The mining advance into the inland empire; a comparative study of the beginnings of the mining industry in Idaho and Montana, eastern Washington and Oregon, and the southern interior of British Columbia; and of institutions and laws based upon that industry

Front matter

HISTORY SERIES, VOL. 3, No. 2, PP. 137-392

THE MINING ADVANCE INTO THE INLAND EMPIRE

A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF THE BEGINNINGS OP THE MINING INDUSTRY IN IDAHO AND MONTANA, EASTERN WASH- INGTON AND OREGON, AND THE SOUTHERN INTERIOR OP BRITISH COLUMBIA; AND OP

Preface

This study has been made possible by the use of the stores of a number of libraries, both public and private, and by the generous co-operation of friends who are interested in history.

No more earnest and efficient public service is rendered in our time than that by librarians. The author desires to make cordial acknowledgment of the unfailing helpfulness of the staffs in charge of the libraries of the University of Wisconsin, the University of Idaho, the University of California, and of the North Dakota Agricultural College ; of the city libraries of Spokane, Seattle, and Portland, and of the collections of the Montana Historical Society, the Oregon Historical Society, the Provincial Library and Archives of British Columbia, and the Academy of Pacific Coast History. In particular I wish to extend my thanks to Mrs. Ethel McVeety, Librarian of the North Dakota Agricultural College, Mr. Frederick J. Teggert and Mr. Porter Garnett of the Academy of Pacific Coast History, and to Mr. E. 0. L. Scholefield, Provincial Librarian of British Columbia.

Generous access has been given to the valuable private collections of Hon. C. B. Bagley, of Seattle, Mr. Justice Martin of Victoria, and his Honour, Judge Frederick W. Howay of New Westminster.

No one who has felt the kindly spirit and received the suggestive criticism of Professor Frederick J. Turner (now of Harvard University) can fail to be grateful. Acknowledgments are particularly due to Professor Turner, and also to Mr. T. C. Elliott, of WaUa Walla, Washington, Hon. W. J. McConnell, of Moscow, Idaho, Judge W. Y. Pemberton, of Helena, Montana, Judge F. W. Howay, of New Westminster, British Columbia, and to Professor Frederick L. Paxson, of the University of Wisconsin. These gentlemen read my manuscript patiently and critically and furnished many helpful suggestions.

I am indebted also to Messrs. McConnell, Pemberton, and Bagley for pioneer reminiscences and illuminating suggestions. This sort of assistance was courteously extended, likewise, by Mr. Holter, of Helena, Major J. Gr. Trimble (lately deceased) of Berkeley, Cal., and Dr. James S. Helmncken and Mr. Gilbert Malcolm Sproat of Victoria.

THE MINING ADVANCE INTO THE INLAND EMPIRE

Introduction

THE REGION AND THE MOVEMENT

For almost a decade after the discovery of gold in California, the precious metal industry in the United States was carried on extensively only within that state. The decade following 1858, however, was characterized by the expansion of the industry on a large scale into many parts of the Rocky Mountain area. In this process of expansion certain movements or fields may be differentiated for convenience of study. One movement took place to the Southwest, another into the Pikes Peak region, a third into Nevada, and a fourth into the far Northwest. The last is plainly differentiated from the other movements either because of location or character of development, while the various districts which it reached were well connected by homogeneity of population and relationship of development. It is difficult, however, to find for this movement a name at once sufficiently succinct and comprehensive.

It should be made plain at the outset of this study that the term Inland Empire, as applied in the title, is used more as a convenient name for a movement than as a precise geographical designation. The region with which we are concerned includes (in terms of present political boundaries) the southern interior of British Columbia, eastern Oregon and Washington, western Montana, and Idaho. When this region began to attract wide attention about the time of the Civil War in the United States, because of a series of great mining "rushes", it was known vaguely in the East as the " Northwest ", while along the western coast it was spoken of frequently as the "Northern Interior".

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Today it is generally included in the term Pacific Northwest, and it might, perhaps, well be designated as the interior of the Pacific Northwest. But differentiation is often made in the United States between the Pacific Northwest and British Columbia; and so, in the absence of any definite term applicable to the whole region under consideration, I have ventured to make use of one commonly applied only to the central area within this region. Yet a growing use of the term "Inland" in southern Idaho and of the "Inland Empire of British Columbia" may give some sanction to wider application for the sake of convenience. Its extension to the Missouri slope of Western Montana, however, is defensible only from the point of view that the development of the early mining industry in that quarter formed a part of the general movement into the Inland Empire.

Considered as a whole, this vast region possesses very considerable physiographic unity. Diversities, to be sure, are to be found, as, for example, between southern and northern Idaho; but the country is clearly differentiated from the eastern plains and from the western coast. The latter distinction is most clearly marked, — travelers emerging from the- dense fir forests of the coast to the plateau of the interior, either by way of the Columbia or the Fraser, observed that the trees (here of pine) became far less dense or disappeared altogether in great bunch grass plains, that the rainfall was much less, that peculiar terraces were found along the rivers, and that instead of the "canoe Indians" of the coast, there now appeared a better type, the "horse Indians". The inland plateau itself is distinctive. Covering the country from far into British Columbia to the confines of Nevada and California, and from the Cascades to the Rockies, is an immense lava formation of many layers. Its average depth is estimated at 2,000 feet, and its extent 200,000 square miles.1 Rising above the lava

1 Bulletin U. 8. Geol. Sur. No. 108, p. 11. This monograph Is by I. C. Russel, one of the best authorities for the physiography of the Inland Empire. Professor Russel characterizes the lava formation as follows : "This vast inundation of lava is one of the most remarkable and, I may say, one of the most dramatic incidents in the geological history of North America. It is safe to assume that all of the lava poured out by volcanoes within historic times, if run together, would make but a small fraction of the mass under which the region drained bj the Columbia is buried."

plateau are the partially submerged peaks and mountain ranges of the primeval country, and on the eastern border the lava thins out into gulfs and bays among the Rocky Mountains.2 In the Rocky Mountains or in the off-shoots westward from these mountains — the Owyhee, the Boise, the Salmpn River, the Bitter-root, and the Cariboo ranges, and the Okanogan highland — were located the various mining camps about which we are to study.3 From the Rockies flowed the three great river systems which became important factors in transportation to these camps — the Missouri, the Fraser, and the Columbia. The two latter are much alike. Both are noted for the swiftness of their current and the ruggedness of their canons; both swing far northward, and both receive from the East a great tributary (in the one case, the Thompson, in the other, the Snake) ; both have fine navigable stretches in their upper courses which, as the rivers plunge from the plateau, are interrupted by formidable obstacles; and both form magnificent waterways from the last of these obstacles to the ocean. The districts drained by these systems, likewise, have much of physiographic similarity. The Line of 49', the boundary between British Columbia and the American territories, was drawn at right angles, so to speak, to the physiographic inclination of the country. From the point of view of physiography it would seem that there was not sufficient differentiation north and south of the political boundary materially to modify the development of society. In other words, so far as the country was concerned, the development of institutional life was likely to be identical.

Civilized society took possession of this region both north and south of the Line through a great movement of miners, which occurred in the decade following 1855. Previous to that year, it is true, there had been within the region such forerunners of civilization as fur traders, explorers, and missionaries, and

s An Important phase of the geology of Montana is discussed in Some Volcano Ashbedf of Montana, by J. P. Rowe, Mont. Univ. Bull. No. 17, Geol. Series, No. I, 1903.

3 A succinct and satisfactory treatment of the physiography of British Columbia is that by Geo. M. Dawson, in Geol. Sur. of Canada, Vol. Ill, pt. II, pp. 5R- 15R. A bibliography is appended.

through its southern part had proceeded the immigration on the Oregon Trail; but the institutions of civilized society had not been established upon the soil of the Inland Empire. These the Mining Advance produced.

The advance of the miners into the British and American portions of the region was practically contemporaneous, and the various rushes were interrelated. "A flood of picks and pans" (as writers in the midst of events styled it) spread over the country in successive waves, beginning with the Colville country in 1855. Between 1858 and 1866 rushes occurred (using present political designations) in British Columbia to Fraser River, Bock Creek and the Similkameen, Cariboo, Kootenai, and the Upper Columbia; in eastern Oregon, to John Day River and to Powder River; in Idaho, to the Nez Perces mines, Salmon River, Warren's Diggings, Boise, and Owyhee; and in Montana, to Grasshopper Creek, Alder Gulch, and Last Chance. There was constant migration between these various camps, which political boundaries did not seriously interrupt.

The general unity of the movement was greatly increased by the presence everywhere of Californians. It is true that in different fields different outcroppings (if the phrase be permissible) of population appeared. Thus in Cariboo, for example, the British element was more apparent than in most camps south of the Line; men from Missouri and Colorado were conspicuous in Boise Basin, while still another admixture was formed by the people from Minnesota who came to Montana. But a stratum of Californians was to be seen everywhere, and these produced throughout the region a similarity in methods of mining, in manners of society, in interests, and in the sort of institutions that tended spontaneously to spring up.4

There are three points of view, the statement of which may be of value in considering the mining advance into the Inland Empire.

* Californians, of course, went to most American camps, and there were also relationships between many of the camps of the region we are studying and Nevada and Colorado. But the main point which is here sought to be made it that in the constituent elements of the population of the mining camps north and touth of the Line, there were not sufficient divergencies wholly to account for variations in types of institutions.

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In the first place, this movement was part of the formation and advance of an eastward moving frontier. American population, which had advanced westward up to 1840 in comparatively gradual and connected movements, in the decade 1840-50 leaped to the Willamette and the Sacramento j now it was recoiling eastward and in this recoil was meeting the old frontier, which was still advancing westward. In this beginning of the fusion of frontiers there was an interesting commingling of men reared in the East and of the men habituated to Calif ornian ideas and usages. New problems were created (among which the condition of the Indians was the most grave), new industrial and social forces were generated, and older ones reshaped or accentuated.

A somewhat elated poem of the time, published in Montana, indicates the swiftness of change wrought by this meeting of frontiers :

"The star of Empire Westward takes its way; When Bishop Berkeley wrote ivas very true, But were the Bishop living now, he'd say That brilliant star seems fixed to human view.

"From Eastern hives is filled Pacific's shore — No more inviting sun-set lands are near; The restless throng now backward pour — From East to West they meet, and stop right here.

"Away our published maps we'll have to throw — The books of yesterday, today are lame

"And towns and roads are made on every side, In shorter time than books and maps are bound."5

A second point of view in the consideration of the mining advance is that it was a movement based, primarily, on a single industry. Whether north or south of the Line, in British Columbia, Idaho, or Montana, men talked of mines, struggled for

5 H. N. Maguire in the Montana Post, republished In the Owyhee Avalanche Feb. 10, 1866.

mines, and founded their laws and institutions on mines. Other forms of industry were subsidiary to mining. (By mining, of course, is here meant mining for the precious metals.) The growth of this industry in this region, moreover, was related to the evolution of the industry in other sections, and, therefore, adequate treatment should include reference to the more important phases of the general development then going on in precious metal production.

The third and principal point of view of this study is that of comparison between British Columbia and the territories to the south during the period of the mining advance. While there would seem to be sufficient unity in the history of the whole region, during this period, to justify an attempt to treat it as a whole and to segregate it from other movements of the time, yet the main thesis here offered is that, in spite of unifying natural tendencies, the accidental political Line did cause deep cleavage in the formation of institutions. In two similar parts of the same region, with a population having many of the same elements and occupied in the same industry, distinct differentiation did occur; and the phases, sources, and tendencies of this differentiation will be a recurring theme in this history.

The plan of presentation contemplates: (1) a survey of the history of the mining advance; (2) special treatment of its economic and social aspects; (3) consideration of problems of government.

Part I

A SURVEY OF THE HISTORY OF THE MINING AD- VANCE INTO THE INLAND EMPIRE, 1855-1870

Chapter I The Incipient Rush To Colville, And The In- Dian Uprising Of 1855-1856

Ft. Colville, which for thirty years had been the chief inland post of the Hudson's Bay Company, became the first important center for mining development in the Inland Empire. It stood on the east bank of the Columbia on the second terrace back from the river, and in 1855 comprised a stockade which partially enclosed a dwelling house, several rude huts, a blacksmith shop and a few storehouses, — all made of squared logs and all somewhat decayed. The chief clerk of this establishment was Angus MacDonald, an intelligent Scotchman, and the habitues of the place were some twenty Canadians and Iroquois Indians. Three miles from the Fort was a good flour mill, in which was ground wheat raised by the French settlers, whose scattered farms dotted for nearly thirty miles, the beautiful Colville valley.1 The mining district of which this fort became the center had no definite limits, but was held to comprise in general the territory lying east of the Columbia and between the Spokane and Pend d'Oreille Rivers.2

Who first discovered gold in this region, we do not know nor is the question important. Various roamers through the wilderness,— explorers, French-Canadians, mountain men, — with interest sharpened by the discoveries in California, had happened on gold in divers localities, but their discoveries had brought no results.3 In the late summer and fall of 1855, how-

1 Stevens's Report on the Hudson's Bay Co., 33rd Cong. 2nd Sess., Sen. Doc. Vol. 7, No. 37, p. 8. Life of Stevens, Vol. 1, p. 348.

•Olympia Pioneer and Democrat, Sept. 28, 1855.

1 Thus Me Clellan had discovered gold on the Wenatchee in 1853 and Findlaj or Benetsee in Montana in 1852, Pacific Railway Reports, Vol. 12, p. 120; Contributions to the Historical Society of Montana, Vol. 2, p. 121. The first discovery on the Pend d'Oreille was made by Walker, a half-breed. Letter of Judge B. F. Yantis, Olympia Pioneer and Democrat, Nov. 23, 1855.

ever, a movement occurred to the vicinity of Ft. Colville, which had some of the characteristics of a genuine miners' ''rush," and which ushered in the gold era in the Inland Empire.

Considerable numbers of the citizens of Oregon and Washington participated in this movement and prospected in the Colville mines in the fall of 1855. The interest was increased by business stagnation in the Willamette and on the Sound.* Some idea of the extensiveness of the movement may be inferred from scattered notices: "Suddenly all eyes turned to Colville," said the Olympia Pioneer and Democrat. "Many of our best men have gone prospecting." Governor Curry wrote to General Nesmith that many Oregon citizens had gone to the Pend d'Oreille mines; Steven's messenger, Pearson, met a company of ten or fifteen men near the Umatilla River on their way to the mines; Stevens, himself, a little later enrolled eighteen miners in his "Spokane Invincibles ; " Yantis reports twenty men at work on one bar ; organized parties explored the country under the leadership of well known citizens.5 It is apparent, therefore, that at that time a movement took place of some magnitude.

The reports brought back, a number of which were made by reliable and conservative men, were of such a nature as to inspire further efforts. It seemed that gold could be found almost anywhere between the Spokane and the Pend d'Oreille, but that the deposits were small and superficial.6 Still, men made with pan and rocker three to six dollars per day, and a few twelve. Explorations many miles up the Pend d' Orielle failed to show any large deposits, but MacDonald at Fort Colville told the miners that chances were better farther up the Columbia — a suggestion not without fruit in the later discovery of mines on Fraser River.7

The difficulties in the way of the miners, however, were great. The gold was light "float" gold, for the economical col-

*Deady, History of the Progress of Oregon after 1845, Ms., p. 37; Olympia Pioneer and Democrat, Sept. 14, 1855.

6 Id.; 34th Cong., 3rd Sess., Ex. Doc., Vol. 9, No. 76, p. 158, Oct. 16, 1855; Pioneer and Democrat, Sept 28, 1855, and Nov. 23, 1855.

• Report of Col. Anderson, Olympia Pioneer and Democrat, Sept. 28, 1855.

7 Report of Judge Yantis, id., Nov. 23, 1855.

lection of which quicksilver and the sluice system were needed. Supplies were scanty and men were living on flour and coffee.8 There were no suitable roads from the Sound over the precipitous mountains, and steamboat traffic on the Columbia was just starting. Hence, transportation was not yet organized, and organized transportation is vital to the success on a large scale of distant mining operations. But the most baffling obstacle to the adventurers was difficulties with the Indians.

The Indians of eastern Washington, in number about twelve thousand, were not to be despised as enemies. Living in an exhilerating climate, on an elevated plateau, thoroughly accustomed to the use of the horse, and having a variety of food, they constituted in physique and mind a fine race.9 The Nez Perces, inhabiting, for the most part, the country lying eastward from the present city of Lewiston, Idaho, were the largest and best ordered tribe, and, though not wanting in warlike qualities (as Joseph's warfare subsequently proved), they were nevertheless distinguished for their friendship to the whites. This peace policy of the Nez Perces should be emphasized as the most important fact in the history of the Indian wars of the Inland Empire. North of the Nez Perces lived the Coeur d' Alenes, Spokanes, Pend d' Oreilles, and Flatheads. A third group was to be found south from the Nez Perces, and consisted of the Walla Wallas, Cayuses, and Umatillas. Over the Blue Mountains was the desert country in which roamed the Shoshones — banditti they above all other tribes. Another group, important particularly because of the position it occupied, was the Yakima. The Yakima country lay west of the Columbia — between that river and the Cascade Mountains. The position was central, therefore, both to the Sound Indians and to the tribes of the farther interior and the principal chiefs of the tribe were related to the chiefs in both regions. Moreover, this

8 Report of A. B. Stuart, id., Sept. 9th, 1855.

» Many writers of the time comment on the marked differences between the Indians of the interior and the "fish" Indians of the coast, who lived almost exclusively on salmon and who traveled in canoes. Travelers in British Columbia made the same observation. For example, Kipp, The Indian Council at Wallet Walla, p. 6 ; Anderson, Alex C., Handbook and Map to the Gold Regions of{ Frazer's and Thompson's River, p. 6.

territory lay directly in the path, of the mining advance.

The head chief of the Yakimas, Kamiakin, who was charged by the whites with being the chief instigator and organizer of the Indians in their efforts to stay the white advance, was an Indian worthy of note. All accounts agree that in physique and countenance he was impressive. He was tall and athletic, though somewhat slovenly in dress. His face, generally gloomy and thoughtful, lighted up wonderfully in speech, "one moment in frowns, the next in smiles, flashing with light and black as Cerebus the same instant." Speech with him, however, was rare, for he had the demeanor of a grave, proud man. He refused to be baptized as a Catholic, because he would not put away his surplus wives. Jealous of his rights and especially watchful against attempts to acquire the Indian lands, he traveled widely, striving to arouse the Indians to their peril. He may be regarded as an Indian statesman, who with devotion to the customs of his race and love for the superb land in which he lived, tried as best he might in feeble Indian fashion to unite the unorganized tribes against the dreaded white advance which he saw now impending.10

The Indians of the Inland Empire were, indeed, in bad plight. The tribes of the east had been pushed ever farther westward, but with both frontiers closing in upon these Indians, whither should they go? Everywhere throughout the tribes was the fear of being dispossessed of their lands and everywhere uneasiness. This dread and uneasiness extended to the Indians on the Sound. The whites, after the outbreak of hostilities, claimed that a general conspiracy had long been brewing and that Kamiakin was the arch conspirator; .but it is evident now that conditions in different localities had made matters ripe for desperate measures on the part of the Indians without any deliberate plan of action.11 They shrank from the coming of white settlers and especially of miners, for they knew something of the troubles that had befallen the Indians

10 References on Kamiakin : Winthrop, Theodore, The Canoe and the Saddle, p. 237; Life of Stevens, Vol. 2, p. 38; Indian affairs Report, 1854, p. 234; Wright to Wool, Message and Documents, 1856-7, pt. 2, p. 160.

11 Remarks of J. Ross Browne, 35 Cong., 1 Sess., App., p. 494.

in California.12 Chiefs of the Yakimas, Cayuses, and Walla Wallas had said to Gen. Alvord at The Dalles in 1853 that "they always liked to have gentlemen, Hudson Bay Companymen or officers of the army or engineers pass through their country, to whom they would extend every token of hospitality. They did not object to persons merely hunting, or those wearing swords, but they dreaded the approach of the whites with ploughs, axes and shovels in their hands."13 It can readily be seen, therefore, that, with the Indians feeling thus, the coming of the miners to Colville was likely to precipitate hostilities.14

Another cause of the Indian outbreak, however, — so army officers in particular claimed, — was the treaties made by Governor Stevens in the summer of 1855. A great council was summoned by him to meet at Walla Walla, which was attended by large numbers of the Nez Perces, Cayuses, Walla Wallas, Umatillas, and Yakimas. <A11 of the tribes were suspicious and semi-hostile at this council, except the Nez Percys; and even of them a faction plotted with the malcontents. Kamiakin vehemently opposed any cession of land and rejected all presents from the whites. But at length the friendliness towards the whites on the part of the majority of the Nez Perces under the leadership of their head chief, Lawyer, prevailed, and treaties were signed which provided for the forming of three reservations and the paying of large annuities. The Nez Perces were to receive the beautiful country lying mainly between the Snake River and the Bitter Root Mountains ; the Yakimas were to have their homes in the valley of the river that bore their name; and the remaining tribes were assigned tracts in eastern Oregon.15

These treaties were subjected to bitter denunciation by army officials, who claimed, as mentioned above, that they were a main

12 Also Wool in Message and Documents, 1856-7, pt. 2, Rpt. Sec'y of War, p. 81.

13 Life of Stevens, Vol. 2, p. 625.

14 See on this Roder, Capt. Henry, History of BelUngham Bay, MS., pp. 19 and 20.

16 A pleasant narrative of this council is that by Lawrence Kipp, The Walla "Walla Council, Indian Pamphlets, Vol. 14, No. 10, and republished in "Sources of the History of Oregon", F. G. Young, editor. A good account is found also In Life of Stevens, Vol. 2, pp. 34-65. Text of treaties is given in 57 Cong., 1st Sess., No. 542, p. 521-531.

cause of the war which broke out in the fall of 1855.1R Their ratification was delayed for four years by the Senate, in part because of the large annuities provided. John Sherman said that the government might more cheaply bring all the Indians to New York and board them at the Hotel St. Nicholas. But Stevens 's course was in reality statesmanlike. Although the Donation Act was to expire by limitation, December 1, 1855, there was still time for settlers to take up claims. Under this act Congress had authorized settlers to take claims before any attempt had been made to extinguish the Indian title. Moreover, Stevens, foreseeing the impending advance of the whites and, as chief advocate of the northern route for the Pacific railway, favoring settlement, believed that the reservation system was the only refuge for the Indians.17 At any rate these treaties were the first definite step under government sanction in preparation for white occupation of the Inland Empire.

The suspicions, regrets, and resentments aroused in the minds of the Indians by these treaties perhaps contributed to the outbreak of war. The chances of trouble of course were increased from the fact that the main passes from the Sound to the eastern country, as we have before mentioned, lay through the Yakima country. The Indians later, in extenuation of their course, claimed that the miners en route had violated their women; Stevens tried to verify this statement, but was unable to do so.18 All accounts claim that the miners were from a good class of citizens on the Sound. The first to be killed were Mattice and Fantjoy or Fanjoy, "both respectable men from the state of Maine." The attacks on separate individuals continued incessantly during September. It is to be noted that the exasperation on the part of the whites caused by such attacks lay not alone in lives actually lost, but also in making lines of travel so insecure as to hinder development of the country. The total number of men lost, however, was not inconsiderable to a small community; one newspaper on the Sound

" For example, Wright to Wool, Message and Documents, 1856-7, p. 160. " For a statement of Steven's policy see Rpt. Com. Ind. Af., 1854, pp. 247-249. 18 Message and Documents, 1856-7. Wright to Wool, p. 152, May 30, 1856; 35 Cong. 1st Sess., App. 491.

counted up thirteen of the residents of the immediate vicinity who were known to have been slain and reported several others missing.19 Matters came to a climax when A. J. Bolon, agent for the Yakimas, was murdered by Qua-lchien, nephew of Kamiakin. Thereupon, Major J. G. Haller led a company of regulars into the Yakima country only to be driven out with considerable loss. At about the same time some of the Sound Indians took to the war path, and the war became general.

The details of the war of 1855 — 56, though stirring and interesting, may be found elsewhere.20 A chronological resume of the events directly concerning the interior country 1855 — 56 would include: the calling out of large numbers of volunteers both in Oregon and Washington in the fall of 1855 ; the expedition of Major Raines into the Yakima country; the daring return of Stevens from the Blackfoot council ; a decisive engagement between Indians and Oregon volunteers in the Touchet valley in December; a surprise by the Indians at the Cascades in March of 1856; an expedition by Col. Wright into the Yakima country; a fight between Washington Volunteers and Indians in Grande Ronde valley; a second council by Governor Stevens at Walla Walla, and an attack by the Indians on himself and escort; and, finally, the establisment in the fall of 1856 of Ft. Walla Walla,

The policy of General Wool, who, as commander of the Department of the Pacific, was supreme military head in this war, is worthy of note, especially from the point of view of the mining history. Volunteers, called forth by the governors both of Washington and Oregon, took very active part in the campaigns, much to the disgust of General Wool. He claimed that the war had been precipitated by the treaties of Stevens, that the volunteers had entered it largely in order to plunder the Indians, and that citizen speculators had fostered it for the purpose of getting more money into the country from the Federal Government. In pursuance of his position towards the volunteers and the work of Stevens, he issued the following