in a southeastern direction. The machine was soon punctured by bullets, and the fugitives abandoned it and soon after crossed the Rio Grande into the United States, the desired haven of every hard pressed soul in Mexico. During the fight rifles and automatic pistols were the principal weapons used. The attack occurred at 5 150 o’clock Sunday morning and by 7 o’clock a parade of revolutionists, headed by a band and shouting “Viva Obregon,” filled the streets. Simultaneously a revolutionist who had taken part in the attack appeared at the river bank and shouted to the Americans across the river: “We have taken the place; come over, boys!” And the bell in the Catholic church at Nuevo Laredo rang out notes of victory. Two hours after the fighting ceased the place was as quiet and orderly as ever. The saloons were kept closed all day, so there was no disturbance from drunkenness. Seven were reported killed by the fighting and seventeen wounded. As soon as the town was captured an acting mayor was appointed, a police force established and the various customs, immigration and postoffice positions filled so that the life of the town might proceed unmolested.

At many other places there was no fighting at all and the transfer of authority was made without disturbance of

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any sort. I stood on the international line at Brownsville while negotiations were being made for turning over the reins of authority in Matamoras just across. There was some slight attempt to check passage across the line until the status of affairs should have been determined and announced, but Mexican women with groceries and other residents had little difficulty in going and coming.

The orderly conduct of the revolution and the evident desire on the part of the leaders to avoid bloodshed were good omens. There is every reason to believe that the revolutionists were as disappointed and grieved over the sad fate which befell Carranza as were his admirers. Of course it was good politics for them to be so, but it is only fair to believe that their motives were humanitarian rather than political. A prominent leader of the revolution told me while Carranza was still in Mexico City that they would be delighted to have him escape, and that they had already offered him safe conduct out of the country if he would avail himself of it. I had at the time, and still have, no reason to doubt his statement. Whether Carranza underestimated the strength of the revolution, or whether he felt that it was undignified for him to flee from the country, he evidently did not care to avail himself of the opportunity to escape.

More significant, however, than the method of conducting the revolution is the attitude of the present leaders of Mexico toward the United States and toward the important questions concerning which Mexico must adopt very definite policies. It is significant that the revolution started in Sonora, a state which has kept on the most friendly relations with the United States, which for years has kept its borders free from the vice on which other Mexican states have fattened, and which has given diligent attention to the building up of wholesome commercial relationships with the United States. Nor have the statements made by the leaders of Mexico since the success of the revolution has been assured been disappointing. Everywhere there has been a new note of sincerity, of integrity of purpose, and of determined friendliness toward the United States. Of course any other attitude would only be folly on Mexico’s part and a great disadvantage to the United States. That fact, however, does not minimize the significance of Mexico’s frank recognition of it. The leaders of Mexico know that they need the friendly co-operation and assistance of the United States. Possibly it would be a good thing for us if we appreciated a little more clearly how much we need the friendship and confidence of Mexico.

Recently (June 19th, 1920) President de la Huerta gave a dinner to a number of American writers in Mexico City. Some of his remarks are worthy of notice.

Speaking of conditions in Mexico, he said : “I think that the economic situation will soon be better, as I have noted a better atmosphere among bankers and business men, although the men in power are the last to know the true conditions. I may be fooled by this feeling, but it would seem that we are on the road to progress.”

When questioned concerning the oil situation, he replied: “We will go half way, and I am sure that the American business interests will come the other half.”

He then went on to say that he wished to impress upon the American people that Mexico would be more than friendly, and that he personally would not permit politicians for personal interests to provoke friction. He said that it had been the idea of many Mexican

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leaders to use fear of the United States as a threat over Mexicans, but that he was determined to use all means in his power to make clear to the United States, by deeds as well as words, that Mexico and the United States should and would be more than friendly.

Since the election of President Obregon he has given voice to some of the ideals and policies which are to dominate his administration. These include an honest government, amnesty for political offenders, punishment of criminals, payment of the national debt, reduction of the army, encouragement of agriculture and business, protection of foreign investments in Mexico, friendship with the United States and other neighbors, development of industry, and other similar items.

Surely those are encouraging sentiments, and we shall get further along the path which leads to properly adjusted relationships with Mexico if, for the present, we accept them at their face value than if we adopt an attitude of suspicion.

In August (1920) General Salvador Alvarado, Minister of Finance for the new government in Mexico, spoke before a group of New York bankers and professional men at the Bankers’ Club in New York City. He spoke frankly of the needs of Mexico after a decade of revolution and disorder, but he also spoke encouragingly of the “newly awakened national conscience in Mexico.” He said in part :

“The great longing for peace, reorganization, work, and prosperity is equally strong in the banker as in the farmer, the merchant, or the cattle raiser, the skilled worker or the common laborer; all are ready to settle down and work. This enthusiasm, confidence, and optimism are the surest signs that the revolutionary era is over in Mexico, at least so far as the present generation is concerned.

“The new government of Mexico formed mostly of young and progressive men who joined the revolution only because they thought it was their duty to do so, is conscious of the state of mind of the country, as well as of Mexico’s duty, if Mexico wants to be considered as a member of the community of civilized nations.

“This government has drafted a vast plan for the reconstruction and reorganization of the country, covering all national activities.

“You may not believe it, but it is nevertheless true that all our trains are running on schedule, that all public services are in normal operation, and our crops this year will be the largest on record. And as to any anti-foreign sentiment, I can assure you that none exists ; on the contrary there is probably on the surface of the earth no other people more hospitable and warm-hearted toward foreigners than the Mexicans. I wish to say that before I came to this country I heard also of an intense anti-Mexican feeling prevailing in the United States, but I wish to state that my two visits have completely convinced me that such sentiment does not exist. The same thing is true about Mexico.”

To be sure these are only words, but they are reassuring words both because of the sentiments which they express and of the evident sincerity which is back of them. Up to the time of this writing we have had no reason for refusing to take them at their face value.

When the chairman introduced Senor Alvarado at the gathering mentioned above, he referred half humorously to the fact that he was under no embarrassment in entertaining General Alvarado in spite of the fact that the

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country had become dry, because the visitor himself had the distinction of being the original prohibitionist of Mexico. He went on to explain that as Governor of Yucatan under Carranza General Alvarado had made that state dry. Yucatan, however, has not been the only dry spot in Mexico, for Sonora at least has been dry, or largely so, for some time. This condition existed under Governor Calles even before de la Huerta became Governor of the State. When Agua Prieta went dry a Chinese evidently did not take the matter seriously. He opened a saloon, but he was in jail before night. A little later saloons at border points were permitted to sell liquor to American visitors. This soon became a nuisance, however, and the saloons of Sonora were tightly closed once more.

Mexico still has a long road to travel before her political and social life can be organized on a genuinely democratic basis. Education must be extended and common ideals inculcated before this can be achieved, but, although no one can foresee what accidents are in store, there is no apparent reason why Mexico should not travel this road with no more than the ordinary misadventures. Although a republic in name, Mexico has really had no experience in self-government until the last ten years, and if she has made a good many mistakes she has also learned a good many lessons which should be of inestimable value in the years ahead. As her neighbor we are profoundly interested both from altruistic and selfish motives in Mexico’s welfare.

One of the first matters which confronted the new Mexican government was what to do with Lower California, perhaps the one outstanding area where the revolution did not seem to “take,” and a region in which Americans of several sorts had become deeply interested.

While the revolution was still in progress I asked T. R. Beltran, an agent of the revolutionists, “What do you plan to do with Lower California and Governor Cantu?”

He replied, “We will give him a chance to come in, and then if he refuses we shall be obliged to go and compel him to come in.”

In line with this policy, the new government very soon sent word to Governor Cantu to come to Mexico City and report. Now for ten years Cantu had not been in the habit of reporting to anybody, and very naturally he did not comply with the demand of the government. For the first time in many years, therefore, an expedition to Lower California was organized; Cantu was ousted from his position of authority; he departed for the United States, and Luis Salazar took control of the “lost state.” For ten years the central government of Mexico had been too busy to concern itself with Lower California. During that time Esteban Cantu went on his way unmolested by governmental interference or by revolutionary uprisings. He built up a little private kingdom within a republic, and, naturally, that could not permanently continue. He had a few troubles of his own. At one time considerable dissatisfaction developed among the natives over the important concessions which Cantu granted to foreigners, particularly the Chinese and Japanese. By taking precautions, however, Cantu was able to ward off what seemed like impending trouble, and to continue to do pretty much as he pleased.

Lower California is a mountainous peninsula 750 miles long and from thirty to one hundred and forty miles wide. It forms the most western part of Mexico and comprises an area of 58,343 square miles, or a little more than the area of Wisconsin. It is separated from the rest of Mex-

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ico by the Gulf of California, by an almost impassable desert in the western part of Sonora, and by the Colorado River. Much of its area is uninhabited and uninhabitable, but there are some outstanding exceptions along the western coast and the northern border. In 1910 the population was 52,244. It is doubtless considerably larger than that now as the last ten years have witnessed remarkable developments at several points. For some time the capital of Lower California has been located at Ensenada de Todos Santos on the west coast. A fine automobile road runs from here to Tia Juana between the ocean and the mountains, and Tia Juana just across the line from San Diego, California, is connected with San Diego both by trolley and by railroad. Ensenada, Tia Juana, and Mexicali further east, just across from Calexico, California, are the three most important places in Lower California. The interest of Americans is chiefly in the two border points, Tia Juana and Mexicali.

Mexicali on the Mexican side of the line and Calexico on the American side form in reality a single community with a combined population of approximately 16,000, twothirds of which is on the Mexican side of the line. Of the total population there are perhaps 7,000 Mexicans, 4,000 Chinese (chiefly in Mexicali) and 5,000 of American or mixed stocks. These two towns lie in the heart of the rich Imperial Valley, which has within recent years been transformed by the waters of the Colorado River from one of the most absolute deserts in the world to a veritable garden spot. In 1918 the assessed valuation of the irrigated land in this region was approximately $36,000,- 000; the same year the value of the farm products was $50,000,000. In 1910 there were only 793 people in

Calexico, and 650 in Mexicali. A very large import and export trade with Mexico has sprung up at this point. In 1918 this totaled $9,521,000, as compared with $7,877,000 for the five other ports of the District of Southern California, including Los Angeles and San Diego.

Cotton is one of the chief products of this section, particularly on the Mexican side, where Chinese, who have been granted important concessions by Governor Cantu, are raising thousands of acres of cotton. Large cotton gins are located at Mexicali. The Chinese who work here have come, many of them, through the United States, and it is a not uncommon sight to see a carload of new recruits, landed at some American port, but destined for Lower California, passing through to Mexico in a locked car with heavily barred windows.

The water which renders productive the land on the Mexican side of the Border is from the same source as that which is used for a similar purpose on the American side. It comes from the Colorado River, but it passes down through a portion of Mexico before it returns to water the Imperial Valley in the United States. This fact has given rise to many conjectures as to what might happen if we were to get into difficulty with Mexico, and has led to extended discussions in Congress concerning the possibility of an “all-American ditch.” Those who were watching this project some years ago will remember how the river broke bounds, and for nearly two years poured its water down into the Valley, forming the now famous Salton Sea and threatening to inundate the entire region. President Roosevelt’s appeal to Congress for help was unheeded, and the Southern Pacific Railroad, under the direction of Mr. Harriman, finally closed the gap, although it involved running trains of new steel cars loaded with rocks and dumping them, cars and all, into the break. All of this expense was later charged back against the land in the Valley.

Governor Cantu had, however, other sources of revenue than legitimate business, and he waxed fat under his various revenues, particularly from commercialized vice. A count in Mexicali, while he was in control, showed ten pool rooms, twenty-one saloons, two Chinese gambling houses with lotteries, one bull ring, and a theatre, gambling house, bar and house of prostitution combined. This latter institution, which was owned and operated by three Americans and was directly controlled and managed by one of them, occupied the most conspicuous square in the center of town. It was said to pay $22,000 per month into Governor Cantu’s pocket as a license fee and to have had a total overhead expense of $40,000 per month. The 150 American, Negro, and Mexican women housed here paid a monthly license fee said to be $27.50 each, a daily rental of two dollars each, and an inspection fee of two dollars per week. The principal owner of this institution is commonly rated as a millionaire, and one of his reported stock remarks was, “Every man in the Imperial Valley is working for me.” During the War this institution took $70,000 worth of Liberty Bonds at one time.