Front matter
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ITALY.
1815—1890.
Dedication
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MIO STIMATISSIMO AMICO
TULLO MASSARANI, Sena/ore del Regno rf' Italia,
Preface To The New Edition
THE strong feeling of friendship existing between England and Italy, as well as the interest attaching to the remarkable revolution by which the latter has become a united constitutional monarchy under the House of Savoy, has led me to republish in a cheap form my sketch of Italy's history from the Treaties of Vienna in 1815. The first edition closed with the death of King Victor Emmanuel in 1878; I have now added another chapter, bringing down the narrative to the year 1890. I have given a list of the authorities upon whose works I have based my own, and have added two maps by which the reader can compare Italy in her former divided condition with her present state as a united kingdom. The new edition has also a genealogical table of the House of Savoy.
J. W. PROBYN.
Preface
TO THE FIRST EDITION, 1884.
THE purpose of this volume is to give a concise account of the chief causes and events which have transformed Italy from a divided into a united country. Formerly the Italian Peninsula was separated into a number of petty States whose despotic rulers were maintained almost wholly by the power or influence of foreign sovereigns ; to-day it forms a single constitutional monarchy, freed from external dictation and acknowledged by every civilised Government. The change is one of the most remarkable of modern times, and well deserves to be studied.
But it must be acknowledged that a detailed account of this revolution would occupy several volumes if a complete history were given of all the circumstances connected with it, and of the principal men who have borne a part in it. The time, however, has scarcely come when such a work can be written, for many details have yet to be made known, or cleared up, which will afford further and valuable information with respect to the numerous and varied causes which have transformed the Italy of 1815 into the Italy of to-day, united under the constitutional rule of the House of Savoy. So, too, as time goes on there will be better means of knowing and therefore of estimating the men who had a share in bringing about this remarkable change, which has substituted union for disunion, replaced foreign domination by national liberty, and bestowed on
PREFACE TO FIRST EDITION. ix
Italy a government at once orderly and free. Yet it is desirable that all who are interested in the important events of our time should be able to obtain some connected account of so striking a transformation as that which has been effected in Italy between the years 1815 and 1878.
It has been with the object of giving such an account that I have written this volume. But no one is more conscious than myself of the many, and indeed unavoidable, omissions which mark it. During the period which elapsed between the summer of 1859 and the commencement of 1867 I passed the greater part of each year in Italy and among Italians, as well as the memorable autumn and winter of 1870 and the spring of 1871. The personal knowledge I thereby acquired of Italian affairs makes me well aware how inadequate is the manner in which the present volume treats so great a national revolution, conducted by leaders who proved themselves capable of carrying it to a successful issue. Yet I trust what I have written may be of use to those who have not had the same opportunities of studying the course of events in Italy as I have enjoyed by staying in the country and seeing much of its people, as well as by reading the works of their best authors on the history of the Peninsula during the present century. I trust, too, that Italians, who necessarily know that history better than I can pretend to do, will deem this volume not wholly unworthy of the important subject which it has been my desire to lay truthfully, though briefly, before my readers.
J. W. PROBYN.
BOOKS READ OR CONSULTED
ON THE STATE OF ITALY DURING THE PRESENT CENTURY.
" M^moires, Documents et Ecrits Divers laisse"s," par le Prince de Metternich, Chancelier de Cour et d'Etat. Publics par son fils, Le Prince Richard de Metternich, 1816—1848.
" Storia di Cento Anni, 1750 — 1850." Cesare Cantu. Firenze. 3 vols.
"Storia d' Italia dal 1815 — 1851," di Giuseppe La Farina. Torino, 1851. 6 vols.
" Lo Stato Romano, 1815 — 1850." Luigi Carlo Farini. Firenze, 1850. 4 vols.
"I casi di Napoli dal 29 Gen. 1848 in poi, Giuseppe Massari, Deputato." Torino, 1849.
" I Miei Ricordi," di Massimo d'Azeglio. Firenze, 1867. 2 vols.
" Deux Ans de Revolution en Italic, 1848 — 1849," par F. T. Perrens. Paris, 1857.
" Daniel Manin," par Henri Martin. Paris, 1859.
"Le Comte de Cavour, " par Charles Mazade. Paris, 1877.
"CEuvre Parlementaire du Comte de Cavour," par I. Artom et A. Blanc. Paris, 1862.
" Biographic de Joseph Mazzini," par Mme. E. Ashurst Venturi. Paris, 1881.
" Abre"ge de 1'Histoire de 1' Italic," par Jules Zeller. Paris, 1865.
"Pie IX. et Victor Emmanuel, 1846 — 1878," par Jules Zeller. Paris, 1879.
" La Vita ed II Regno, di Vittorio Emanuele II. di Savoia, Primo Re d' Italia," per Giuseppe Massari. Milano, 1878. 2 vols.
" Storia d' Italia dal 1866 al 1880," continuazione della storia, della Idea Italiana, per Petrucelli della Gattina, Deputato al Parlamento. Napoli, 1882.
"Gleanings of Past Years, 1851 — 1877" (Foreign); First Letter to the Earl of Aberdeen on the State Prosecutions of the Neapolitan Government, 1851 ; Second Letter on the same subject, 1851 ; An Examination of the Official Reply of the Neapolitan Government, 1852; " Farini's 'Stato Romano,'" reprinted from the Edinburgh Review of April, 1852. By the Right Hon. W. E. Gladstone, M.P. London : John Murray, Albemarle Street. 1879.
" Ferdinando II. ed il suo Regno." Niccola Nisco. Napoli, 1888.
Chapter I. Page
Italy under Napoleon I. — Promises of the allied Generals when they wished to overthrow Napoleon's rule — Restoration of the royal dynasties of the Peninsula, and destruction of the old republics of Genoa and Venice — The supremacy of Austria substituted for that of the French Empire — Result of this policy — Prince Metternich's account of the state of Italy in 1817 — M. de Chateaubriand on the condition of Italy — The existence of Secret Societies — Prince Metternich's statement of the view taken of his policy by public opinion i
Chapter II
Revolution of 1820 in Naples— King Ferdinand I. grants a Constitution, and takes his oath to it — Opening of the Neapolitan Parliament in October 1820 — Dissatisfaction of the Sicilians — Dislike of the Neapolitans to a separate Parliament for Sicily — Divisions in the Island — The Neapolitan Parliament refuses to agree to the wishes of the Sicilians — Austria protests against any changes affecting the Treaties of Vienna — King Ferdinand goes to the Conference of the Allied Sovereigns at Laybach — His promises previous to his departure — Austrian troops march into the Neapolitan kingdom and overthrow the Constitution-^-Ferdinand returns to Naples, rules despotically, and punishes all who were favourable to free institutions — Revolution in Piedmont in March 1821 — Abdication of Victor Emmanuel I. — He appoints Prince Charles Albert regent — He promises a Constitution — Charles Felix repudiates this act, and calls on Prince Charles Albert to submit to him — The prince obeys the King — The Austrians enter Piedmont — Charles Felix comes to Turin — Overthrow of Liberty and triumph of Absolutism . . . . .16 xii CONTENTS.
Chapter III. J Page
The rule of Austria in the Lombardo- Venetian kingdom — Her influence in the other Italian States — Condition of Tuscany — Death of Ferdinand I. of Naples — He is succeeded by his son Francis I. — Naples under his rule — His conflict with the Bey of Tripoli — Death of Francis — Piedmont under Charles Felix —His defeat of the Bey of Tripoli— Death of Charles Felix, who is succeeded by his cousin, Charles Albert, in 1830 — The state of Italy as described by M. de Chateaubriand and Prince Metternich . . .28
Chapter IV
The Carbonari, the Reformers, the Sanfedisti — Francis IV. Duke of Modena — Modenese Revolution, 1830 — Death of Pope Pius VIII.— Election of Gregory XVI.— Revolution in Bologna, 1831 — Austria intervenes, puts down the movement in the Papal States, and restores the Duke of Modena and the Duchess of Parma — Execution of Giro Menotti, Vincenzo Borelli, and the Cavaliere Ricci — The Austrians in Bologna, and the French in Ancona — The Sanfedisti — Joseph Mazzini and " Young Italy," 1831 — Rapid growth of "Young Italy " — Joseph Garibaldi enrolled among its members — Young Camillo Cavour punished for giving utterance to Liberal views in 1830 . . .37
Chapter V
Ferdinand II. succeeds, in November 1830, to the throne of Naples — Character of his rule — Piedmont under Charles Albert — The Papal States under Gregory XVI. — Tuscany and the Austrian and Papal Governments — Antagonism of Austria and Piedmont — Massimo d'Azeglio's interview with Charles Albert on the state of Italy— The party of the Reformers, their views and writings — Prince Metternich's opinions on Italian questions— Death of Pope Gregory XVI., and election of Pope Pius IX 51
Chapter VI
Pope Pius IX. adopts a Liberal policy — The Scientific Congress at Genoa — Reforms in the Roman States — The Papal Government protests against the Austrian occupation of Ferrara —
CONTENTS. xiii
PAGE
Reforms of Leopold in Tuscany — Ferdinand II. of Naples opposes all reforms — Charles Albert's antagonism to Austria — The Agricultural Congress at Casale, and the letter of Charles Albert — He introduces various reforms in Piedmont — Attitude of the English and of the Austrian Governments towards Italian reforms — Events in Milan and Venice — Increasing agitation in the Neapolitan dominions — Refusal of Ferdinand to make concessions — Early in January 1848 the Revolution breaks out in Sicily — Ferdinand gives way and is obliged to promise a Constitution on 27th January 1848 — On the 7th February Charles Albert promises a Constitution, which is ^^ promulgated on the 4th March — The Grand Duke of Tuscany promises a Constitution on the nth February 1848 — The Pope forms a Government in which three Laymen hold office — French Revolution of 24th February 1848 — The Pope promises a Constitution — Revolution in Vienna, March 1848 71
Chapter VII. (
Insurrection of Milan — The Austrians retire from the City — Insurrection of Venice, and re-establishment of the Republic — The Dukes of Parma and Modena obliged to quit their States — Sympathy of the Romans and Tuscans with the National movement — Ferdinand of Naples forced to support it against Austria — Events in Naples and Sicily — Ferdinand deserts the National cause — Charles Albert crosses the Ticino and attacks the Austrians — The King, after some successes, is finally defeated by Marshal Radetzky — The Pope declares, on the 29th April 1848, that he will not join in the war against Austria — The vacillation of the Papal Government — Count Pellegrino Rossi becomes the Pope's Minister — The Count assassinated — The Pope quits Rome — Events in Tuscany after the Austrian victories — Montanelli Prime Minister at Florence — Project of an Italian Constituent — Sudden flight of the Grand Duke, who goes to Gaeta — The reaction gains continued success ........... 95
Chapter VIII
Negotiations between Piedmont, France, England, and Austria — Charles Albert again attacks Austria — His defeat at Novara and abdication, March 1849 — Tuscany a Republic— The xiv CONTENTS.
PAGE
people desire the return of the Grand Duke as a constitutional ruler — The Austrians invade Tuscany and restore the Grand Duke as an absolute sovereign — Triumph of the reaction in Naples and Sicily— Bombardment of Messina — State of Rome after the Pope's departure — Intervention of France — The Roman Republic proclaimed, February 1849 — General Oudinot's troops repulsed by the Romans — Negotiations — Siege and fall of Rome, 3rd July 1849 — Venice alone continues to resist under the rule of Daniel Manin — Vigorous defence of the City— Its fall — Exile of Manin — The triumph of absolutism throughout Italy 122
Chapter IX
Condition of Piedmont at the time of Victor Emmanuel's accession in March 1849 — Massimo d'Azeglio becomes Prime Minister — Insurrectionary movement in Genoa put down — Negotiations with Austria — Victor Emmanuel issues a proclamation from Moncalieri and dissolves the Chamber, July 1849 — The Chamber does not approve the Government policy — Victor Emmanuel issues a second proclamation from Moncalieri, and dissolves the Chamber in November 1849— vThe Chamber accepts the Government policy, and ratifies the peace with Austria— Complete religious toleration in Piedmont — Attempted negotiations with the Papal Government for carrying out ecclesiastical reforms — The Siccardine Laws — Death of Count Santa Rosa, the Minister of Commerce — Count Cavour appointed in his place in November 1850 — Liberal legislation of Piedmont — Coup (?£tat by Louis Napoleon, 2nd December 1851 — Menaces of Austria and Prussia against Piedmont — Resignation of Massimo d' Azeglio — Cavour becomes Prime Minister — Revolutionary attempt in Milan, February 1853 — Success of Cavour' s progressive and reforming policy — Crimean War — Sad family losses of Victor Emmanuel — Congress of Paris — Manin and Cavour — The condition of Italy condemned by the leading Plenipotentiaries at the Congress — Cavour continues his policy in Piedmont — The Mont Cenis Tunnel begun — Attempt of Felice Orsini to assassinate Napoleon III., I4th January 1858 — Cavour 's policy and conduct — The Emperor Napoleon's views and his interview with Cavour at Plombieres in July 1858 — Alliance formed between France and Piedmont 159
CONTENTS. xv
Chapter X. Page
Napoleon III.'s observation to the Austrian Ambassador on the ist January 1859 — Victor Emmanuel's speech at the opening of the Piedmontese Parliament — Negotiations — Austria sends an ultimatum to Turin — It is rejected — Italian war of 1859 — France and Piedmont victorious — The Allied Sovereigns enter Milan — Death of Ferdinand II. of Naples— Offers of Piedmont to his son Francis II. — Austrian troops concentrated in Venetia and the Quadrilateral — Fall of the Governments of Florence, Parma, Modena, and Bologna — Deputations from Tuscany, the Roman Legations, Parma, and Modena, to King Victor Emmanuel — Sudden peace of Villafranca — The Plenipotentiaries at Zurich — Course pursued by the peoples of Tuscany, Emilia, and the Roman Legations — Their final union with Piedmont and Lombardy under Victor Emmanuel '- — The annexation of Savoy and Nice to France — Naples, ' Sicily, and King Francis II. — The Revolution begins in Sicily — Garibaldi's expedition to the island — His conquest of Sicily and Naples — Agitation in the Papal provinces — Intervention of Victor Emmanuel's Government and troops — Meeting of Victor Emmanuel and Garibaldi — Their entrance into Naples — Fall of Gaeta, and departure of Francis II. for Rome — New elections throughout all Italy and Sicily, excepting Venetia and Rome — Opening of the first Italian Parliament, *~ February 1860 — Cavour on the questions of Rome and Venice — His varied labours— His death on the 6th June 1861 . . lyS*
CHAPTER XL
Baron Ricasoli becomes Prime Minister — He resigns and is succeeded by Signer Rattazzi — The questions of Rome and Venice — Garibaldi's movement in Sicily — He is arrested at Aspromonte and sent to La Spezzia — Change of the Ministry — Convention of September 1864 — Papal Policy — The Encyclique and Syllabus — The Schleswig-Holstein question — Austria and Prussia — Italy negotiates with a view of acquiring Venetia — War of 1866 — Custozzaand Lissa — Peace made and Venetia ceded to Italy — The French troops are withdrawn from Rome — Garibaldi attacks the Roman territory — Return of the French troops and defeat of Garibaldi at Mentana — Austria and Hungary united by constitutional freedom — Marriage of Prince Humbert to his cousin the Princess Margherita xvi CONTENTS.
PAGE
—Negotiations between France, Austria, and Italy — War between France and Prussia — Overthrow of Napoleon III. — -^ Italy occupies Rome — The Powers of Europe acquiesce — Law of the Papal guarantees — Victor Emmanuel opens the Italian Parliament hi Rome on 2/th November 1871 — The King's visit to Vienna and Berlin — The 25th anniversary of his accession— Visit of the Emperor Francis Joseph to Venice — Visit of the Emperor William to Milan — Change of the Italian Ministry in 1876 — Death of the King ..... 243
Chapter XII. ^
King Humbert's accession and popularity — Increase of the Electorate—1Moral and material progress of the country — Italy and the Papal Temporal Power — Italy's foreign and colonial policy — :The contrast between Italy's past and present condition . . 288
ITALY.
Chapter I
Italy under Napoleon I. — Promises of the allied Generals when they wished to overthrow Napoleon's rule — Restoration of the royal dynasties of the Peninsula, and destruction of the old republics of Genoa and Venice — The supremacy of Austria substituted for that of the French Empire — Result of this policy — Prince Metternich's account of the state of Italy in 1817 — M. de Chateaubriand on the condition of Italy — The existence of Secret Societies — Prince Metternich's statement of the view taken of his policy by public opinion.
No country in Europe was more completely revolutionised by the wars and policy of the first Napoleon than Italy. When at length he had become possessed of absolute power, all the old governments of the Pensinsula had been overthrown and were replaced by those of his own creation. The greater part of the kingdom of Piedmont and of the States of the Church, the Republic of Genoa, and the Duchies of Lucca, Parma, and Tuscany, were incorporated into the French Empire. Eugene Beauharnais, Napoleon's step-son, was made Viceroy of a kingdom of Italy composed of the Republic of Venice, the Trentino, the Milanese possessions of Austria, that portion of Piedmont lying between the rivers Dorea Balta and Ticino, together with the Duchy of Modena, and the Papal provinces of Romagna and the Marches. The kingdom of Naples was placed first under the rule of Joseph Bonaparte, and then of Murat, the brother-in-law and lieutenant of the French Emperor. Napoleon, in fact, governed the whole country from the Alps to the Straits of Messina.
E
Very different was the prospect held out to the Italians in the spring of 1796 by General Bonaparte, after his first victories. " People of Italy," said he, " the French army comes to break your chains ; the French people is the friend of every people — come and welcome them. Your property, your customs, your religion shall be respected; we make war like generous enemies — only against the tyrants who hold you enslaved." Shortly after, a second proclamation, issued from Milan, said — "Let the people rest assured we are the friends of the people. To re-establish the Capitol, to awaken the Roman people from centuries of servitude : such will be the fruits of our victory." Doubtless the result had been the overthrow of the old governments ; but instead of being replaced by national liberty, the Peninsula was only subjected to the rule of imperial France. That rule entailed heavy contributions and constant levies of soldiers to be used for the maintenance of a French Empire, and not for the establishment of a free Italy. The press was silenced, public meetings were forbidden, the police were powerful and vexatious. These and other ills were bitterly felt, for they provoked a comparison between the early promises of national freedom and the actual result of foreign domination. Yet it would be unjust not to enumerate the benefits which flowed from the Napoleonic rule. Laws were made more uniform, and their administration was improved. Equal rights were conceded to all classes. Public offices were thrown open to the citizens of every rank ; convents, which had too often degenerated into centres of sloth, and even vice, were abolished. Schools and lyceums were opened, cities were improved, new roads were made, rivers were embanked, bridges erected, and marshes drained. The Italians themselves took an active part in these useful reforms, while their soldiers distinguished themselves in the campaigns of the great general, whom they justly considered one of their own nation by family and origin. Still the fact
PROCLAMATIONS OF THE ALLIES. 3
remained that his rule was that of a despot who, instead of giving national liberty, had only made their country a province of France. Prince Metternich relates in his memoirs that Napoleon said to him — " Never will I give Italians a liberal system ; I have only granted them the semblance of it."
This condition of Italy was duly turned to account by the enemies of Napoleon when they united for his overthrow after his retreat from Russia. On the ioth December \^^ Count Nugent, one of the Austrian commanders, issued a proclamation from Ravenna to " The Peoples of Italy " in the following terms : — " You have groaned long enough beneath the iron yoke of oppression. Our armies have come to free you completely from it. A new order of things opens out to you, destined to re-invigorate and establish your happiness. . . . It is for your interest, courageous and brave Italians, to battle yourselves for your resurrection and your well-being. In that you will be protected and helped so as to beat down the obstinate resistance of whoever attacks your welfare. You have all to become an independent nation ; you have to manifest your zeal for the public good ; you will be happy if you are faithful to those who love and protect you. Soon your lot will be envied and your position will excite admiration." Then follow promises that the conscription shall be abolished and various taxes suppressed or lessened. The Austrian General Bellegarde also put out the following proclamation on 3rd February 1814: — " Italians ! of all the nations whom the ambition of Napoleon has bent beneath his yoke you are the last for whom the hour of deliverance has struck. We have passed the Adige and entered the heart of your country. See in us your liberators, who will ask of you only what is indispensable for our operations and sustenance. We have come to protect your legitimate rights, and to re-establish that which force and pride have overthrown. We call you to the common B 2 defence. The moment has arrived for Italy, like other nations, to give proof of her strength and courage. It is time that the Alps should again proudly raise their inaccessible heights and form an insurmountable barrier ; it is time that the roads opened to introduce slavery into your country should be destroyed."
In the following month, March 1814, General Bentinck, commanding the English and Sicilian forces, disembarked at Leghorn, and marched towards Genoa, bearing a flag, on which was written, " Italian Liberty and Independence." In his proclamation the English general said — " Portugal, Spain, Sicily, Holland, attest the liberal principles of- Great Britain. These nations are free, and rejoice in civil liberty. Shall Italy alone remain beneath the yoke ? Italians can no longer hesitate ; they will know how to become Italian. The soldiers of the Italian kingdom should especially remember that the great cause of their country reposes in their hands. They should make their rights felt, and become free. Let the forces of all be united, and Italy shall again become that which, in happier times, she has been."
These proclamations of the allied generals awoke feelings of hope throughout Italy. Her people were wearied of the endless wars of Napoleon, accompanied by a conscription which drained the country of its youth, and by taxes which drained it of its wealth. The agricultural classes saw their lands injured by the march of armies, and at the same time impoverished by the loss of labourers carried off to swell the ranks. The continental blockade, rigorously enforced, damaged Italian commerce and enterprise. The desire for national independence only grew under the oppressiveness of such a system, and increased with the decline of Napoleon's power. Thus discontent was rife and change was welcome. Divided though the Italians might be in their feelings and wishes, they were, however, ready to welcome any settlement which should give to their country peace, and
CONGRESS OF VIENNA. 5
secure to her free institutions, resting upon a national basis ; for they were weary of foreign rule and absolutism. A golden opportunity was thus offered to the Powers assembled at Vienna in whose hands rested, after the overthrow of Napoleon, the future destiny of the Peninsula. Many of its people looked to them with hope, for were not some of them the very Powers whose generals had bidden the " brave and courageous Italians " to battle against the common oppressor for the deliverance of their native land, rousing them with the stirring words, "liberty," "country," "rights," and "independence?" With the Congress of Vienna, then, it rested to make or mar the future of Italy, and with it, in no small degree, the future peace of Europe.
The statesmen assembled in the Austrian capital determined to restore the royal dynasties of the Peninsula, but not the ancient republics of Genoa and Venice. The Neapolitan Bourbons were replaced on the throne of Naples, retaining the island of Sicily, in which they had found a refuge under the protection of England's fleet. The country received the name of the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies. The Papal authority was restored throughout the former States of the Church. The House of Hapsburg-Lorraine was reinstated in Tuscany. Parma and Modena re-appeared as independent duchies. The King of Piedmont had that country and Savoy restored to him, together with the territory of the old republic of Genoa. The Genoese greatly disliked this proceeding, but in the eyes of the arbitrary statesmen of Europe it served the double purpose of abolishing a republic, and of binding the House of Savoy more closely to arbitrary government, because any demand for greater liberty in the restored kingdom of Piedmont would probably awaken among the Genoese a desire for their ancient rights as an independent State. Still the Italian citizens of Genoa had the consolation of feeling that they were, at any rate, united to an Italian people, ruled indeed despotically by their sovereign, Victor Emmanuel L, who however loved and upheld his country's independence. Like all the princes of the House of Savoy, he was jealous of foreign interference, and, while clinging to despotism, had but little real liking for despotic Austria, whose power was becoming supreme in Italy.
But though this consolation was left to Genoa, none such remained to the sister republic of Venice. It had fallen, partly through its own weakness, but yet more through the unscrupulous acts of its powerful neighbours. Despite the efforts of the old republic, to remain neutral in the struggle between Austria and France at the close of the last century, General Bonaparte, who commanded with brilliant success the French armies in Italy, soon found pretexts for attacking Venice, revolutionising its government, and establishing over it a French protectorate. That protectorate might have been used to reform the institutions of the republic by adapting them to the requirements of the time, and then have been withdrawn, leaving Venice to be freely governed by its own citizens. But Bonaparte preferred to destroy, by the treaty of Campo-Formio in 1797, the old republic, and hand it over to Austria. Venice had no power to resist, for the French general had himself deprived her of her arms and fleet. Luigi Manin, the last of the Doges, whose vacillation had contributed not a little to this result, fainted after resigning his high office and taking the oath to the new masters of the Queen of the Adriatic. The destruction of the Venetian republic was accomplished in spite of the instructions addressed by the French Directory to Bonaparte on the 2Qth September 1797, in which it spoke of "the shame of abandoning Venice." When the Directory found that the deed was done, it at first hesitated to give its assent to the treaty already signed by its general, but finally complied.
Thus it was that Venice lost her ancient independence and became a province of Austria. The statesmen assem-
RESULTS OF THE CONGRESS. 7
bled at Vienna in 1815, when they confirmed Austria in the possession of Venice, but followed the policy of the French revolutionary chief and ratified one of his worst deeds. The Italian provinces of Venetia and Lombardy, including the fortresses of Verona, Peschiera, Legnano, and Mantua, well known as the Quadrilateral, were formed into the Lombardo- Venetian kingdom and given to Austria. Her rule was not only despotic but foreign, and even more alien to Italians than the rule of France.
The treaties of Vienna did then little in Italy but substitute tHe~supremacy of Austria for that of Bonaparte. Entrenched within the Quadrilateral, her will was law to the lesser Italian courts. Piedmont, although her government was a pure despotism, resented this overshadowing influence, and thereby awakened the suspicions of Austrian statesmen. The other governments of Italy were favourable to Austria, to whom they looked as a counterpoise to France, and as a sure help in case patriotic feelings or liberal aspirations roused among their subjects dislike of foreign influence or desire for reforms. If the proclamations of General Bonaparte at the opening of his career awoke hopes in Italian hearts only to disappoint them, assuredly the appeals of the allied generals at the close of that career closely resembled those proclamations of the French commander alike in their promises and their results. The first French Republic and the old Legitimist sovereigns each in their turn allured Italy by high-sounding phrases touching national independence and liberty, only to bind each their special yoke upon her neck in the hour of victory.
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