Narrative of riots at Alton : in connection with the death of Rev. Elijah P. Lovejoy

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H. E. BARKER

Chapter I

It often happens that events, in themselves of no great importance, are invested with unusual interest in consequence of their connection with principles of universal application, or with momentous results. Of this kind are the events which preceded and led to the death of the Rev. Elijah P. Lovejoy : the first martyi- in America to the great principles of the freedom of speech and of the press.

Of these events I propose in the following pages to give an account. The facts are of a nature sufficiently astounding in any age, or at any time. The destruction of four printing presses in succession; the personal abuse of the editor, from time to time by repeated mobs; and his final and premeditated murder !

Still more astounding are they when we consider the country in which they occurred. Had it been in revolutionary France; or in England, agitated by the consequent convulsion of the nations; there had been less cause for surprise. But it was not. It was in America — ^the land of free discussion and equal rights.

Still more are we amazed when we consider the subjects, the discussion of which was thus forcibly arrested. Had it been an effort to debauch and pollute the public mind by obscenity and atheism; or by injurious and disorganising schemes; the rise of public indignation had at least found a cause; though the friends of truth and righteousness are not the men who employ mobs as their chosen instruments of persuasion. But it was none of these. It was solely the advocacy of the principles of freedom and equal rights.

Were these principles of recent origin, and the opinions of a sect, it might have caused less surprise. But they are the sacred legacy of ages : — the doctrines of our nation's birth; of natural justice; and of God.

All these things are astonishing : but there is one fact that may justly excite amazement still more deep and overwhelming ; the opinions and feelings elicited by events like these. Had an earthquake of indignation convulsed the land; had the united voices of every individual of every party rebuked, and remedied the wrong; all had been well. But during the progress of the scenes there have been found those in reputation as wise and good, who have been unsparing in their censure on the suflFerers ; and stimulated the evil doers by sympathy or feeble rebuke. And after the final and dreadful catastrophe, only a faint tribute has been given hy them to certain abstract principles of free inquiry as generally good; and a decent regret for their violation has been expressed. — But the full tide of indignation has been reserved for the audacious man, who dared to speak and act as a freeman ; and though lawlessly inflicted, his penalty has been declared to be deserved.

What are we to say of facts like these ? They at least open a deep chapter in human nature, and in the condition of our country. They are the result of principles neither superficial nor accidental. They penetrate to the very vitals of society; and mdicate a crisis in our national life.

That as a nation we are radically unsound and lost, they do not to my mind indicate. But that there are in the body politic causes of tremendous power, tending to that result, they do evince. And the question on which all turns, is now before us as a nation; and on its decision, our life or death depends. Have we coolness of thought left sufficient to discern them, and energy of moral feeling enough to react ?

As these events are of a nature to rouse and demand public attention, I hope that an impartial narration of them will be candidly and thoughtfully read : and as I have been an actor in the leading events from the beginning — an eye witness of most that I describe; I feel that no one who speaks only from hearsay, can have so full a knowledge of all the causes of these events as I; and as perhaps no one has been more severely censured by enemies, or regarded in greater error by some sincere and valued friends; I feel that not only a regard to truth and the general good, but decent regard to the opmions of others, requires me to speak.

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It is an event which will be known extensively, and on which a judgment will be formed by the civilized world. And in the correctness of that judgment the highest interests of humanity are involved. In it, too, the welfare of this state and nation are vitally involved. In one portion of the body politic soundness is gone, the laws have given way, the tremendous reign of anarchy has begun, and our only hope for their final restoration to their wonted majesty and power is in the restorative energies of that portion of the body politic which remains yet uncorrupted.

The question may be considered in two lights :

1. As one of civil rights. "^

2. As one of moral rights.

The first relates to what the laws of the land allow each citizen to do ; and in doing which they guaranty him defense. The other relates to those duties the performance of which no human laws can enforce ; but which arise from the obligations resting on every man to use his civil rights wisely and benevolently, from a regard to God and the general good. So far as a claim to civil defense is concerned, nothing is essential except that a man violate no civil right : and in deciding whether it is a duty to give such defense no commmiity has a right to agitate any other question.

If a man's civil rights are safe only so long as he uses them wisely and prudently, we ought so to be informed in our constitutions : and, still more, Ave ought to have a civil standard of wisdom and prudence, enacted by law ; and courts and judges to try men for imprudence and indiscretion. For if men are to maintain their rights only on . such grounds, and there is to be no standard but

evermore deliver me and my cliildren from such rights and such freedom.

There is no tyranny on earth so execrable as the tyramiy of a mob. But hidccd the -whoio idoa. io ridiculous in the extreme — that tlip question of wisdom or prudence is to be raised at aU, before a prompt defense of rights. It is foreign to the whole genius of our nation. As long as a citizen violates no law, and stands solely on the ground of civil rights, he is to be defended to the uttermost. Nor does crime vacate rights. Even the vilest criminal has a right to a fair and impartial trial ; and if condemned, it must be only by law.

It was because I wished to judge of the soxmdness of the nation on this point, that I have as yet made no effort to correct the false views so industriously circulated by those who wish to palliate the atrocity of these deeds. These all tend solely to one point : that Mr. Loyejoy and his friends were not wise and prudent ; and that on them the whole responsibility rests. And I was anxious to see if the manly sense of the nation was still so unclouded as to detect the base subterfuge ; and their moral sense sufficiently sound to abhor it. To a very cheering extent I have not been disappointed on this point. The majority of the nation still iO ALTON RIOTS.

seems to be sound j and with manly indignation has repelled the loathsome and guilty excuse. Still this is not true of all.

There are still those who, if their principles were to prevail, and their feelings infect the nation, would

And as a citizen of the free states I blush that they have furnished the gicalesL »liarn of sncli. Alas, that freemen will sell their prmciples for popular

favnr, or for gold. But it io time, llUVV, that the

events of Alton, should be tried by another standard ; that, on the part of the friends of good order there may be no needless concessions or reserve ; and that the last pretexts of enemies may be taken away.

By the standard of wisdom, benevolence and prudence, then, let these events be tried ; and I care not how high that standard may be. Not that I arrogate to Mr. Lovejoy, or to his friends, entire exception from error in scenes so trying. But I do mean that a correct standard of judgment on those points is one of the last things which they have to fear. Indeed, had not the standard of the community been unusually low, such events could not have transpired : and it was following a better standard that excited their wrath. On many minds, I know that the impression is deep and strong that we were urged on by a blind impulse, next to infatuation, heated by excitement, and without deliberate thought. Indeed to many, any action on the subject of slavery that is designed to remove it, is synonymous with infatuation and insanity. Let all

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such know, that every step taken was the result of long and patient thought j and of prmciples fixed in our coolest hours.

To evince that such was the fact ; and to enable the public to know what our principles are, and to judge of our actions by them ; I propose to consider what are the principles of wisdom, prudence and benevolence in such a case : — to narrate the events as they transpired : — and to try our actions, and those of our opposers, by this test.

CHAPTER 11.

What then are the true principles in this case f As this is a practical question, involving great and all pervading consequences, it is of great moment that our principles of judgment be sound ; as an error here must vitiate all our results. Happily for us, we have an unerring standard near at hand ; and with this let us begin. " The fear of the Lord is the beginning of wisdom, and to depart from evil that is understanding." From this we infer

1. That we are first of all to use aU possible means to ascertain the purposes of God, as regards the age and nation in which we live ; and so lay our plans that they may coincide with his designs : " For there is no counsel or knowledge or device against the Lord. His counsel will stand and he will do all his pleasure." And if we « regard not the works of the Lord, nor the operation of his hands, he will destroy us and not build us up."

2. Never hope finally to avert a discussion of the great fundamental principles of human society, which is called for by the course of God's providence and the movements of the age.

3. Let the movements of God's providence decide as to the time of the discussion. That is, Do not seek prematurely to accelerate it ; and do not try to avert it when great events urge it upon us.

4. Employ the time allowed by Providence in studying the subject, and the structure of human society ; thus preparing wisely to meet the discussion when it comes.

5. Let no errors or imprudencies, real or supposed, of the advocates of truth, mdispose the mind to receive it on its own evidence : and let no amount of popular prejudice, and no fear of personal sacrifice deter us from following out our own convictions of duty, in the fear of God.

The soundness of the principles thus stated none can deny. Nor can it be denied that, in a world opposed to God these ought at all times, and popular opinion never, to be om- standard of wisdom in the formation of our plans. As it regards their execution we are bomid to regard the laws of holiness and of the human mind. Hence,

6. Let all discussions of truth be conducted under a vivid sense of the presence of God : and so conducted as to time, manner and proportion, that they may tend to diffuse a spirit of hohness throughout the community ; and decidedly and boldly to rebuke every form of sin.

7. Avoid giving needless occasions of irritation, excitement, and lawless violence.

8. Aim to diffuse kind feelings throughout the community ; and especially to strengthen the bonds of union among good men.

9. If, however, after all your efforts to promote holiness and union, any portion of community will cleave to error and sin, you are bound not to renounce truth, duty and God, to prevent division however painful, or evil feelings however great, or deeds of violence however atrocious. On them rests the responsibility who forsake God and the truth, and not on you. For this reason were Jesus and his disciples guiltless, though divisions and death followed in their train. Indeed, in a corrupt state of society, eminent holiness and nearness to God are so far from rendering divisions and ^excitements improbable, that imless the community itself will reform, they render them certain.

In deciding, therefore, on the wisdom of any coiurse of conduct, we are to view it in all its relations ; and not test it by a few hackneyed topics of popular prudence. A cormnunity deeply involved in the commission of evil loves neither disturbance, repentance, nor rebuke. Their language is. Let us alone. And any exhibition of the truth, however well meant, which reaches the conscience will cause bitterness and reaction. The truth on this point has been so admirably and pointedly expressed by the departed Evarts, that I cannot for- B

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bear to quote his words. In the Panoplist, vol. 1(J, p. 245, after a candid examination of the laws of Virginia, prohibiting the instruction of the blacks, he thus concludes :

« It is impossible for an enlightened conscience to doubt that the slaveholders of Virginia, taken as a body, are ' fighting against God.' There are, we trust, numerous exceptions to this daring hostility. It cannot be doubted, however, what will be the issue of the contest. The many millions of the blacks hereafter to live on our continent will not be always debarred from reading the bible, nor will Africans be always forbidden to preach the gospel.'*

Noble rebuke ! and yet uttered in the spirit of love and godly fear. And what was the result ? On p. 488, we find that it had caused a great ferment at the south, and brought on him severe censure. Hear him now in reply.

" With respect to the ferment which the article in onr June number produced, we can only say, that to excite passion or provoke opposition was far from our object. But our southern friends must be aware that the simple fact of the existence of irritation is by no means conclusive evidence that there is just occasion for it. We could easily illustrate this position by a reference to scriptural history. It is indeed an indisputable truth, that no great abuse can be removed without producing a great deal of irritation. Look at the monstrous abuses practised by the Romish church ; and at the exposure of them in England, Germany, and Scotland. These abuses were acknowledged by the advocates of that church, and it was only contended that they should be attacked mildly and gently, that they might be gradually and silently corrected. But if the reformers had yielded to these representations ; if Luther had written against popery in such a manner as not to offend the most bigoted and interested of the popish clergy, what would have become of the reformation ?

"The southern people are now unanimous in condenming the slave trade ; but when this trade was first attacked, the intrepid assailants were vilified as a set of miserable drivellers, who under the cant of religion and humanity, were willing to put daggers into the hands of all the negroes in the West Indies : who, instead of benefiting the blacks either in Africa or the islands, would injure them all: who would in fact produce by their measures, if Parliament should adopt them, nothing but revolt, insurrection, burning and massacre in all the colonies. Never was there more irritation on any subject, than prevailed in respect to the aboUtion of the slave trade among all slave holders in the British empire."

That there has been a great ferment and much irritation in consequence of the discussion of slavery in this state ; and that it has resulted in outrages of miparalleled atrocity, no one needs to be informed. But it by no means follows that it was through the negligence or uidiscretion of the friends of the truth ; or that all possible efforts were not made which a sense of duty would allow, to conciUate i(J ALTON RIOTS.

opponents and prevent such results. Let the facta of the case then be cahnly considered, and tested by the principles already laid down.

And that the scope and reasons of my remarks may be the more clearly appreciated, I would observe that I shall construct my narration with reference to a great variety of charges against the members of the convention at Alton as a body, and myself and Mr. Lovejoy in particular. The fact that I have been publicly, severely, and pointedly attacked ; accused of Jesuitism, fanatical zeal, dereliction of official duty, and treasonable designs, must be be my apology for any reference to myself which a vindication of my course shall render it necessary to make. I shall make no reference to individual assailants ; and still entertain the kindest feelings for all by whom I have been thus charged ; and hope that they will at length see and candidly acknowledge their error.

Chapter III

The first point that merits our attention is, the origin of the discussion on the subject of slavery in this state. This is not to be ascribed to any individual effort, but to the gradual movements of the providence of God in the present age. The causes which have conspired to make this a topic of intense interest to the christian world are, the aboli-

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tion of the slave trade throughout the civilized world ; and of slavery in Hayti, the West Indies; South America, Mexico, and elsewhere, and the discussions connected with these events j the free principles of our own constitutions ; their influence on the world ; and the reaction of that influence on us. These causes gave rise to an animated discussion of the subject in the eastern free states, and to a great reaction and excitement at the south ; and thus attention was aroused to the subject throughout the Union. In this state there was an original leaven of anti -slavery principles in its earliest settlement, and preceding the discussions at the east : and the influence of this added to that of papers from the east, awakened an extensive interest in the subject over the whole state. The result of these causes a wise man could easily foresee, but not avert. The great current of human destiny bore this subject onward as one of the great practical questions of the age. On it the intellect of the civilized world was aroused; and to it the Spirit of God gave .a resistless course. To suppress discussion Avas impossible. As well might you forbid the day-spring from on high to know his place, or the splendors of the approaching sun to dissipate the shades of night. To prevent discussion I made no effort, satisfied that it would be vain; and that, if possible, it was not to be desired. On this subject as a nation we must act or suffer. If in season we learn and do our duty, we shall escape the judgments of God. If not, the hour of retribution is hastening on.

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Free social discussion, and an expression of opinion in ecclesiastical bodies, were for a time deemed sufficient. But the tide of feeling continued so to rise, that some more eflfectual mode of influencing the public mind was demanded. The establishment of the St. Louis Observer, under the editorial care of Mr. Lovejoy, in part met this demand. I say. in part, for though he manifested decided opposition to slaveiy, yet his views were considered erroneous on the subject of immediate emancipation. It here deserves notice that, although decidedly opposed to the peculiar views of the abolitionists, yet he was driven from St. Louis by a mob, because he insisted on the duty of making efforts gradually to abolish the system of slavery. It was strenuously insisted on, that he should let the subject entirely alone. He then removed his paper to Alton. His press on landing was left on the wharf, it being Sunday, and was afterwards destroyed by a few individuals. This outrage was strongly reprobated in a subsequent meeting of citizens; and resolutions passed to sustain the laws, ferret out the offenders, and reimburse his loss.

When the paper was re-established in this state, it was not his design to give so much room to the subject of slavery as he had in Missouri; and he so stated in the meeting. At the same time he expressly refused to give any pledge on the subject, but openly stated that he reserved to himself the right to publish whatever he might choose, on any change of views. Such a change gradually took place, the causes of which were these; as stated to me by himself: — A careful investigation of the subject from a deep sense of his own responsibility; a discovery of the atrocious misrepresentations of the views of the abolitionists which were universally and diligently circulated, and to which he had once given credence; a clear conviction of the unworthy and sordid motives of the most violent opposers ; a discovery that the party of moderate men had no plan for doing any thing, and that they did nothing but hinder all who desired to act; and a distinct perception of its fatal influence on the church, especially as illustrated in the proceedings of recent General Assemblies. This change in his own feelings led him to feel the importance of giving more prominence to the subject in his paper, and at the same time the demand for a thorough discussion of it became vacfre urgent among a large portion of his subscribers.

It has sometimes been said, but very gratuitously, that he was the means of getting up the excitement in this state. The truth is, if he had opposed it with all his power he could not have stopped the movement; but it would have swept him and his paper away. Of his change of views he deemed it his duty to make a statement to Mr. W. S. Gilman, who had with his partner, given him efficient assistance in re-establishing his paper after the press had been destroyed. He felt under no obligation, he informed me, to the citizens at large, because they had not fulfilled the pledge which they had given him of reimbursing him for the loss of his property, and had given him no aid in re-establishing his paper; and because he had publicly refused to come under any pledge to them. He was advised by Mr. Gilman to follow the dictates of his own judgment, which he accordingly did.

Chapter IV

We now approach a point of great importance in its relations to the final result; — the proposal to call a convention to form a state Antislavery Society. Of this measure, too, Mr. Lovejoy is regarded as the author and prime mover: and he is supposed to have urged it on without consideration and without judgment. The truth is, it was urged on his attention by others, in different parts of the state; and was by him from time to time delayed. At last, on being again requested to bring up the subject, he concluded to mention it in his paper, and ask for an expression of public sentiment. The response was decided; and it became clear that there was a general and strong desire that a convention should be held. This state of feeling is in part to be ascribed to the natural progress of interest and thought; in part to the impression produced on many by the violent proceedings of the General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church in 1837, and the belief that such unjust measures had been introduced into the church to defend slavery; and in part to the agitation of the Texas question. The pro-

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posal of such a convention at once aroused the hostiUty of the enemies of his sentiments, and laid a foundation for all the disastrous results which have followed. A meeting of citizens was soon called at the market-house, in which resolutions were passed charging on Mr. Lovejoy the violation of a pledge, and censuring him for his course. A committee was also appointed to wait on him, with an implied assumption, that the meeting claimed the power to regulate his course as editor. This claim he felt it his duty to deny and resist; while at the same time, to remove all reasonable grounds of objection, he published a clear, candid, and unanswerable statement of his views. To expose the unsoundness of his principles no attempt was made; and that, for the best of all possible reasons — a despair of success. A most disgraceful and incendiary paragraph also appeared in a paper in St. Louis, urging the inhabitants of Alton to eject Mr. Lovejoy from among them as a fomenter of divisions and an enemy to the public good. Having failed to intimidate, and having no resource in argument, they began to mature their plans for the application of force.

At this time I received a letter from Mr. Lovejoy, urging on me the importance of giving a prayerful attention to the subject ; and of aiding to give a right direction to public feeling in this state; and requesting me, if consistent with my sense of duty, to give my name to the call for a convention. I had up to this time not participated at ail in the public discussion which was so deeply exciting the nation, but had been merely an attentive and thoughtful Spectator. Such was the magnitude of the subject, and such the consequences involved in its proper management, that, until the providence of God should make it my duty I was glad to retire from the conflict, and spend my time in preparing for the hour, should it ever arrive, in which duty would allow me to be silent no longer. My views, when I came to this state, were decidedly hostile to the doctrines of immediate emancipation; and it was not until the year 1835 that I became satisfied, from a careful examination of the history of experiments on this subject, that the doctrine of gradual emancipation was fallacious, and that of immediate emancipation was philosophical and safe. From that time I felt it to be a matter of immense importance that measures should be taken, kindly but thoroughly, to convince the slave states of the fact, and to urge the claims of duty. Still, however, considering the magnitude and importance of the subject; and the interest, ignorance and prejudice to be encountered, I felt that more was to be hoped from deep and thorough discussions in a cool and dispassionate style, than from popular appeals and excitement. At the same time I was dissatisfied with the spirit of much which had been written on the subject; and with the disposition so common, of pushing true principles to an extreme. On the whole I decidedly preferred to stand on my own ground — to join no society — and to speak as an individual, if I spoke at all. In reply to Mr. Lovejoy, I stated these facts; and added that I would join no society, imless they would assume such grounds as I could approve. In reply, he requested a full statement of all my views, which I freely gave him.

Meanwhile the plans of the friends of mob-law had been matured, the office of the Observer assailed, and the press destroyed. It was known beforehand that such an attack was contemplated ; and a decided public sentiment in favor of maintaining the law at all hazards might easily have prevented it : for the perpetrators were then timid ; habit and success had not given them confidence. No such public sentiment, however, existed ; and many felt — even of those deemed wise and good— that though the prostration of the law was a great evil, the publication of the Observer was one still greater : to such a degree had prejudice and a false view of their own local interests blinded their minds. They seemed to regard it as a less evil to have their city become the abode of mob law than the theatre of a fair discussion of an unpopular theme. Preparations had also been made to defend the office by arms ; but as there was a hesitation in regard to the propriety of using arms in such a case, when the office was assailed not a gim was fired ; but it was abandoned to its fete.

Decided efforts were immediately made by the friends of Mr. Lovejoy to replace the press, and to enlist the friends of religion and good order in an effort to maintain the ground. But, to such a degree were the churches paralyzed, the effort was unavailing. A press however was procured by the fi-iends of the paper at Alton and Quincy, and