Morgan and his captors

Preface

The author of this volume has long and firmly believed that "God is in history." This statement will be regarded by some persons as a mere superstition, " What a startling fact, thai men brought up amid the elevated ideas of Christianity regard as mere superstition that Divine intervention in human affairs which the very heathen have admitted! There is a living principle, emanating from God, in every national movement. God is ever present on that vast theater where men meet and Btruggle." Because the author firmly believes this, he has undertaken to write this history, and thereby preserve a record of a part of God's wonderful providence in this cruel war. We may not now be able to trace the hand of God in all or any of the events herein recorded, but, by preserving them, future generations may do so, and see clearly tnaf which is i>ow, at best, but imperfectly understood. The great actors on the stage of life hav^e been but imperfectly understood by those around them ; and, in many instances, the actors themselves have been profoundly ignorant of the grand results that God was weaving out of their lives and deeds. How many of tho

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IV PREFACE.

living witnesses of the career of Washington, Marion, Cromwell, or Zwingle, had any just conceptions of the result of their acts? Did they themselves see clearly the hand of God in their lives? Much, very much, that was dark then is now clear, because a faithful record of their deeds was made. This is a high motive for writing a faithful and true history.

Another worthy motive in writing a history is the hope of thereby instructing and warning the present and future generations of men. What would be the condition of this generation and nation but for the lessons of the history of the past ? History has taught us to love our free institutions, and defend them to the last. The history of this rebellion may teach our posterity to love these heaven-born blessings even more than we do. It may warn them to avoid the evils that have been tolerated almost at the great cost of our national life.

These motives, together with the fact that much of the material out of which this book has been formed seemed, providentially, to fall into his hands, have induced the author to give it to the public. And no one can be more sensible than .himself that he has not polished or dressed handsomely these materials. Having formed his plan, he put the material he had into it, polished or unpolished. It is for the reader to judge of the architectural qualities of the work.

More prominence has been given to the great secession conspiracy in Kentucky than may seem justifiable in w^riting a book entitled " Morgan and his Captors." But it seemed

PREFA-CE. ■?

necessary to say wliat he has, in order to understand fully tlie character of Morgan and other prominent secessionists of that state. And, furthermore, less could not have been said without doing great injustice to that noble and loyal band of patriots in Kentucky who did and suffered so much for their country. For this part of the work, the author is laigely indebted to several published articles from the pen of tliat sterling patriot. Rev. E. J. Breckinridge, D. D.

The author has freely used whatever material he has found in other publications, which seemed to him to contribute to the interest and truthfulness of this history. And here he would make an especial acknowledgment of numerous letters from various sources, which have been of great assistance in preparing this work.

The author has labored to write a true and impartial history, without reference to political parties, and without any design of |X)litical effect other than that which the truth may produce. If he has failed in this, it is because he has been misled.

Tacitus assures us that Hietorj^ is listened to with more favor wdien she slanders and disparages. " Obtrectatio et livor proyvts auribus aeciphmturJ' The author has not had the culpable ambition of plea,sing at the expense of truth.

The reader may desire to know why the sketches of other persons who aided in the captare of Morgan are not in this work. It would have given the author great satisfaction to have given sketches of General Judah, Colonels Crittenden, Wolford, Major Fishback, and other officers and privates who

Vi PREFACE.

did their duty nobly in the pursuit of Morgan ; but that would have made the work much larger than the author designed it to be. He, therefore, concluded to give sketches of fiuch officers only as will be necessary to give to the reader a clear and full understanding of the pursuit and capture of Morgan.

Chapter 1 11

Morgan and the great secession conspii'acy in Kentucky — Great excitement in Lexington, Ky. — Kentucky the mother of patriots and traitors — The Breckinridge partj^ — Governor Magoffin— The veto power exercised — The Legislature of Kentucky —The Knights of the Golden Circle— The State Guard— The private meeting of secession leaders — Rev. Dr. Breckinridge — Magoffin's letter to the President — The President's reply — Camp Dick Ptobinson and General Nelson — Camp Joe Holt and Colonels Rousseau and Pope — Home Guards — The arming of Camp Dick Robinson — Morgan's Rifle Company — The overthrow of the conspiracy.

Chapter II 46

Morgan's nativity — Personal appearance and character — Defeats an enemy and makes a capture without the use of sword or saber — His marriage — Brief account of battles, raids, skirmishes, etc., in Kentucky — Design of his raids — Incidents — A sympathizing parson.

Chapter III 91

Morgan in Tennessee — His military character — At Edgefield — Capture of a Federal brigade — Narrow escape of Morgan — Capture of a Brigadier-General — Morgan's first thorough defeat — - Incidents.

Chapter IV 108

Morgan's gi'eat raid through Kentucky, Indiana, and Ohio — Iha line of his march — At Burkesville — Fights at Columbia and Green River Bridge — A female soldier — Fight and surrender at Lebanon — Morgan marches to Brandenburg — A warlike event

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Viii CONTEXTS.

at tbis place before the present war — The capture of twc steamers — Efforts to preyent the rebels from crossing the river — His march from the river to Corjdon, Ind. — The battle and capture of Corydon — Incidents of the capture.

Chapter V 131

Great excitement in Indiana — Morgan in Indiana — The design of the invasion — The march from Corydo-n to Sa^lem — Captua-e of Salem and destruction of the railroad — Interesting incidents— His march through the counties of Washington, Scott, Jefferson, Jennings, Ripley, and De-arborn — Military blander — Great excitement and panic in Northern Illinois.

CHAPTEE, YI 150

The proclamation of Governor Tod — Morgan in Ohio — Patriotism of the people — The state militia — An incident related by Morgan— Morgan at Harrison — Destroys a railroad — At East Sycamore— At Camp Dennison — At Buffington Island — Incidents.

Chapter VII Its

The pursuit and capture of Morgan — His imprisonment and escape.

Chapter VIII 219

Brigadier-General Hobson — His nativity — Self-made man — His visit to the South — Works at his trade — Becomes a merchant— A soldier in the Mexican wai" — At the battle of Buena Vista — Returns home and resumes business — A Union man — His life threatened — Raises a regiment for the United States service — Attempt by the rebels to capture his force and rob the bank — A second attempt to capture Hobson — A hazardous undertaking— The regiment moves with General Buell's army — Hobson at Corinth — At Mount Washington — In Tennessee — At Green River Bridge — Defeats Morgan — Various expeditions — • General Hobson ordered to Lexington — Narrow escape — Resists the entrance of Morgan into Kentucky — Vigorous pui'suit of Morgan through Kentucky, Indiana, and Ohio — Battle of Bufdngton.

CONTENTS. IX

Chapter IX -^^

Brigadier-General Shackelford-His nativity— In the Mexican war— His profession and marriage— His perils in raising a regiment in Kentucky— At Fort Donelson— He leads a charge—. His wound— Made a Brigadier-General— His pursuit of Morgan through Kentucky, Indiana, and Ohio-The battle at Bashan Church, Ohio— Assumes command of the expedition— The pursuit until Morgan is captured— Shackelford in East Tennessee— At the siege of KnoxviUe and in other engagements.

Chapter X ^''^

Colonel R. T. Jacob, of the Ninth Kentucky Cavalry and Lieutenant- Governor of Kentucky— A heroine and daughter of Benton - The birth of Colonel Jacob— His early character— Perilous journey to California-Colonel Jacob and General Fremont in California— Return to the states— Marriage— 111 health— In Missouri— Unites with the Presbyterian Church— A ruling elder— His character— Elected a member of the Legislature- Deserts the Breckinridge party— On the Committee on Federal Relations-Speeches-Reelected to the Legislature in 1861— He is strongly in favor of the Union-Enters the military service-At Richmond-Fight at Clay Village-A most exciting fight at Lawrenceburg— Colonel Jacob wounded— Exciting sc°ene on his return to his regiment— Engagement on 10th of March, 1863, with Morgan's advance— His pursuit of Morgan through Kentucky, Indiana, and Ohio-Election as Lieutenant- Governor of Kentucky— His speeches.

Chapter XI ^^^

ISIajor G. W. Rue, the captor of iSIorgan— His report to Colonel Lewis Richmond— Particulars of the capture— Interview between Morgan and Rue— Interview between Morgan, Shackelford, and Wolford— A good Providence— Major Rue's nativity —His education and military character— Rue in Mexico— Rue a Christian.

X CONTENTS.

TAGH

Chapter XII 343

Morgan's late raid into Kentucky, in June, 1864 — Enters the state at Pound Gap — Capture of Mount, Sterling — Uprising of guerrillas and Knights of the Golden Circle — Their depredations at various places — Governor Bramlette and the siege of Frankfort— General Burbridge defeats Morgan at Mount Sterling — Morgan at Lexington — Marches toward Frankfort, but suddenly changes his course — At Cynthiana defeats and captures the Union forces — Is defeated by Burbridge the day following — Dispatches of General Burbridge to the President and Secretary of War — Distinguished regiments — Detail statements — Incidents.

Chapter XIII 381

rrophetical speech of Stephens, Vice-President of the Rebel Government— The death of Morgan — Killed by Andrew G. Campbell, an East Tennesseean — Rebel account of his surprise, death, and obsequies — Concluding remarks.

Chapter I

MORGAN AND THE GREAT SECESSION CONSPIRACY IN KENTUCKY — GREAT EXCITE- MENT IN LEXINGTON, KY. — KENTUCKY THE MOTHER OF PATRIOTS AND TRAI- TORS — THE BRECKINRIDGE PARTY — GOVERNOR MAGOFFIN — THE VETO POWEB EXERCISED — THE LEGISLATURE OF KENTUCKY — THE KNIGHTS OF THE GOLDEN CIRCLE — THE STATE GUARD — THE PRIVATE MEETING OF SECESSION LEADERS — EEV. DR. BRECKINRIDGE — MAGOFFIN'S LETTER TO THE PRESIDENT — THE PRESI- DENT'S REPLY — CAMP DICK ROBINSON AND GENERAL NELSON — CAMP JOE HOLT AND COLONELS ROUSSEAU AND POPE — HOME GUARDS — THE ARMING OF CAMP DICK ROBINSON— morgan's RIFLE COMPANY — THE OVERTHROW OF THE CON- SPIRACY.

ON a fair day, in the month of August, 1861, the inhabitants of the beautiful city of Lexington, Kentucky, were startled by the sound of a war-bugle in their streets. People thronged the principal avenues, and a thousand cheeks were blanched, as if a thunderbolt had fallen from the clear sky above their heads. There was fear that scenes of carnage and blood would be witnessed that day. Men, women, and children hurried to and fro, and excitedly inquired of one another what that bugle-sound meant. Scarcely had the last wild and warlike notes died

away until a bell was heard ringing at the railroad depot, wliicli only increased the anxiety and excitement of the people. That bugle-blast called together one or tAvo hundred armed secessionists, who expected at once to perpetrate deeds of violence and bloodshed. Captain John H. Morgan was their leader. This was the first appearance of the present famous guerrilla chieftain in the great conflict that is now shaking our country to its center. That appearance and demonstration were the signal for a general outbreak of a great conspiracy to take possession of Kentucky by fire and sword, and hand over the glorious old commonwealth, bound hand and foot, to the mercies of the Southern Confederacy. What the ringing of the bell at the depot meant, why no blood was shed on that day, and how Morgan and his followers and allies were foiled in Avhat they were on the very eve of commencing, will appear in the sequel of this chapter. Esau and Jacob sprang from the same womb, yet they were characters widely different. The one was the friend of God, the other the enemy ; the one was a true friend of his race, the hand of the other was against every man. Kentucky gave birth to Abraham Lincoln and Jefi'erson Davis, to General Hobson and

John Morgan. She is the mother of many of the most sterhng patriots and many of the most wicked traitors. No one will think of attaching blame to Rehekah for giving birth to children so widely different in character. No person will think for a moment of blaming Kentucky because John Morgan and a host of traitors were born on her soil. Remember that, while she has produced traitors, she has also produced a host of patriots, who have done much, endured much, and suffered much for the cause of their country. It is a matter of great wonderment to every one who was acquainted with the real state of affairs in Kentucky during the early stages of the rebellion, that the state, with all its military resources, did not fall into the hands of the rebel authorities at the very commencement of the great rebellion, or soon thereafter. Her own patriotic cliildren did much to save her from the hands of traitors.

Whoever will consider the number, the influence, and machinations of the real enemies, but, in some instances, pretended friends of Kentucky, with an unprejudiced mind, will not fail to admit that the remarks we have made are true and just.

FroiD the commencement of the secession movement in the Southern states, the Breckinridge wing of the Democratic party, with a few honorable exceptions, were thorough secessionists, and made every effort in their power to carry Kentucky out of the Union, and link her destiny with that of the Southern Confederacy. The leading members of that party, whose influence at that time was very great in the state, were untiring in their efforts to accomplish this result. The most important offices of the state were filled by men of that party. Governor Magoffin was a leader of the party, and there was some ground for the suspicion that he was a secessionist. Whoever will remember his curt and unpatriotic reply to President Lincoln, when, in the month of April, 1861, Kentucky was called on to furnish two regiments of volunteers to aid in protecting the Capital of our country, will have a tolerably well-founded suspicion that his heart was with the enemies of the government. "Your dispatch," said the Governor, "is received. In answer, I say, miphatically, Kentucky will furnish no troops for the wicked purpose of subduing her sister Southern states."

MORGAN AXD HIS CAPTORS. 15

Whoever will call to mind the fact that, when the Legislature of Kentucky had passed a resolution directing the Governor of the state to issue a proclamation ordering the Confederate troops to evacuate the Boil of Kentucky, tliat he vetoed the resolution, will have his suspicions strengthened that the Governor threw his influence on the side of armed traitors. Then, if we will remember that the Governor also vetoed the resolution passed by the Legislature, inviting that heroic Christian gentleman. Major (now General) Robert Anderson, the commander of Fort Sumter when it was captured, to take command of the forces of the state, will have his suspicions confirmed. Then, if we will remember, in addition to all this, the letter of the Governor to the President of the United States, in which he urged the removal from the limits of the state the small loyal volunteer organization encamped at Camp Dick Robinson, and more especially if we will remember the part taken by him in the famous Scoti County meeting on Sunday, the 17th of August, 1861, (of which meeting more will be said hereafter), we shall hardly have a doubt left that he was casting the weight of his official position and personal influence in favor of the secession conspiracy. What we have thus written concerning Governor Magoffin has not been done for any political effect, or through any personal prejudice, but simply because he was a representative man in the times of which we are writing, and for the especial purpose of making good our statement that the Breckinridge wing of the Democratic party in Kentucky were thorough secessionists, with a few honorable exceptions.

The Legislature of the state was also chiefly under the influence of the secession party up to August, 1861, when the loyal people of the state elected a new and thoroughly loyal Legislature. Not to call attention to other acts of the Legislature which held office from August, 1859, to August, 1861, we need only call attention to the fact that that body, on the 22d of January, 1861, passed a resolution, " that, in view of the tenders of men and money by several of the Northern states to the General Government, the people of Kentucky, uniting with their brethren of the South, will resist the invasion of the soil of the South, at all hazards, and to the last extremity."' We say that this rcsolation is sufficient to stamp the character of that Legislature as a secession body, working in the interests of that great movement which had for its end the overthrow of this great a,nd good government. In what we have said of the Legislative body that was in office from August, 1859, to August, 1861, we do not mean to convey the idea that all the members of that body were secessionists, for the contrary of all this is true. There was a loyal minority in that body, who exerted a strong conservative influence, and who, unquestionably, hindered the disloyalists of the Legislature from going to greater extremes of opposition to the General Government than they did, as the reader will see by turning to the sketch of the life of Colonel R. T. Jacob, in another part of this work.

What has thus been stated conveys a fair idea of the condition of aifairs in Kentucky during the early stages of the great rebellion. Both the Executive and Legislative authorities of the state were under the influence, and, to a very considerable extent, the control of the powerful secession party of which we have already spoken. It was the purpose of this party to take the state out of the Union. They used the greatest assiduity to accomplish this result. Whatever means had been used successfully in the seceded states they tried in Kentucky. And when these failed, they — that is, the leaders and thousands of the more humble members of the party — attempted to drive Kentucky out of the Union at the point of the sword. It is a wonder they did not succeed. The secessionists and traitors of the state never had a doubt of the success of their efforts. Even Union men trembled for the fate of the state, and, at times, their hearts failed them. But the hand of God, dimly seen by many of the Union men, and altogether unseen by traitors, was in the midst of the people, working out great and glorious results.

KNIGHTS OF THE GOLDEN CIRCLE.

There was another element of opposition to the Union cause in Kentucky that was powerful and dangerous. "A secret^ political and military organization, called the Knights of the Golden Circle, had been widely introduced into the state, by means of a

* See «' Danville Review" for March, 1862.

great number of castles, as its lodges were called, organized among the secessionists of the state. We have no means of determining with certainty whal% number of initiated members these castles unitedly contained; for, indeed,. the practice of secrecy and the use of numerous grades of membership, together with a complicated jargon, made doubly unintelligible by hieroglyphics and pantomime, enabled a select central organization to monopolize at once all knowledge of its force and all power to use it. It was one of those monsters, sprung from the fermenting dregs of revolutions, whose vile life is nourished only by filth and blood. The paternity of the order was ostentatiously claimed by a person called Bickley, who assumed the title of its General in certain mysterious advertisements, and in occasional treasonable proclamations. The avowed objects of the order were various. Sometimes it was to protect the Spanish states on the southern portion of this continent ; sometimes to protect the institution of slavery in our own Southern states ; in Ohio, its secret pretext was the restoration of the Democratic party to power; while ai Kentucky its repeatedly avowed design was to aid, by arms, in the separation of the state from the Eederal Union, and the annexation of it to a Southern Confederacy. ,^ts modes of proceedings, its hieroglyphics, and its horrible oaths were disclosed in Kentucky, and made public through the press ; while, in several other states, the same result was partially obtained in certain judicial investigations.

In short, it was a standing conspiracy against the peace of society and the safety of individuals, existing in the double form of a menace to all virtue, public and private, and of a refuge for desperadoes and ruffians. Its mere existence proved that society was fatally disordered ; while its wide dissemination through the nation, and especially throughout the Southern states, of which its General openly boasted through the press, uncontradicted, was an infallible premonition either of dissolution or the sword. There was a sort of a standing advertisement by tliis General Bickley, that he had at his bidding an army of Kentucky Knights of the Golden Circle, armed, equipped, always increasing, always ready for battle, and never rated by him at less than eight thousand, with which, when the word was given by those with whom he cooperated, he would immediately plant his flag on the Capitol. It is manifest that such a force, on a sudden emergency, could not have been cut to pieces, as matters then stood, without costing Kentucky an infinite price in the lives of her noblest citizens ; and that it could not have been resisted at all by a force hastily collected and imperfectly organized, unless that force was composed of dauntless men, accustomed to the use of arms. After all that has occurred since, it is not boasting to say that, nevertheless. General Bickley and his Knights would have been cut to pieces, if he had ever got the word he was waiting for. The most surprising part to posterity of the whole affaii' will, perhaps, be, that not the slightest movement was made, either by the civil or military authorities of the party then in power, from the Governor of the state down, to call this traitor and his band to account, or to protect the loyal people of the state against them, unless, indeed, the heroic indifference with which that loyal population contemplated both the proceedings of Bickley and his Knights and the connivance of the Governor should appear more surprising."

THE STATE GUARD.

The secessionists of Kentucky were confident, as we have already stated, that they would succeed in taking the state out of the Federal Union. If every other effort should fail, they supposed that they had under their control a military force that would not fail to accomplish their purpose by the sword. ^'An act was passed by the Legislature creating a volunteer force, called the ' State Guard,' which was directed to be immediately raised, organized, armed, equipped, and drilled, chiefly at the expense of the state ; and, in direct violation of the Constitution and every military system on earth, and in total disregard of all propriety, and even common sense, under the circumstances that existed, a staff officer of Governor Magoffin, himself a person not even belonging to the line of the army about to be raised, was created comiriander-in-chief in the body of the law itself. This person proved to be General S, B. Buckner, who was in command of the Confederate army at Fort Donel- Bon, and was made a prisoner there along with the rebel force under his command. It might as well be added that Colonel Roger Hanson, who was captured at the same time along with the bulk of his regiment, had been one of the colonels of General Buckner's State Guard; that General Tilghman, who was captured a few days ♦before, while in command of Fort Henry, was another of his colonels ; and that a large portion of the whole body has perished, or been captured, in the service of the Confederate states. It consisted of about five thousand of fine troops, and would have risen to five times that number, if a little more time could have been gained, or the thoroughly disloyal character of the force had been somewhat more carefully concealed from the public. YvTien the secession conspiracy in Kentucky prematurely broke down, this body of troops was transferred, almost entire, to the Confederate forces operating against the state. It is perfectly well known that the law creating this force was passed almost in the very moment of the adjournment of the first session of the Legislature of 1859-61, by a mere trick of a handful of traitors, when not members enough of both houses were present at the midnight outrage to have constituted a legal quorum of either of them. The sum of what we have been saying, in its military aspect,

24 MORoVAi^ AND HIS CAPTORS.

is this : Thei-e was a secret armed force of eight thousand trait*- rs in Kentucky, and under General Bickley, callea Knights of the Golden Circle ; there were five thousand well-appointed state troops, called the State Guard, commanded by General Buckner, an officer of the staff of the Governor ; there was a body of secessionists, whose number we have no means of ascertaining with certainty, nor the precise nature or extent of their organization, amounting to twenty thousand men or upward, privately armed, in part with state arms and in part with arms furnished to them from the rebel states, the whole body capable of immediate service as neighborhood squads, and of being rapidly gathered in companies and regiments. Immediately after the defeat of the Federal army at Manassas, in July, 1861, the most excitable and organized of this particular force commenced leaving Kentucky to join the Confederate army, thus disclosing its previous condition. So that, at the period of darkness and peril now spoken of, there was a military force of between thirty and forty thousand armed secessionists in Kentucky in readiness to attempt there what they and we knew had been accomplished without difficulty, by similar but far inferior means in so many other states."

THE PRIVATE MEETING OF SECESSION LEADERS.

The election held during the first week of August, 1861, demonstrated, beyond all question, that a large majority of the people of Kentucky were opposed to secession, and in favor of the Union. The secessionists had no other alternative but an abandonment of their purposes or an appeal to arms. But their plans were not quite perfected; hence the private meeting of the principal secessionists of the state to mature plans for the subjugation of Union people and the transfer of the state to the Confederacy, of which we are about to speak.

The pubhc is indebted for whatever knowledge it has of this private meeting of secession leaders to the Rev. R. J. Breckinridge, D. D., the uncle of the rebel General John C. Breckinridge, late Vice-President of the United States. The loyal people, too, of Kentucky owe to him a debt of gratitude for the influence he exerted in saving them from scenes of carnage and blood, and in saving the state, at least for the time beiiiT^', from the hands of secessionists that were already outstretched to seize the great prize.

Vie give the account of this private and traitorous meeting in the words of him who was in some way, we know not precisely how, made acquainted with its character and design just in the "nick of time," so that measures were promptly set on foot which baffled its designs, and finally overthrew the secession conspiracy in Kentucky.

" On Sunday, the 17th day of August, 1861, a considerable number of the leading secessionists of Central Kentucky, embracing the principal persons of that interest, met, in the county of Scott, at the house of a wealthy gentleman, residing in a very accessible but not very public place. It may remove some mystery concerning the sources of our knowledge of matters it was not intended we should know, to say that this decisive meeting took place in the immediate neighborhood of the homestead of the writer of these lines; and we had as well say at once that we do not feel called on to make public, in this manner, either names or acts connected with this meeting, except so far as may be required by the duty we have before us. Whether the urgency of the occasion obliged the distinguished persons who composed the meeting to overcome their reluctance to use the Sabbath day for such a purpose, or whether the impressions of their pious education and lives gave way to the necessity of escaping public observation, there is, perhaps, no great need of inquiring. Of course, Major (now General) Breckinridge was at the meeting, since its very design was to discuss and settle the policy of the party^ and to determine its general course and immediate action under the great foregone facts which had already given a color to its destiny, namely, first, its complete overthrow, two weeks before, at the general election, and, secondly, its adhesion to the general conspiracy which had determined on the conquest of the border slave states by arms when all hope of obtaining them by other means was lost.