Letters on the modern history and political aspect of Europe: exhibiting the nature, causes, and probable consequences of the grand contest between Great Britain and France

Front matter

Class Book

LETTERS

MODERN HISTORY

Preface

In my Letters on the Study of History, I cast only a transient glance on the history of our own times; of which the events are fresh in every one's memory, and detailed in a nmltiplicity of historical performances. I therefore contented myself with making some general observations on the most conspicuous circumstances of the present age. As the tempest, which had so long agitated the political world, seemed for a time to have subsided, I was unwilling to enter into any investigations which might have the most remote tendency to cherish national animosity, and avoided as much as possible any remarks on those events which had so recently inflicted the most dreadful calamities on suffering humanity. It would, indeed, be well if those things could be. buried in perpetual oblivion ; at least, it would have been a happy circumstance, if a continuance of peace had vi

prevented a repetition of those calamities, that so they might have stood in history v/ithout 3m.itation, as they stand without precedent. This, hov/ever, the restless ambition of one domineering power forbids. The complexion of the times is now very different from what it appeared at the period alluded to ; and the present state of the political system, with the relative power and influence of its component parts, constitute, at this momentous crisis, an important subject of inquiry. The performance here presented to the public is an attempt to investigate the nature, the causes, and probab'e consequences of the grand contest between Great Britain and France, as well as to exhibit, in a distinct and comparative view, the strength and resources of the diiferent European powers, in order to make a just estimate of existing circumstances, and to form probable conjectures on the future consequences.

The plan of the performance is, to consider the political system of Europe in tliree distinct points of view, as implicated in the vortices, and connected with the interests of the three predominating powers, Great Britain, France, and Russia. Historical and geographical illustrations are occasionally introduced. These, it is presumed, will not be unentertaining to those who are conversant in history and geography, and are absolutely necessary to such as are un- 4 vii

acquainted with those sciences. They are necessary, in order to exhibit the subject in a clear and appropriate point of view. The circumstances of the present age are the consequences of the events which took place in that immediately preceding, and their effects will be witnessed by the succeeding generation.

A work of this kind would be defective, if Egypt were not introduced as an important object in the view of European politics, when we consider the design which France has so unequivocally manifested of annexing that country to its doniinions, and which she seems not yet to have laid aside; and especially when we examine the motive of that design, and contemplate the commanding situation of Egypt, both as a com,merciai emporium and as a military station.

Egypt has been pretty accurately described by many intelligent travellers, as Dr. Pocock, M. Savary, Captain Norden, Mr. Antes, Mr. Baldwin, Mr. Brown, M. Volney, M. DenoH;, and several others. It is, however, necessary to give a short sketch of that celebrated country, in order to display its political importance ; and it is also to be considered, that every reader has not had the opportunity of perusing and comparing the different accounts of those tiavellers. The substance of their descriptions, ' so far as they arc interesting in a political view,

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is here concisely given ; their real or apparent contradictions examined and compared, and the information selected from their different accounts, exhibited in a concentrated point of view. This, at least, has been the design of the author, who has not adopted the plan of multiplying words without necessity, and of putthig his readers to the expense of purchasing, aiid the trouble of reading, a large volume, in order to obtain that information which might be comprised within a few pages* ix

AUTIIOR'S PREFACE

TO THE

SECOND EDITION.

T HE general approbation of this concise Sketch of European Politics, testified in the rapid sale of a large ittiptession, has induced m6 to offer to the public a second edition, revised and adapted to the present state of things. The changes which have taken place since tlie first edition went to the press, have been noticedj and their effects investigated. Every care has been taken to render it an exact, although a Concentrated, representation of the political world as it now stands, exhibiting a general view of present circumstances, and an interest^ ing discussion of probable consequerices*

h

ADDRESS OF THE EDITORS

TO THE

PUBLIC.

The universal approbation with which this work has been honoured, and the rapidity of its circulation, have encouraged us to lay before the public a second edition, especially as the greatest part of the subjects which it involves are not of that temporary kind which usually fill the pages of political writers, but of a more permanent nature, and calculated to excite the public curiosity for a considerable length of time, whatever may be the actually existing state of affairs. The investigations being founded on extensive views of the circumstances and political relations of the different European states, will long be interesting, as no change of afiairs, whether of a belligerent or a pacific naxi

tare, can, within a short period of time, effect any hinterial alteration in the general a' d fundarnental principles. It is, however, requisite to inform the public, tliat the increasing demand at the time when the whole impression was nearly sold off, obliged us to put the work im.- mediately again to the press, before the articles of peace between France and Austria, and the consequent alterations in the Germanic system were known. Such political changes, therefore, as have happened during the time of printing, and appear important, are annexed by way of Appendix, in order to adopt it, as much as possible, to the state of affairs at the present moment.

Extract from the British Critic,. May, 1805. Speak- ' ing of the first edition of this work —

We have before met with Mr. Bigland, and have praised him both as a Christian and an historian. We are informed^ that he has long struggled with th^- difficulties attached to a confined situation. That in such circumstances he should have acquired by study a competent knowledge of written history, ancient and moderti;, however creditable to him, is much less extraordinary, than that he should have qualified himself to speculate, as he here does with great sagacity and information, on the political situatioii of the principal states of Europe, Th<^

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Letters in this volume are sixteen in number^ and they discuss in turn ahnost all the great questions which can be agitated by the politicians of the present hour. The principles of the author are every where sound and patriotic^ and his knowledge is surprisingly extensive."

The singiilar merits of this worthy author have led some persons of discernment to encourage the publication of two volumes of his Essays^ by subscription^ by which it is hoped that he will derive profit^ as well as ereditj from the meritorious efforts he has made."

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Letter I

On the interesting nature of political knowledge, particularly at the present important period. — Particular causes which render modern history more interesting than that of ancient times. — Individuals more interested in the affairs of nations than is generally imagined.—^ The destiny of individuals necessarily implicated with that of the nations of which they are members. — Political knowledge more interesting at this momentous crisis than at any former period_, especially to Englishmen.— The arduous situation in which Great Britain now stands.- — Uncertainty of political conjecture.- — Obvious reasons of that uncertainty. — The only sure grounds of political speculation. - - Page 1

Letter II

A continued series of causes_, operating under the direction of Divine Protidence, produces all the events which take place in the world. — General view of Europe, under the influence and control of the three predominant powers. Great Britain, France, and Russia. — Inseparable connexion of the affairs of Great Britain and

France. — General sketch of the modern history of France. — Its exaltation a consequence of the decline of the Austrian power after the age of Charles V. — i^xorbitant power of the French monarchy in the reign of Louis XIV. — Alarming to Europe^ receives a check from the successes of the allies.— Its st^ite since that period, especially a little before the revolution.— General prevalence of infidelity in France. — Nature of the revolution, and its unexpected consequences. — Proceedings of the revolutionists at the first apparently moderate. — Delusive appearance of the revolution in its commencement.— ^Remarks on the dangerous tendency of re^- :lutionaiy projects.- — Their fatality to the piojecio.t j as well as to those concerned m their execution. — Consequences of the French revolution very different from what could have been expected from visible appearances.-— Extraordinary exertions of the republic. — The calamities of the people overbalance the success of its arms.— Victoiy and conquest not ahvays a source of national felicity. — Reasons which justified the combined powers in the war against France.— Reasons which justified Great Britain in particular, and even imposed on her the necessity of taking arms. — General view of the grand contest between Great Britain and France. — The supposition formerly prevailing, that the French republic would adopt a pacific system. — Republican governments not less, but more addicted to a belligerent system than monarchies. — The fact proved from histor)\— -The pacific system of the American states not to be adduced as an argument in favour of the peace^ ^ble tendency of republican governments. — The political, moral, and local circumstances of the American republic totally different from those of France. — The true cause of the aggrandizement of tb epublic owing

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to the temporary enthusiasm of the nation. — Remarks oil national enthusiasm. — Its duration often short. — Existing circumstances Avhich shew that this national enthusiasm of the French is declining, and will probably ^ soon be extinguished. — France_, by the constitution of her g-overnment, more liable to revolutions and intestine commotions than the other European states,— Similarity of the government of France to the Imperial government of Rome. — Examination of the enthusiasm of France^ its origin^ and foundation. — The enthusiasm of the French founded on romantic expectations ; that of the English nation on a solid basis^ on a consciousness of the enjoyment of real blessings. — Causes vv^hich must produce the extinction of French enthusiasm, and consequently the diminution of the power of the Gallic empire. — Present ascendancy of France on the continent formidable to England. — Necessity of the war. — Its principle and origin.' — Situation and importance of Malta.' — ^Tendency and nature of taxatidih. — The nation not impoverished by the payment of taxes_, as is generally supposed. — The taxes in Great Britain, although nominally, not really high.— The English better able to pay their taxes than any other people,, and receiving greater compensations in political happiness. — -France a country favoured by nature ; her people might be happy if her politics were pacific. — Comparison between the conduct of Rome towards Carthage, and that of France towards Great Britain. — Thoughts on the projected invasion.— Desperate nature of the attempt.—Prudent vigilance of government in making timely and formidable preparations. — Patriotism of the countiy eminently displayed in seconding the benelicial views of government.— Military^ and naval strength of Great Britain unexampled. — Remarks on the volunteer s}'stem, equally xvi

conducive to the security and glory of Great Britain. — Impossibility of the enemy succeeding in the project of invading and subduing this country^ demonstrated from the consideration of obvious circumstances. — Consequences of a conquest ruinous to the lower classes of the people. ----- page 1 3

LETTER TIL

Impolitic conduct of France in precipitating herself into a new war.' — The irreparable losses she must suffer by this conduct, — Estimation of the importance of S . Domingo.— Remarks on the establishment of the Negro government in that island. — Impossibility that France should procure any advantages by the war^ capable cf counterbalancing her losses. — View of the plans cf the French cabinet for annihilating the trade of Great Britain. — Their inefficacy.-— Prudence of the British government contrasted with the rashness of that of France, = — Embarrassments of the British trade can be no more than temporary. — Inability of France to rival Great Britain in manufactures and commerce. - Page 1 29

Letter IV

Retrospective view of the train of events which have raised Great Britain to her present commercial and naval importance. — ^The effects of commerce exhibited in the general improvement of Europe^ and particularly in the present greatness of Britain. - Page 146