Kossuth and his generals : with a brief history of Hungary, select speeches of Kossuth, etc.

Front matter

KOSSUTH

AND

HIS GENERALS.

Chapter I. Hungary Under The Dynasty Of Arpad

Extent of the Austrian Empire — The States Composing it — Hungaiy — Origin of the Huns — Their Conquests — Attila, the last King of the Huns — The Magyars — Their Conquests near the Caspian Sea — Tradition concerning Hungary — Their Westward March — Their Numbers — Conquest of Hungary, by Arpad — Predatory Excursions of the Magyars — Botond at Constantinople — Prayer for Safety from the Hungarians— Introduction of Christianity into Hungary— ^Duke Geisa and his wife Sarolta — Anecdote of Geisa's Paganism — Saint Stephen — Improvement in the Condition of the People — Death of Thonuzoba, the last Pagan Chieftain — Pope Sylvester sends a Crown to St. Stephen — Attempt to Assassinate Stephen — Peter — Andreas — Hungary invaded by Henry III. of Germany — Anecdote of Andreas and Beta — Hungary prospers during Bela's Reign — Intrepidity of Bela — Magnanimity of his Sons — Faithlessness of Solomon — His Imprisonment and Release — Character of the early Hungarian Kings — Ladislas — He is appointed to lead the First Crusade — Kolomon a Scholar and a Warrior — An Act of Barbarity — Stephen II. resigns his Power, and becomes a Monk — The Bhnd, King — Bela weds the Daughter of the Byzantine Emperor — After her Death, a Sister of the King of France — Introduction of Luxury and Effeminacy — The Crusades — Peter the Hermit — Riotous conduct of the Crusaders — Anecdote of King Emerich — The Golden Bull, or Magna Charta of Hungary — Its Similarity to th« Magna Charta of England — The Mongols invade Hungary — The Hapsburgs — Death of Andreas III., the last Male Descendant of Arpad 24

Chapter II. Hungary From 1301 To 1526

Charles Robert — Royal Entertainments — Casimir, King of Poland — Story of Clara Felizian — The Enraged Father — Tragical Fate of Father and Daughter — King Louis — Queen Maria — Assassination of Charles Martel — Sigismund — His Impious Boast — His Defeat by the Turks — Bajazet and Tamerlane — The Infant King — The Maiden of the Hatsag — The Monarch's Ring — War with the Turks — Hunyadi — Fate of an Assassin — Perfidy of the King — Death of a Young Hero — Matthias Corvinus, the Just King — Zapolya — The Castle of Trentzin — The Lovers' Well — Reign of Uladislaus — The People oppressed — An Insurrection — Dosa vi CONTENTS.

eaten alive by his own Officers — An Alliance with Austria — The Field of Rakos— The Armed Legislators — The Diet repudiates the Alliance with Austria — The Double MaiTiage — Disastrous Battle at Mohacs — Death of the King, 48

Chapter III. The Austrian Kings

Ferdinand, of Austria, claims the Hungarian Crown — His Proclamation — Reply of the Diet — The War of Succession — Invasion of the Turks — The Two Kings — Death of Zapolya — Civil War — Expulsion of the Turks — Ferdinand assassinates the Defender of his Kingdom — Solyman, the Magnificent — Battle of Sziget and Death of Solyman — Heroism of Zriny and Cowardice of the King — Rodolph, the Astrologer — Condition of the Country — Matthias — The Bath of Blood — The Jester's Castle — The Tyrant and the Serpent — The Vow at Loretto — The PrO' testants persecuted — Bethlen Gabor, the Protestant Leader — The Lady of Murany — A Castle *nd a Heart Besieged — Cupid more powerful than Mars— The Corpse at Tephtz— The Faithful Wife and Faithless Husband — The Lost Heart restoi-ed — King Leopold — The Inquisition — • The Court of Blood — The Heroic Widow — Another Turkish Invasion — John Sobieski, King of Poland — Flight of the Turks — Character of the Hapsburg Kings — Their Disregard of the National Welfare — Foreign Mercenaries — Tyrannical Decree of Leopold — Joseph — Chaiies — Maria Theresa — Alliance of her Enemies — She appeals to tlie Hungarians— They defend her Throne — Ingratitude of Joseph 11. — He attempts to abolish the Hungarian Constitution — Leopold 11. reforms the Abuses of his Predecessors — Francis — His Despotic Character — Napoleon — Fidelity of the Hungarians — They remonstrate against the King's Usurpations — Ferdinand Crowned — Death of Francis 70

I CHAPTER IV.

KOSSUTH THE REFORMER.

Character of the Hapsburgs — Services of the Magyars — Kossuth's Review of the Causes of the Hungarian Struggle for Independence — Baron Wesselenyi — His Reproof of the King — Wesselenyi in the Diet of Transylvania — Is persecuted by the Government — Louis Kossuth — His Early Life — Kcssuth a Member of the Hungarian Diet — He reports the Proceedings of the Diet — His indefatigable Labors — He is hurled into Prison — Learns the English Language — The Sympathy of Terese Mezleyi for the Prisoner — Release of Kossuth — His Maniage — He establishes a Newspaper for the Advocacy of Freedom — Th^ Oensoi-ship — Kossuth becomes the Leader of the Liberals — The European Revolutions of 1848 — Speech of Kossuth in the Hungarian Diet^ — His Address to the King — Kossuth in Vienna — The King accedes to the Demands of the Country — Reforms — the King incites an Insurrection among the Croats — His Proelamation in Regard to it — The King's Speech on opening the Diet — The Hungarians become aware of the King's Treacheiy — Another Address to the King — The King's Decree dissolving the Hungarian Diet, 109

CONTENTS. yil

Chapter V. Kossuth The Statesman

The "War begun — Kossuth's appeal for Men and Money— His Address to the People — Enthusiasm of the Nation — Invasion of Jellachich — Cruelty of the Croats — Insurrection at Vienna — First Battle with the Austrians — The Heroic Boy — Energy and Activity of Kossuth — The Massacre at Enyed — Gen. Bern — The War in Transylvania — Bern at the Head of the Army — Early life of Bem — Bern in France and England— Abdication of Ferdinand — He is succeeded by Francis Joseph — Address of the Catholic Clergy to the King — Their Pastoral Address —

Horrors of Civil Warfare — Count St. and his Sister — Death of

Helena — The Government driven to Debreczin — Kossuth's Eloquence — Anecdotes of Magyar Soldiers — Battle of Kapolna — Kossuth's Prayer over the Slain — Hungarian Victories — Declaration of Hungarian Independence, 159

Chapter VI. Kossuth The Governor

Rejoicings of the People on th^ Promulgation of the Declaration of Independence— Kossuth elected Governor — Kossuth and his Secretaries — Anecdote of Gen. Schlick — Kossuth and Gorgey — Gen. Aulich — Komorn — Retreat of the Austrians — Gorgey's Indecision — He reconquers Buda — Bravery of the Soldiers — Treatment of the Prisoners — Russian Intervention — General Haynau — The Russians in the north of Hungary — The Emperor leads the Austrian Army — His Defeat — Gorgey suspended— Excitement among the Troops — Kossuth's last Letter to Gen. Klapka — Success of the Enemy — Gloom — Gen. Haynau — His Address to the Inhabitants of Buda — Jellachich and Perczel — Peterwardein — Dembinski — Battle of Tesemvar — The War in Eastern Hungary — Gen. Klapka's Achievements in the West — Bem defeated — Resignation of Kossuth — Gorgey Dictator — Gorgey Betrays his Country — His Letter to the Russian General — Scenes at the Surrender of Gorgey's Army — Haynau's Barbarity — Gorgey and Remenyi — Early Life of Gorgey-His Pride — His Marriage — Gorgey on the Battle-Field — His Disregard of Money — Reward of his Treachery — Surrender of Komorn 226

Chapter VII. Kossuth The Exile

Kossuth an Exile — ^His Farewell to his Fatherland — Kossuth at Widdin — Executions at Arad — Batthyanyi — Damjanics — Kiss — Fortitude on the Scaffold — Kossuth demanded from the Sultan — He prefers Death to Apostacy — Madame Kossuth — Haynai and the Sons of Kossuth — Sufferings of Madame Kossuth — Meetiui^^ of Kossuth and his Wife at Shumla — Baroness Von Beck — Love of the Hungarians for Kossuth — Mother and Sisters of Kossuth — Parting of Kossuth and his Warriors —Kossuth's Address to the People of the United States— The ximerican Goverment negotiate for his Release — Austrian Cruelties — Death of Bern— Speech of Daniel Webster— Liberation of Kossuth 284

Vm CONTENTS.

CHAPTER YIII.

KOSSUTH OUR NATION'S GUEST.

Kossuth embarks on the Steamer Mississippi — Goes to England — His Reception — His Speeches — Enthusiasm of the English People — Extracts from Kossuth's Speech at Southampton — Extracts from his Speech at Birmingham — His Arrival in the United States — Welcome at Staten Island — At Gastle Garden — Extract from his Speech — His Stay in JSTew York — His Speech before the Ladies — Deputations — Kossuth in Independence Hall — In Baltimore — His Visit to Washington — His Speech before the Members of Congress — Mr. Webster — Gen. Cass — Kossuth's Departure for the West — His Character and Principles — His Personal Appearance and Oratory — Conclusion, 351

[KTEODUCTION.

This Tolume k intended to present, in a condensed and generally accessible forsn, such a history of the late struggle of Hungary for independence, as will enable American readers to judge of its claims upon their respect and sympathy.

The design is a good one, and, so far as I have been able to examine the work, it seems to have been creditably and successfully executed. A clear outline is given of the early history of the Hungarian people, as well as of the more recent development of their political institutions : and the characters of their most distinguished men, are sketched with accuracy and vigor.

The visit of Governor Kossuth to this country, has awakened a deep and general interest in the history and the fortunes of his country. It is not in the nature of the American people, to regard with indifference any popular struggle for deliverance from oppression. Their own history and the fundamental principles of their government, compel them to feel a lively interest in

X INTRODUCTION.

all such contests^ It was perfectly natural, therefore, that the revolutionary movements upon the continent of Europe, in 1848, should have excited profound concern in the United States. The proclamation and establishment of a republic in France and in Rome, and the temporary success of popular movements in Germany and in Austria, were hailed with universal joy. The Hungarian struggle challenged attention at that time, chiefly by the briUiancy of its military deeds, and the genius displayed by its chief. Comparatively little was then known, either in England or in the United States, of the political institutions of the country, or of the precise grounds on which the contest with Austria was waged. The intervention of Russia, and the treacherous dictatorship of Gorgey, which put an end to that struggle, excited a deep but vague sympathy throughout this country. It was seen and felt that another effort of the people, for deliverance from tyranny, had been crushed by a combination of the absolute powers of Europe: and the result was mourned as postponing still further the longings and the hopes of free spirits throughout the world. Governor Kossuth's visit to western Europe, and to America, has fastened attention upon Hungary, and directed the public mind to a closer study of her institutions and history. Gifted with extraordinary genius, and especially with the power of impressing other minds, his addresses to the people of England and the United States, have guided and controlled public thought, to a degree never before witnessed under similar circumstances. Released from captivity, through the inter-

INTKODUCTION. XI

position of the constitutional states, lie visits them for the double purpose, of returning thanks for their aid, and of invoking still farther their services to the cause of his country and of universal freedom. His appeals to the government and the people, have been fervid, frank and powerful. As specimens of oratorical ability, they take rank with the best productions of ancient or of modern times. They have produced a very marked impression upon the public mind, and have directed the general attention of the people to Hungarian affairs. For some months past, the warmest popular discussions in the United States, have related to the history, the institutions and the fate of a people in the remotest part of eastern Europe, of whom, less has been generally known hitherto, than of any other civilized nation on the face of the earth.

This closer study of Hungarian affairs, has fully vindicated the degree of interest which they had excited. It has disclosed features in the institutions of the country, and brought to light incidents of its history, which give it special claims upon the attention and the sympathy of the American people. The essential principles of constitutional government have been recognized and developed in Hungary for a longer period, and to a greater extent, than in any other European kingdom. The first great charter of English liberty, giving to the barons of England the right, if the king should break the conditions to which he had given his assent, to resist him by war, but stipulating for the safety of his person, was wrested from John at Runny mede in 1215. Seven years from that time, in

Xii INTRODUCTION.

1222, the Golden Bull was proclaimed by tbe Hungarian parliament, and the king was forced to give his assent to its provisions — of which the last was, that, "if the king or his descendants should despise the laws of his country, then the magnates and freemen should be entitled to resist the authority of such a king, without thereby incurring the penalties of high treason;" and this was not the conquest of any new rights, but simply the re-affirmation of those which the Hungarian nation had enjoyed from the earliest foundation of its government.

Through all the subsequent stages of Hungarian history, in the midst of civil dissensions and of foreign wars, whether contending against the Turks, the Wallachs or the Austrians, this principle of the responsibility of their kings to the people, and the right of the people to hold them accountable for their use of power, and to depose and banish them in case of its abuse, was never for one moment relinquished. The doctrine that kings held their power by divine right, and that resistance to them was always a crime — a doctrine which obtained in England as late as the end of the seventeenth century, and which even now finds defenders there — never gained a foothold on the plains of Hungary. Even when the barbarous tribes who came from the steppes of Asia and laid the first foundation of the Hungarian nation, started upon their expedition of colonizing conquest, they made a solemn agreement that thejr king should be elected, that he should be bound by a compact to respect their rights, and that "if he should

INTBODUGTION. Xlll

laieak the contract, he should be deposed and cursed and banished." It was not until the time of Cromwell that the people of England could hold their king to an equal responsibility ; and only half a century has elapsed since France was denounced by England, as having placed herself without the pale of civilized nations, by subjecting her king to this degree of accountability. But Hungary had always recognized the responsibility of her rulers to her parliament ; and no king ever ascended her throne, without making himself subject to the conditions.

It has also been very clearly seen that the late Hungarian war was not essentially, or in its origin, a revolution ; that it was, like the American war for independence, at first a struggle for constitutional rights — a resistance of foreign attempts at subjugation; and that it became a revolution, just hke our own contest, only when the relentlessness of foreign tyranny left it no alternative. Hungary was always an independent nation. She had never been subject to ^xi^ foreign power. In 1505, the Estates of the realm, assembled in parliament, on the Rakos field, solemnly resolved, that, in case the throne should become vacant, they would not " elect any foreign prince, no matter of what people or tongue such prince may be;" but that they " would always make an election at the Rakos field, and elect a Hungarian who was fit and proper for the throne." This resolution was confirmed by an oath, and was enacted in the most solemn, impressive and unanimous manner. In accordance with its terms, John Zapolya was elected king, in 1526, against

XIV INTRODUCTION.

Ferdinand I.: and it was not until 1538, after a long and bloody war, in which Hungary was menaced with destruction by the Turks, that the house of Hapsburg obtained a modified eligibility to the Hungarian throne.

The subsequent history of the country, is simply a record of perjury and ambition on the one side, and of continual resistance on the other. Hungary battled, for three hundred years, for the preservation of her ancient rights — with varying fortunes, but with unchanging steadfastness and courage. Through this whole period, though she sometimes lost them for a time, she never surrendered her rights, or merged her independence in her Austrian connection.

The immediate cause of the late Hungarian war, is to be sought in the proceedings of the Hungarian parliament, and in the barrier which these proceedings interposed to the ambitious designs of Austria. In spite of the incessant warfare made upon them, the political institutions of Hungary had received a steady and a strong development. The legislative power had become vested in a representative parliament, under a constitution, however, which was exclusively aristocratical — the great mass of the people — the peasants — being excluded from all political power. The wisest and most patriotic of the Hungarian statesmen recognized fully the necessity of making a broader basis for Hungarian nationality: and their leading aim, therefore, from 1825, was, to extend the political privileges of the country — to admit the great body of the Hungarian nation to a share of political power, and thus to

INTKODUCTION. XV

establish their independence upon its only just basis, the sovereignty of the people. This design can be clearly traced through all the succeeding parliaments. Some of the nobility of Hungary, loving their country more than their rank, put themselves at the head of what was substantially, and in its inevitable tendencies, a democratic movement. In the parliament of 1832, Szecheny, Wesselenyi, and other magnates, were foremost in the enactment of laws for abrogating exclusive privileges, and for admitting the people to their rightful share of political power. Like all such revolutions, the movement steadily acquired strength, in spite of the vigilant, persevering, and relentless efforts of Austria — whose rulers clearly perceived its tendencies — to repress and crush it. The movement acquired its greatest force, and its fullest development in 1847-48. Months before the outbreak of the French revolution, the Hungarian parliament had passed laws of the utmost importance for the preser ration of the constitution, and the establishment of popular sovereignty. These laws, which were carried by the party of which Kossuth was the recognized leader, provided reforms in the internal administration — relieved the peasants from disabilities which had been imposed upon them — admitted them to places of political trust — made suffrage nearly universal — compelled the nobility to pay their share of the taxes — established freedom of the p^ess and trial by jury — and claimed, according to their ancient rights, a ministry responsible to their own parliament. All these laws received the sanction of the king, and their maintenance was guaranteed by an imperial oath.

XVI INTEODUCTIOK.

Thus far the revolution had been peaceful and successfuL The rights of the nation had been fully acknowledged, and the laws which her parliament had enacted, had been fully sanctioned. Hungary, with the utmost good faith, continued her connection with Austria, exercising merely the right of local self-government, which hex constitution had always guaranteed. If the emperor of Austria had been an honest man, if he had acted in good faith and kept his oath, Hungary would to-day have enjoyed her rightful freedom, while she would have been the surest prop of the Austrian throne. At the very time, however, when Ferdinand was thus assenting to the just demands of the Hungarian diet, he and his court were fomenting rebellion against Hungary in her border provinces. It is now matter of history, that at the very moment when Ferdinand V. was giving his sanction to the Hungarian laws, after he had conceded and appointed an independent Hungarian ministry, and had called upon the Diet to meet and send troops to suppress the rebellion in Croatia^ headed by Jellachich whom he had deposed as a rebel — he was sending supplies of money and munitions of war to that leader, and acting in close concert with the rebels themselves. And yet, after this imperial duplicity was fully known, the Hungarian Diet acted in strict accordance with its obligations, and only fulfilled the commands of the emperor, by voting two hundred thousand men to suppress revolt. The royal mask was then thrown aside. The decree deposing Jellachich was revoked, and he was confirmed in full authority. The

INTKODUCTION. XVU

rebellion was sustained and fed by the Austrian court. A decree was issued making Jellacbicli command er-in-cbief of all tbe imperial troops, placing Hungary under martial law, and merging into one monarchy all tbe countries and people under tbe Austrian crown. Tbis war was waged by Austria, for tbe complete subjugation of Hungary ; and Hungarian resistance, 60 far from being a rebellion, was simply an act of self-defense. How nobly tbat defensive war was waged, tbis bistory will tell. How loftily tbe public spirit of tbe nation rose, as danger pressed upon it — bow wisely and bravely tbe Diet, under tbe guidance of Kossutb, met tbe crisis, tbese pages will sbow. Tbe bistory of tbat year of war, will stand forever as one of tbe most glorious in tbe annals of tbe world. Austria was repelled — tbe attempt at conquest was defeated. 'Tben it was tbat tbe aid of Russia was invoked, and tbe armies of tbe Czar entered Hungary for its subjugation. Driven to it by tbe murderous attempts upon its life, Hungary proclaimed tbe deposition of tbe bouse of Hapsburg. And sbe would bave maintained ber position, against botb Austria and Russia, but for tbe treacbery of Gorgey. Witb tbe details of tbat shameful surrender, tbe world is already familiar. Having obtained complete ascendancy over tbe best portion of tbe Hungarian army, be compelled Kossutb, wbo bad been unanimously elected by tbe Diet, Governor -President of Hungary, to resign bis power into bis bands. Tbus made supreme, be surrendered Hungary to tbe Russian army, obtaining for bimself a free pardon, and for his country tho peace of despotism, and sending

XVlll INTEODTJCTION.

to the Austrian gallows and into exile, the noble and devoted spirits, who had fought by his side for the good of their father-land. Gorgey was a man of iron will, of greater executive, military energy than Kossuth, and a thorough soldier. While the war was simply one of defense against Croatian rebellion, sustained by Austria, intended to secure Hungarian rights under the imperial crown, I have no doubt that Gorgey was a sincere, as he certainly was an eflScient friend of his country. But when the only alternative was independence, his patriotism failed. He was unwilling to encounter Austria and Russia combined — he was jealous and envious of Kossuth— he had no just appreciation of political principles or of popular rights — he smarted under chastisements which his ill-judged conduct had drawn upon him — and he took what seemed to him the shortest way out of the dreadful entanglement. If he and his army had been true, and if England and the United States had evinced any adequate interest in that struggle for constitutional liberty, Hungary would now be free.

The crimes and errors of the past may be deplored, but they cannot be corrected. The independence which Hungary enjoyed for eight hundred years, has been crushed. Hungary is now, what she never was before, sinjply a province of the Austrian empire. For the present, the United States have nothing to do, but to recognize existing facts. But the experience of the past renders it certain, that despotism cannot always hold the milhons of Europe in unresisted thraldom. Hungary, like the other crushed nationahties of Europe, will at some time make

INTRODUCTION. Xix

another struggle for her freedom. It may not be next year, it may not be for ten years to come. But such a struggle is as inevitable as the lapse of time. It is proper that the people of the United States should be prepared for the crisis whenever it may arrive. It cannot be that this republic, whose existence as a matter of right depends wholly on the principle of popular sovereignty, and whose example has stirred all Europe with strange longings for a freedom accounted a dream before — it cannot be that this great republic, girt with power and reposing in the might of assured Kberty, has no duties, no rights, no responsibilities, in connection with the great movement of the age for human freedom. And even if the spirit of our people were so supine and selfish as not to feel that responsibihty, the events of coming time, the inevitable tendencies of the age, would force -our country into' that position which it is her duty, and which it should be her pride, to assume. For the last fifty years she has been stirring up revolutions at the heart of every oppressed people on the face of the earth. Her influence, like that of nature, will mate itself eflScient, whether she designs it or not. The genial warmth of a southern sun is not more hostile to ice and snow, than is this republic to the despotisms which freeze the life-blood of humanity in Europe. That ice must melt — those vast bonds which ages of deathly frost have accumulated, must dissolve — before the rapidly augmenting fervor of our example. It were folly to &ope that we can always escape the hostihty of those gigantic powers, whose existence is menaced by ours. There must come a time, when the two great principles which

XX INTRODUCTION.

have now been contending for half a century for the mastery of

the world — despotic ambition and republican freedom — shall

meet in final encounter. The republic of the west — the great

republic of the world, cannot evade her share in that great

struggle.

"0 dastard wliom such foretaste doth not cheer I "We shall exult, if they who rule the land,

Be men who hold its many blessings dear; Wise, upright, valiant ; not a servile band.

Who are to judge of danger which they fear. And honor which they do not understand."

H. J. R.

New York, Feb., 1852.

WITH A

BEIEF HISTOEY OF HUNGARY,

Chapter I

The Austrian empire comprises the larger portion of the immense basin, in the interior of Eastern Europe, watered by the Danube and its tributaries. On the south it touches the gulf of Yenice, but is separated from the Baltic sea, on the north, by Prussia, and from the Black sea, on the east, by the European provinces of the Ottoman empire. Its north-eastern frontier is contiguous to that of Eussia for several hundred miles. Switzerland and the German and Italian states form its western boundary.

A cluster of heterogeneous states, acquired at various periods, and peopled by nations dissimilar in their origin, language, laws and customs, constitutes the Austrian empire. These nations, before being finally brought under the sway of the house of Hapsburg, more than three hundred years ago, had been often at war with each other, and each had been by turns the v^ictor and the vanquished. The neighboring powers

26 HISTOPwY OF HUNGAKY.

were always more or less involved in their conlBicts, and for twenty centuries tlie Austrian territories of to-day were the principal battle-field of Europe. Alternately overrun by Eomans, Yandals, Goths, Huns, Lombards, Pranks, and Magyars, — now expanding into the mightiest government of Europe and now dwindling into the weakest, — at one time broken into numerous fragments, each claiming independent sovereignty, and these afterward apportioned among the surrounding nations, — sold piecemeal to replenish the exhausted exchequers of profligate princes or forming the dowry of regal brides, — vibrating between conquerors from the east, and conquerors from the west, as either proved to be most formidable, — no country in Europe has been so frequently devastated by the blighting tread of armies, and none has been the subject of so many changing dynasties, as Austria. But, for three centuries it has again been gradually growing in importance, and is now among the most powerful and influential monarchies in Europe. Not less than 260,000 square miles in extent, it is estimated to contain over 35,000,000 inhabitants.

Hungary and its dependencies constitute the eastern half of the empire, with a population of 15,000,000. The Hungarians are the descendants of a warlike race of Tartars, who once inhabited the vast plains between the frozen regions of Siberia and the genial valleys of China. The history of these Tartars can be traced back to the year 209, B. C, when, as a defense against their inroads, the great wall of China was built. Internal dissensions having finally weakened the power of the Tartars, the Chinese gained

TIIE HU^^S AND ATTILA. 27

dominion over them toward the close of the first century. When their kingdom was overthrown, a large body of Tartars, unwilling' to submit to the conquerors, started westward in search of a new home. Some of them settled near the sources of the Ural river, in Asia, while others continued their march until they reached the country north of the Black sea, in Europe. Here they remained for more than two centuries, and assumed the name of Huns. Then, accompanied by many tribes whom they had conquered, they passed over the Carpathian mountains, and took possession of the valleys along the Danube, to which they gave the name of Hungary. They made war upon the Romans, and, at the beginning of the fifth century, Eouas compelled them to pay him tribute.