Japanese problem in the United States;

Front matter

Presented

PRINCETON, N. J.

Division JV6864-

Foreword

The Commission on Relations with Japan, appointed by the Federal Council of the Churches of Christ in America at the request of missionaries in Japan, believing that its most immediate need was that of correct information, engaged the expert services of Professor H. A. Millis of the University of Kansas, to go to the Pacific Coast and make such an investigation as would enable the Commission to proceed with intelligent sympathy in the performance of its task.

At the same time the Federal Council, at the request of the Commission, sent its President, Professor Shailer Mathews, and Rev. Sidney L. Gulick to Japan, on behalf of the Christian churches of America, for the purpose of expressing our good will and to bring back to us a report from the point of view of the Christian churches and the people of Japan.

The Commission also conveyed a memorial to the President and to the Congress of the United States, as follows :

“The awakening of Asia and her rapid acquisition of important elements of Occidental civilization inaugurates a new era in world-history in which Asia is to play a great and increasingly important role. Whether that r61e shall be one of peace, good will and mutual cooperation, or one controlled by increasing suspicion and fear

vii

FOREWORD between the East and the West will depend largely on the attitude of the western nations themselves.

“ It has seemed to many of our citizens who have become familiar with the questions raised by this more intimate and ever increasing contact with the Orient that the United States might well adopt a more adequate Oriental policy. Therefore, be it

Resolved, That the Commission on Relations with Japan appointed by the Federal Council of the Churches of Christ in America urge upon Congress and upon the people of the United States the importance of adopting an Oriental policy based upon a just and equitable regard for the interests of all the nations concerned, and to this end suggests that the entire immigration problem be taken up at an early date, providing for comprehensive legislation covering all phases of the question (such as the limitation of immigration and the registration, distribution, employment, education, and naturalization of immigrants) in such a way as to conserve American institutions, to protect American labor from dangerous economic competition, and to promote an intelligent and enduring friendliness among the people of all nations.”

In authorizing the publication of this report of Professor Millis the Commission does so for the purpose of placing this information before the churches and the people of the United States for such help as it may render in forming an intelligent opinion. Neither the Commission nor the Federal Council is committed to its matters of detail, but they are convinced of its general value and they believe that it should be available for our people. It is hoped that this report and the report of the Federal Council commissioners to Japan may contribute to an understanding that shall bring the East and the West into a spirit of sympathy and unity

viii

FOREWORD in the universal Kingdom of God and assist in placing our international relations upon a just, secure, and abiding moral foundation.

Hamilton Holt, Chairman.

Charles R. Brown,

William I. Haven,

Charles R. Henderson,

E. R. Hendrix,

Jeremiah W. Jenks,

Albert G. Lawson,

Frederick Lynch,

Francis J. McConnell,

John R. Mott,

Frank Mason North,

Doremus Scudder,

Robert E. Speer,

George E. Vincent,

Amos P. Wilder,

Commission on Relations with Japan.

Sidney L. Gulick,

Representative of the Commission on Relations with Japan.

Charles S. Macfarland, Secretary.

IX

Preface

Although for more than six years there has been effective restriction of the immigration of Japanese laborers into the United States, various measures have been under consideration to replace the agreement through which this restriction has been effected. Some of the measures would be more, others less, restrictive than the existing agreement. Their consideration shows that the immigration question has not been settled in a manner satisfactory to all. At the same time, much discriminatory legislation bearing upon the life and activities of the Japanese, and possibly other Asiatics, in this country has been proposed and some of it enacted into law. The most important measure thus far enacted is the alien land law of California. Still other discriminatory measures are now being urged, while outside of the legislative field there has been and still is much in the relations between the races that is unsatisfactory.

The Japanese Problem, it is evident, involves two questions, one relating to the admission of immigrants, the other to the treatment accorded those who are here. In the chapters which follow the writer has attempted to present in a frank and conscientious way the more important things bearing upon both of these questions. It has been his plan to bring together historic and present-day facts so that all essential to drawing con-

XI

PREFACE elusions with reference to proper policy shall receive due recognition.

In order that this survey of the situation in the West might be written, several weeks were spent in making personal investigations. Most of the time available for the investigation was spent in California, which has been the storm center in matters connected with Asiatic immigration, but some days were spent in each of the other Coast states and in Utah and Colorado. I observed as much as possible, conferred with numerous representative men of different classes, and obtained as much statistical and other data as I could. I was fortunate in the fact that I was acquainted with many representative men and had first-hand knowledge of immigration and industries in the West by reason of my employment as agent in charge of the investigations made five years ago by the Immigration Commission in the Rocky Mountain and Pacific Coast states. My task was less difficult than it would have been because it involved chiefly bringing the things investigated and reported on to the government down to date. Inasmuch as my knowledge of the earlier situation* was incorporated in three volumes of the reports published by the Immigration Commission, these volumes have been extensively quoted in these chapters.

I know that there is still much for me to learn about different phases of the Japanese problem here discussed. I know, also, that in spite of the pains I have taken to avoid it, I cannot hope to have escaped falling into error here and there. If only I have succeeded in making a slight contribution to the knowledge of fact required for the solution of the problem, I shall regard my time as having been well spent.

xii

PREFACE

In closing, I wish to express my obligation for time and effort given by many persons who have materially assisted in making these chapters possible. It is impossible to name all of them. I wish, however, to acknowledge my great indebtedness to Dr. H. H. Guy, the consular officers of the Japanese government in San Francisco, Portland, and Seattle, and the secretaries and other officers of the Japanese associations in these and numerous other cities. Finally, I wish to express my appreciation of aid extended by the Commission on Relations with Japan of the Federal Council of the Churches of Christ in America.

H. A. MILLIS.

December 15, 1914.

PAGE

Chapter I. The Immigration of Japanese to the United States

The immigration of Japanese before and since 1885. The number larger after 1898. The classes from which the immigrants were drawn. Though the student element large, the primary motive economic gain. The influence of emigration and supply companies and boarding houses. The Hawaiian Islands served as a stepping-stone. The movement from Canada and Mexico. Opposition to Japanese immigration. Immigration greatly restricted by the agreement relative to passports and the President’s order of March 14, 1907. The agreement faithfully observed by Japan. It and the President’s order have given effective restriction. Admissions and departures since 1908, and effect on the labor supply.

The large influx of women, many of them “ picture brides.”

A new factor of growth in the American-born. An estimate of the Japanese population of the Western states. The Japanese as an element in the population of California, and in the labor supply. Their occupational distribution . . 1

Chapter II. The Japanese as Wage Earners in Industrial Pursuits

Most of the Japanese first employed as unskilled laborers in a narrow range of occupations. A review of their employment on the railways, in the lumber mills, and in the salmon canneries. With a strong demand for labor, many Japanese were employed on the railways. Found favor because of lower wages accepted, convenient organization, efficiency.

XV and good behavior in camp. Even before restriction their wages tended to rise relatively to those paid others. With restriction underpayment has ceased. A considerable number have advanced to supervisory positions. In the railway shops the Japanese have made considerable occupational advance, and with restriction of immigration the former general underpayment has rapidly disappeared. The Japanese found employment in a limited number of lumber mills in the Northwest, where they were formerly employed at lower wages than were paid to others, including the East Indians. Since 1907 their number has decreased, underpayment has tended to disappear, and they have advanced somewhat in the occupational scale. The Japanese formerly occupied a conspicuous place in the salmon canneries, but, unlike the railway companies and the managers of the lumber mills, the salmon packers have not found them to be as satisfactory as other laborers. A summary statement of important facts relating to the employment of Japanese in industry previous to 1907. Subsequent changes ........ 30

Chapter III. The Japanese in Western Cities: Their Work and Business

The formation of an urban population. Two groups of economic activities. Employment in factories and workshops, domestic service, and in miscellaneous occupations. Have “filled in” as cheap laborers conveniently secured. Japanese business for Japanese patrons. Increasing number of establishments, some of them for “ American trade.” The laundry trade, the restaurant trade, and the provision and grocery stores show the plane of competition. Serious competition limited to a few cases. Population changes and the formation of colonies. Few whites employed by Japanese; the “ living-in ” system prevails. Housing conditions. Changes since 1909. Business in Los Angeles. Gain in American trade, but more trading by Japanese at American stores. Improvement in standards, increase in wages, less underbidding, changing opinion. Opposition in Seattle. The plane of competition and opposition 50

XVI

Chapter IV. The Japanese in Agriculture in Western States other than California

The large proportion of Japanese in agricultural pursuits explained. Agricultural activities in Idaho, Utah, and Colorado. Observations in northern Colorado. Japanese as farm laborers and tenant farmers in Washington. Character of the farming, rents, labor, etc. The situation in Oregon.

Farm statistics, crops, reduction of “ wild lands,” rent prices, community opinion, etc. 79

Chapter V. The Japanese as Agricultural Laborers in California

The Japanese in agriculture in California. Investigations of farm labor by the State Commissioner of Labor and the Immigration Commission. The Japanese and intensive farming. Occupations. Important questions. The Immigration Commission quoted at length with reference to history of employment of Japanese, underbidding, organization, and adaptation to labor needs. Wage data. Competition formerly not on equal terms. Japanese labor, the community’s interests, and agricultural expansion. The real problem. Recent developments not significant. The present labor situation. Commissioner MacKenzie’s conclusion and the Senate’s adverse resolution. Conclusions of the writer’s and farmer’s opinions. No increase in the bunk-house population desirable, whatever the race 102

Chapter VI. Japanese Farming in California

The number and acreage of Japanese farms. Crops grown.

Size of farms. Progress of Japanese as farmers explained by various facts. The effects of Japanese farming . . . 131

Chapter VII. Japanese Farming : Some Community Observations

Florin — The Florin district and the place occupied by Japanese twenty-five years ago and the development of a new Florin. Progress and present position of the Japanese as farmers. Community effects. Japanese standards. Business relations. Community opinion. Social considerations.

XVll

The Vaca Valley — Fruit-growing and the Japanese.

Some labor history. Leasing by Japanese. Character of the tenure. Community effects. Changes since 1908. Relations between the races.

Southern California — The Japanese population and the position occupied. Japanese farmers in Los Angeles county and their competition with other growers. Tenancy explained. Some typical localities where tenant farming is found. Other localities. General impressions. Anti-Japanese feeling not strong.

Livingston — An exceptional community. Personal observations .......... 152

Chapter VIII. Alien Land Legislation in California

The alien land law of 1913 the outcome of a long struggle. Preelection promises. Legislative history, organized lobbying, and organized opposition to any legislation. Provisions of the law enacted and of the treaty with Japan. Protests from the Japanese government. The law unjust, impolitic, and unnecessary. No real problem calling for such legislation. Nevertheless the great majority of Californians favor the law. The present movement to prohibit the leasing of agricultural lands ......... 197

Chapter IX. Japanese Characteristics and the Western Mind

Widespread opposition to the Japanese. Why ? They have much merit in education, eagerness to learn English, sobriety, observance of law, etc. They are, however, a colored race ; are racially different ; have inherited the prejudice against the Chinese ; have given rise to economic conflict; are accused of frequent breaches of contract, and of being ambitious, “ cocky,” and clannish. The attitude of the Japanese government and Japanese organizations. Agitation. The questions of assimilation and amalgamation . . 227

Chapter X. The Problem of Assimilation

Conflicting views relating to the possibility of assimilating the Japanese. The writer’s conclusions. The Japanese sen-

xviii

PAGE

sitive to their environment, conform quickly to certain standards— as in dress, furnishings, etc., and make rapid progress in learning English. The children and the schools.

What of religion, patriotism, and clannishness ? Complete assimilability must remain a disputed question. Will the West give necessary cooperation? Without a restricted immigration, assimilation would not take place. Race mixture pretty much of a “ bogie ” 251

Chapter XI. Some Suggestions Considered

Two questions raised by the “Japanese Problem,” one relating to admission, the other to the treatment accorded those admitted. Conclusions of the Immigration Commission relating to Asiatic immigration. The agreement with Japan effective, but Japanese immigration always under discussion. Exclusion bills and the West. The position of the Japanese government. Dissatisfaction in Japan. American standards should be protected, but exclusion under present circumstances would be illogical and an affront to Japan. Dr. Gulick’s plan and a modification of it. Its merits. General restriction of immigration from Europe and Asia needed.

Once admitted, equal treatment should be accorded immigrants. The naturalization law discriminates. Amendment to eliminate racial distinctions considered. Any legislation involves risk 276

APPENDIX A. Extracts from the Treaty of Commerce AND Navigation between Japan' and the United States 313

APPENDIX B. California’s Alien Land Law . . . 316

APPENDIX C. A Statement Concerning the Struggle OVER the Enactment of the California Alien Land Law 320

XIX

' I

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

FACING PAGE

, I . Florin when Grapes are being Shipped . . . .170

2. Florin’s Basket Factory . . . . . . .170

3. A New “ American ” Cottage in Florin . . . -171

4. Florin’s New Hotel . . . . . . . -171

5. A Japanese Building built by Japanese .... 171

6. The House erected by a White Rancher who recently

moved to Florin . . . . . . .172

7. A less Well-to-do White Neighbor’s House and “ Patch ” 172

8. Where Japanese grow Grapes . . . . -173

9. Harvesting the Strawberry Crop — a Picker of the “ Stu-

10. Developed from Pasture Land by the Japanese Owner . 174

11. Made by the Japanese Owner ...... 174

12. As it was when leased by the Japanese .... 175

13. The Same Land growing Strawberries Three Months

Later 175

15. The Home of the Largest Japanese Family in the Com-

16. As developed from “ Raw ” Land . . . . -177

17. One of the Best of the Ranch Houses built by Japanese . 177

18. A Japanese Settlement on a 500-Acre Ranch . . .188

19. The Same Ranch looking in the Other Direction . . 188

20. A Typical Japanese Settlement near Gardena . . .189

21. The Old and the New separated by a Wire Fence . . 189

22. A Typical Japanese Tenant’s House .... 190

23. The Carson Ranch — “Hay Land”. . . . .190

24. The Same Carson Ranch — irrigated and producing Straw-

berries . 190

XXI

V'

•'7

O.

A< i

Chapter I The Immigration Of Japanese To The

UNITED STATES

Japanese in the United States. — According to the Census, the Japanese population of the continental United States April 15, 1910, was 72,157. There is good reason to believe, however, that the enumeration was by no means complete and that the true number was several thousand larger than the number recorded. Since 1910, the Japanese population has changed little. In all probability the number of American born has somewhat more than offset the number who have left the country or died.^ The development, composition, and ter-

* As is evident from the data presented in this chapter, the writer has been imable to obtain any evidence in support of the statement made (Hearings of House Committee on Immigration, February 13, 1914, p. 48) by the Commissioner General of Immigration that the number of Japanese in the United States had doubled in the last six or seven years. The population estimates given in the Japanese- American Yearbook, which in different localities have been found to be fairly accurate, but to exaggerate somewhat, have been as follows :

1910 . . . 91,958

1911 . . . 93,358

1913 • • • 95,483 ritorial distribution of this population should be described first of all, for much of importance relating to the Japanese problem is contained in the details thus brought out.

Early Immigration. — The early history of J apanese immigration to the United States is neither clear nor important.^ From 1638 to 1868, when the present Imperial Government was organized, emigration from Japan was prohibited. It was not definitely legalized until 1885. But while emigration was still forbidden, a few Japanese sailors and students reached our shores. Moreover, in the Sacramento Union and other California papers for 1869 we read of a colony of a few score of Japanese settled as prospective silk growers at Gold Hill, California, where they were received with great favor. The promoter of this colony expected more to follow, but evidently this expectation was not realized because of the failure of the project. In the report of the United States Treasury Department for 1893, it was stated that between 1861 and 1870, 218 Japanese had immigrated to this country. The Census of 1870, however, reported only 55 Japanese as residing in the United States. The corresponding number reported in 1880 was 148,

Checking over the reports of the Japanese associations, entries and departures, the Immigration Commission arrived at an estimate of from 95,000 to 100,000 for 1909. The Japanese- American’s estimate was 98,715.

^ Some of the details relating to the early immigration of Japanese have been presented by Y. Ichihashi in Japanese Immigration: Its Status in California.

in 1890, 2,039, These 2,039 Japanese reported as residing in the United States in 1890 is evidence of the larger number of immigrants to this countryfollowing upon the legalization of emigration by Japan in 1885, and the enactment of the Chinese exclusion law in 1882, which, before 1890, had begun to effect a decrease in the number of Mongolian laborers, to cause a dearth of farm hands, and to cause a rise in the wages of common laborers in California. The Immigration Commission presented the following table based upon the reports of the Commissioner General of Immigration, to show the immigration of Japanese, except from our insular possessions, beginning with the fiscal year 1892-93:^

Year Ending June 30 —

Number

Year Ending June 30 —

Number

1,380

5,325

1,931

6,990

1,150

7,771

I, no

4,319

1,526

5,178

2,230

9,948

3,395

7,250

12,626

1,593

4,908

1,552

Increase in Immigration after 1898. — From this table it is seen that numbers grew slowly. Not as many as two thousand Japanese arrived in any one year until 1898. In 1900, 12,626 were ad-

THE JAPANESE PROBLEM IN THE UNITED ST..TES

mitted, but this unusual number is explained largely by the diversion of Japanese from Honolulu to the Pacific ports. At no time since has the direct immigration from Japan been so large. During the six years 1901 to 1906, the total number immigrating directly was 34,491. For some years, however, this direct immigration was greatly augmented by an unfortunate indirect immigration by way of the Hawaiian Islands. A large number of Japanese, who had gone there to work on the sugar plantations, came to the mainland seeking higher wages or better opportunities to establish their independence of the wage relation, than were offered in the Islands. Still others, when the Japanese government discouraged emigration to the continental United States, emigrated to Hawaii as a stepping-stone to the Pacific Coast. Thus as against 39,531 admitted directly from Japan during the years 1902 to 1907, some 32,855 are reported^ to have sailed from Honolulu for [the mainland.^ Since 1907 great restrictions have been placed upon direct immigration from Japan, while immigration indirectly from our insular possessions and our neigh-

1 The number of Japanese leaving Honolulu for the Orient and for the Pacific Coast are reported by the Territorial Board of Immigration and the United States Commissioner of Labor (in Bulletins 66 and 94). The total number reported as going to the Pacific Coast was 35,634, but 2,779 of these, in 1907-08, immigrated to Canada. See Report of W. L. MacKenzie King, Royal Commissioner appointed to inquire into the methods by which Orientals have been induced to come to Canada. The more important parts of this report are found quoted in Reports of the U. S. Immigration Commission, Vol. 40, pp. 66-71. With reference to this movement, see, also. Reports of Immigration Commission, Vol. 23, p. 6.

boring countries has been prohibited. The history of this most recent period may, however, be reviewed to better advantage presently.

Character of the Immigration. — Most of the Japanese who came directly to this country were young men. They came seeking opportunities to study, or better opportunities to gain a livelihood than were in prospect at home. They were of course drawn largely from the most intelligent and ambitious of the middle class. Along with these young men came a smaller number of older men who had failed in business or had found farming or wage labor in Japan unattractive. A third element came from Hawaii, where a large percentage of the total number had been drawn from the poorest and most ignorant class. Many of the most ambitious of these, dissatisfied with their lot as poorly paid plantation laborers, availed themselves of the opportunity to come to the mainland. From Mexico came some corresponding closely to the classes arriving from Hawaii, from Canada a few like those immigrating from Japan,

Age of Immigrants. — Combining 11,585 of these diverse elements, the Immigration Commission found that almost twenty- three in each hundred (22.6 per cent) had come to the United States when under twenty years of age, and that more than one half (53.2 per cent) had come when under twenty-five. On the other hand, only about twenty-five in each 100 (24.7 per cent) were thirty or upward, and less than five in each one hundred (4.^ per cent) forty or over.’^

^ Immigration Commission, Reports, Vol. 23, pp. 7-8,

Occupations in Japan. — Perhaps three fifths, or even more, of these immigrants were of the agricultural class. Those from the cities were in a decided minority. This is shown by the occupations of Japanese aliens arrived at the ports of the United States (including Hawaii) and Canada, as reported by the Commissioner General of Immigration. The Immigration Commission presented the data bearing upon the matter in the following table ; ^

Year

Total Number

Professional

Farmers

Farm Laborers

1 Skilled Laborers

i

Personal and

Domestic Service

Other Occupa-

tions

Without Occu-

pation

5,249

1,153

14,455

1,21 1

5,212

1,047

1,558

4,388

20,041

1,445

5,010

5,816

5,282

14,382

1,189

I2I

6,775

1,474

3,244

11,021

5,883

2,212

14,243

8,435

2,446

30,824

20,636

1,334

2,174

3,855

16,418

6,766

1,144

1,742

4,582

3,275

1,765

129,908

2,699

7,523

13,352

56,543

4,988

8,690

1,722

6,129

28,359

Per-

cent-

age

2.1

5-8

10.3

43-5

3-8

6.7

1-3

4-7

21.8

In the report of the Commission this table is commented upon as follows :

“ Thus, according to these data, 10.3 per cent of the immigrants for the nine years had been farmers in Japan, while 43.5 per cent had been ‘farm laborers’ most of whom were youths or young men working on their fathers’ farms without wages, for farm laborers working regularly for wages have been relatively few. Moreover,

21.8 per cent, including women and children, had not been gainfully occupied. A large percentage of these were the wives and small children of farmers and farm laborers and should be added to the percentages given above in order to obtain an estimate of the relative number of the farming class emigrating from Japan. As opposed to the

53.8 per cent who had been gainfully employed in agricultural pursuits, 2.1 per cent were professional men (physicians, teachers, preachers, actors, etc.),

5.8 per cent were merchants, grocers, and bankers,

3.8 per cent skilled laborers in a great variety of trades, 6.7 per cent common laborers, 1.3 per cent had been occupied in the various branches of domestic and personal service, and 4.7 per cent in other occupations of which fishing was no doubt one of the more important. Thus, the majority of the Japanese immigrants have been drawn from the rural sections of the country. Yet many classes have found large representation among those who have come to the United States.”

Reasons for Immigration. ~ The reasons for Japanese immigration to the United States should be considered in close connection with the facts just presented.

While it is true that the “ student ” element among the Japanese has been a conspicuous one, the primary motive for emigration with this as well as with most other races, has always been economic. Japanese have not left their home land to avoid religious or political persecution.

Lack of opportunity in Japan. — Economic opportunity in Japan has been limited as compared to that in the United States.^ Japan is a country with a dense and rapidly increasing population, with limited natural resources and a scarcity of capital. Not far from three fifths of the population gainfully occupied are engaged in tilling small plots of land, frequently as tenants paying high rents, or in agricultural labor at wages very low as compared to those earned in unskilled labor in this country. The more ambitious have tended strongly to leave the rural communities to seek better opportunities in the cities or in other countries. In the cities, however, in spite of long hours of labor, wages are still low. Consequently emigration has appealed to many of the more ambitious as the solution of their problem of limited opportunity. The western part of the United States has naturally appealed to them most strongly as the land of opportunity.

Emigration Cumulative. — Emigration is likely to prove cumulative. So was it in the case of the Japanese, for one reason because of the widespread advertising of the advantages to be had by emigrat-

1 With reference to the things here briefly stated, see Immigration Commission, Reports, Vol. 23, pp. 9-13, for statistical and other detail.

ing to the United States. Of more importance than this, however, was the fact that the emigration business became an organized one. Emigration companies were organized in increasing number to handle the business, while on this side contractors, supply companies, and boarding houses made the way easy and readily secured employment for those who came. The wonder is that more did not immigrate to the United States. That more did not is explained partly by the action of the Japanese government in discouraging direct emigration to this country.

Immigration from Hawaii. — This relates particularly to the voluntary movement directly from Japan to the United States previous to 1907. As has been indicated, however, a large part of the immigration for some years was of Japanese who had become dissatisfied with their lot in the Hawaiian Islands, where by 1900, partly as a result of the importation of contract laborers, partly as a result of voluntary immigration of laborers to work on the sugar plantations, they numbered 61,111 in a total population of 154,001. Not only did many, with good reason, become dissatisfied with plantation conditions ; many after the annexation of the Islands went there as a stepping-stone to the mainland because as early as 1900 the Japanese government had begun to discourage emigration to the continental United States. Nor was the remigration of these laborers entirely normal and uninduced. As the report of the Immigration Commission succinctly puts it:

“ With the strong demand for labor prevailing in the West the Japanese contractors on the Coast, and especially those doing business in San Francisco and Seattle, induced many to come to the United States. Some of these contractors were for a time regularly represented by agents sent to Honolulu, recourse was made to advertising in the Japanese papers published there, cheap rates were secured, and in some instances assistance was given in other ways to those desiring to reach the mainland.”'

Immigration through Canada and Mexico. — It

must be pointed out, also, that the movement thus far dealt with was accompanied by a considerable unrecorded immigration of Japanese across the Canadian and Mexican boundaries. While the number thus coming from Canada would appear not to have been large, that coming across the Mexican boundary was sufficient to give rise to discussion by Inspector Braun, who was detailed in 1906 and 1907 by the Bureau of Immigration to investigate the influx of immigrants of different races from or through Mexico.

” With reference to the Japanese he reported that within two years more than 10,000 had been imported into Mexico as contract laborers, being sent out by the various emigration companies, but that most of them had left their employment, and that the entire number in