A short history of the irish volunteers

Preface

From an Address to the President of the United States of America (and through him to the nations of the world), under date of the 11th of June, 1918, from the members of the Mansion House Conference, including four Irish members of the British Imperial Parliament, three representatives of Irish Labour, and two members of the Council of the’ Irish Republican Party, convoked by the Lord Mayor of Dublin, President of the Conference, to protest against the claim of the British Parliament to impose Conscription on the Irish Nation, I quote the following passage :—

British military statecraft has hitherto rigidly held by a separate tradition for Ireland. The Territorial military system, created in 1907 for Great Britain, was not set up in Ireland. The Trish Militia was then actually disbanded, and the War Office insisted that no Territorial Force to replace it should be embodied. Stranger still, the Volunteer Acts (Naval and Military) from 1804 to 1900 (some twenty in all) were never extended io Ireland. In 1880, when a Conservative House of Commons agreed to tolerate Volunteering, the measure was thrown out by the House of Lords on il PREFACE the plea that Irishmen must not be allowed to learn

the use of arms. ;

For, despite the Bill of Rights, the privilege of free citizens to bear arms in self-defence has been refused to us. The Constitution of America

-affrms that right as appertaining to the common people, but the men of Ireland are forbidden to bear arms in their own defence. Where then lies the basis of claim that they can be forced to take them up for the defence of others?

Such was the ‘‘ Constitutional ’’ aspect of the matter in the autumn of 1913, when, by an act of the Irish Nation, the Irish Volunteers were called into being. English political opinion, without distinction of party, regarded this act with grave disfavour. Since the act was contrary to the English policy towards Ireland, and found no countenance in English law over Ireland, why was it not openly hindered? The answer is that one of the great British . parties in politics had instigated, approved, and financed the formation of an Irish Volunteer force during the two preceding years, and the other party, to put it mildly, did not find itself terribly distressed by that proceeding.

Until the English Tories, to defeat the proposal of a scheme of minimised autonomy for Ireland, in this way, with the complacent connivance of the English Liberals pledged to Home Rule, had reversed the policy and tradition of the ‘‘‘ Union’’ government, not merely the bearing of defensive arms, but even the drilling of unarmed men, had

PREFACE ilt been consistently repressed in Ireland. The late Mr. Redmond was confidently relied on to acquiesce in the new departure, which tacitly extended a British constitutional right to Irish Unionists only. And Mr. Redmond, in the early period of the Irish Volunteer organisation, was content or had to content himself with the English attitude. He did what he could to discourage the Volunteer movement, and to.dissuade his supporters from supporting it. But Ireland was already growing restive in the Parliamentarian harness and disposed towards ‘“‘selfdetermination ’? in spite of Parliamentarian whip and reins and bit and blinkers.

Now, as I am writing these words, English policy towards Ireland, advantaged by the suspension of the Constitution in time of war, has managed to revert to its old position. During this past week the Trish Volunteers have been proscribed by a Proclamation of the English Viceroy, Field-Marshal Lord French. Before this, however, the carrying of arms, the drawing up of Irishmen in any military formation, the giving of military orders to any body of Irishmen, the mere wearing of the uniform, had been declared to be offences under the elastic military code of the Defence of the Realm Act—and Irish prisons, depleted by the unprecedented decrease of ordinary crime in a country always exceptionally unstained by ordinary crime, have been filled again by this new class of “‘ criminals ’’ made criminals by English law. Moreover, the infamous Crimes Act of 1887, the product of the Pigott conspiracy, after a long: period of

J iv PREFACE abeyance, has been once more revived in the law courts of Ireland, without a breath of protest even from the Liberal politicians who opposed and denounced its first enactment.

I do not know if anyone really expects that these measures will bring the chapter of the Irish Volunteers in Irish history to a conclusion. At present, I am not concerned with anticipations. This volume, for which I am invited to write an introduction, does not deal with events later than the first and second phases of the Irish Volunteer movement—the first, during which the Volunteers, frowned upon by English Toryism and Whiggery alike, discountenanced also by Mr. Redmond, won the support of the Nation and introduced what British spokesmen on both sides of the Oligarchy agreed in calling ‘‘a grave complication ’’ in the rule of one nation over another; the second phase, in which Mr. Redmond, with his British allies very urgent at his back, endeavoured to dominate the new force in the interest of that very cordial alliance.

I first met the author of this history at the first meeting of the original Provisional Committee of the Trish Volunteers. Associated with him at every stage, until my imprisonment after the Insurrection - of 1916, and my convict year in English prisons, and in frequent converse with him since my release, I learned to trust his fidelity to the cause of Irish National Liberty, his constancy in all vicissitudes, his clear political insight and sagacity. Twice in the course of the Irish Volunteer movement a sharp crisis

PREFACE Vv arose and caused a_ sharp division among thoso charged with the direction of the movement. The first occasion was when Mr. Redmond demanded to add twenty-five persons nominated by himself to the

Volunteer Committee. The second was in connection - with-the events of Easter Week, 1916. On each occasion he and I were of one accord. As to whether we and those who agreed with us were right or wrong, the Irish people themselves will decide in due time. For the time has not yet come for an audit of these matters; what we have to do at present is to serve our country to the best of'our ability in the hour of pain and distress that must end in the birth of a New Ireland—and a New World.

EOIN MacNEILL. 10th July, 1918, o

INTRODUCTORY NOTE

The time bas not yet come when a complete account of the Irish Volunteer movement can be given; on the other hand, it is desirable that a statement, as complete as is possible, should be issued without further delay.

Many matters connected with the movement cannot, obviously, be discussed publicly at the present time, many other matters which can be published without reserve, have been the subjects of misunderstanding and misrepresentation. Of the former J shall say nothing in this book, while of the latter T offer a brief statement of the facts. - :

As a member of the Governing Body of the Irish Volunteers from the beginning of the movement in 1913, and as Honorary General Secretary to the Executive Committee from September, 1914, till the Executive was dispersed by the Insurrection, I had some opportunity of being acquainted with the organisation and with the principal men engaged in it,

Of the Executive Committee elected by the Volunteer Convention of 1915, members of which alone had first-hand knowledge of some of the events which I shall have to describe, six are now dead, viil INTRODUCTORY NOTE two are in prison, and four are what the police officials call ‘‘ fugitives from justice.’’ I myself am at the time of writing one of the latier.*

I believe that as much of the history of recent happenings in Ireland as is possible should be pub. lished while many of those who were intimately con. nected with the events related are alive and in 2 position to contribute their recollection of the _varlous episodes, and I desire to publish this account while all the surviving members of the Executive Committee are available and can be referred to.

_ The perspective in which we now see the Irist Volunteer movement is probably not that in which ¢ later generation will view it, and this is generally held to be an argument against the writing of history so shortly after the event. But if political history is ever to have any great practical value, its value must lie in the-lessons it contains, and in showing us what to do, and perhaps more particularly wha' not to do in the future. As time passes, and a: couditions change, the applicability of such lesson: will steadily decrease. If this be true, it woulc appear that political history should be written a: soon after the events it describes as possible, and, it addition, contemporary history has the advantage of having access to more witnesses and being les: dependent on inferences than that written after ¢ long time has elapsed. It may also be urged tha

*The above was written in the autumn of 1916—a fev months after the Insurrection. Happily the men in prisor were not long confined.

NTRODUOCTORY NOTE ix sontemporary history is likely rather to help than iinder the future historian.

My aim is to present the facts, so far as they are xsnown to me, to the Irish people, in the hope that they may be able to profit by them. History.should aver serve the nation as personal experience serves the individual, ag a guide for future action. Though this account is necessarily incomplete, the facts, so far as I can state them now, should be of at least some little service to those who seek to build the national strength and to assert the national claims. It is in that hope that I have written what follows.

CONTENTS. 2

CHAPTER I. Ths le emedtiadamal a |

The Rise of Cheweu itn Poiitidal Philosophy of Carsonism—The English Tories—British EEA for the Support of Ulster.

Failure of the Irish Party—Founding the [Irish Volunteer Movement—The Provisional Committee—The Manifesto—Rotunda Rink Meeting—McNeill’s Speech.

Organising the Volunteers—lInstructions for Forming Companies—-The Volunteer Gazette—Provisional Constitution — The Irish Volunteer Fund—The Arms Proclamation.

Organising the Country—The Meeting at Cork—The Irish Volunteer Paper—The Provisional Committee and its Sub-Committees—County Organisation Scheme —First General Muster of Volunteers—Defence of Treland Fund.

CHATINER #Van. = seeemtes ie, = 2265-89 Carson and the English Army—Mr. Redmond and “Ulster’s Bluff’—The Attitude of the Irish Volunteers —Planning an Army Mutiny—Colonel Seely falls into the Trap—General Paget’s Speech—War Office orders troops to Ulster—The Curragh Revolt.

OTP VEE eo Se le 90-107 The Larne Gun-Running—English Politicians in Ireland—Growth of the Irish Volunteers—Negotiations with Irish Party—Mr. Redmond’s Threat—Failure of the Negotiations—Proposed Volunteer Convention The Politicians set out to capture the Volunteer Movement.

Mr. Redmond demands Control of the Voluuteers— He disapproves of Volunteer Convention—The Committee’s Keply—Mr. Redmond returns to the Charge —~The Committee admits his Nominees as ‘the lesser evil.”

Redmond disrupts Volunteer Movement in America— Collects Money in the name of the Volunteers—Protest of American Committee—-Redmond names his “ Representative” Men—Appointment of Standing Committee.

The Irish and the Ulster Volunteers—Defence of Ireland Fund—The London Committee—Arms purchased at Antwerp—Planning the Howth Gun-Running—The Kilcool Gun-Running—The Guns come to Howth— Scene on the Pier—Return from Howth—Battle of Clontarf.

Gun-Runving at Kilcool—The Shooting at Bachelor’s Walk — Royal Commission’s Report on the Howth Landing—Adverse Report on Police and Military.

Strength of the Irish Volunteers—Redmond’s Nominees on the Committee— Arming the Volunteers — The

Military Staff—The European War—Redmond’s Failure —His offer of the Volunteers to the Government— War Office Control—The War Office Scheme.

The Home Rule Act Suspended—Mr. Redmond and the War—His Speech at Woodenbridge—The Split— The National Volunteers — End of-First Period of Volunteer History.

NOTE,

The publishers regret to state that owing to an error some of the sheets of this book went to press without receiving final correction.

On account of the present paper shortage, it has not been found possible to reprint these sheets, and.the corrections are ins2rted here :— ;

Page 155, lines 7 and 8, should read—* .. . he brought his men at the double round by another road and barred our way again.”

Page 163, the footnote should read—‘‘If the Irish system of Government be regarded as a whole, it is anomalous in quiet times and almost unworkable in times of crisis. Report of Hardinge Commission, p. 4.”

Page 171, lines 26 and 29, the dates should read— “5th August and 5th December.” (Not November as in text).

A SHORT HISTORY OF THE IRISH VOLUNTEERS

CHAPTER I.

THE RISE OF CARSONISM—POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF CARSONISM—THE ENGLISH TORIES—BRITISH LEAGUE FOR THE SUPPORT OF ULSTER,

THE year 1913 was an eventful one in Irish politics. Twenty years of political agitation conducted upon the most constitutional lines conceivable had followed upon the more virile Parnell period, and after huge labour had produced an emaciated measure of Home Rule supported in a half-hearted and insincere manncr by the Liberal Party and Government in England. This measure passed the English House of Commons in January, 1913, and was thrown out by the House of Lords a few weeks later. Under the leisurely operations of the Parliament Act it might hope to outlive the power of the House of Lords to prevent its passage, if the Liberal Government lasted long enough, and if it could be made to fulfi] its oft-repeated promises to the Irish people.

Such was the state of affairs when a new factor, introduced into Irish politics by Sir Edward Carson, began to have important results both in Ireland and

— in England. The opposition of a section of the people of Ulster to Irish Self-Government was nothing new, but the organisation of that section. into a military force, armed, trained and officered, claiming to dictate to both Ireland and the English (Jovernment, and declaring its readiness to enforce its dictation by military measures, was a departure that has already had momentous results, and which may have yet more momentous results in the future.

The people of the Eastern Counties of Ulster were, prior to the legislative Union of Ireland with England, largely in. favour of Ireland’s claim to independent national life, and the sacrifices which many of them made as members of the Society of United Irishmen will be remembered as long as Irish History is read. During the whole of the nineteenth century, however, every effort was made to alienate their descendants from the rest of Treland, religious bigotry, which the Society of United Irishmen had laboured so successfully to dispel, was assiduously propagated among them by their political leaders, with the active assistance and approval of the English Government. The ghosts of long dead feuds were galvanised into new life for the purpose of inflaming party passions and religious feeling was prostituted to the basest of political ends. Unfortunately also the political action of the Irish majority tended rather to facilitate than to prevent this determined policy of alienation. The agitation for Catholic Emancipation gave an opportunity and a text to its authors and advocates of

THE ALIENATION OF ULSTER. ‘3 which they made the fullest possible use. Had 'O’Connell agitated’ for Repeal instead of Emanci-' pation in the early part of the century, he could have won at least as much as he did and at the same time have prevented the alienation of the Protestant community in Ulster. When later he took up the question of Repeal it was too late, and the efforts of Young Ireland, the Fenians, and the Land League to draw Ulster to the national side met with practically no response. The Ulster Protestants became the blind tools of the English Tory Party, and their leaders became in Ireland the self-appointed custodians of their peculiar version of the English Constitution, and the guardians of law and order. The law which they respected, however, was the law that favoured their ascendancy, and they were prepared to be orderly so long as that ascendancy was not threatened.

The slow progress of the Home Rule movement at last seemed to threaten their cherished power, and so with the advent of Sir Edward Carson ‘‘ law and order’? went by the board, and the difficulty of Ulster, which the English Imperialists had so long and so skilfully prepared, confronted Ireland in a new and more menacing form.

In plain terms, the Carsonite movement in Ireland was Fenianism without the noble political ideals of the latter. Fenianism organised and armed to establish the independence of a nation; Carsonism organised and armed to maintain the status quo in * the joint interests of the English Garrison and the

4 HISTORY OF THE IRISIL VOLUNTEERS.

Belfast manufacturers, and the novelty of the Carsonite movement lay not so much iu the methods it adopted as in the people who adopted them.

The great mass of the Irish people had been taught by their leaders to rely solely on constitutional agitation of a sort that was so constitutional that it agitated nobody save an occasional English Premier looking for votes in Westminster, and at last, when that method seemed likely to secure for them a poor instalment of the political autonomy their country so urgently needs, those great, if self-appointed, champions of the Constitution, the English and Irish Tories, suddenly adopted the methods that the last generation of Irishmen had been taught,to discard, and met their constitutional demand and procedure with threats of rebellion and civil war.

The doctrines enunciated by, Sir Edward Carson and his principal adherents may be briefly summarised here :—

I don’t hesitate to tell you that you ought to set yourself against the constituted authority in theslanders,. 6% I am told that the (Provisional) Government will be illegal. Of course, it will. Drilling is illegal. The Volunteers are illegal, and the Government know they are illegal, and the Government dare not interfere with what is illegal. And the reason the Government dare not interfere is because they know the moment they interfere with you, you would not brook their interference..... Therefore, don’t: be afraid of illegalities. There are illegalities,that are not

PIIILOSOPHY OF CARSONISM. 9)

CTinieste. ei ae They are illegalities taken to assert what is the right of every citizen—the protection of his freedom.—(Sir Edward Carson, at Newry, Sept. 7th, 1913).

I desire to repeat that in a cause involving their whole future men are entitled. if they will take the risk, to go any length, to promote any resistance, legal! or illegal, in order that they may preserve for themselves the elementary mghts of citizenship. .. ; . If the Government interferes with our preparations, I shrink from no collision.—(Sir Edward Carson, at Omagh, Aug. 6th, 1913).

Speaking from the same platform as Sir Edward Carson at a meeting at Kilkeel, Sept. 17th, 1913, Mr. F. E. Smith, of England, said :—

They were advancing to the crisis which lay in front of them in the spirit of men who had counted all costs and anticipated al] risks, and prepared to face those risks and pay the cost which was their attendant condition.

‘And again :—

The attempt to force Home Rule would create one of those crises in history in which even law abiding citizens claimed the dissolution of the ties of ordinary law..... A Provisional Government will be declared in Belfast on the day that the (Home Rule) Bill becomes law... . . It is plain that nothing but the employment of overwhelming military force could defeat the resistance to which I have referred. 1 am convinced that no f HISTORY OF THE IRISH VOLUNTEERS.

Government . . . . would be in a position to employ such a force. I am convinced that the instrument would break in their hands, and that the people of England would exact a ferocious reckoning on those who attempted to invoke the crude verdict of artillery.—(Smith, at West

Bromwich, Oct. 10th, 1913).

Another leading Carsonite, and one who was appointed Legal Assessor to the Ulster Provisional Government, spoke ag follows :—

There have been times in the history of your Nation when rebellion became a sacred duty. That time will arrive for us if we are going to be put under the heel of a Government we hate and abhor.—(Rt. Hon. J. H. Campbell, at West Hartlepool, Oct. 22nd, 1913).

Here we have in brief space the political philosophy of the Carsonite movement, as laid down by its chief leaders. I have quoted these three gentlemen in particular, because, besides being the principal exponents of Carsonism, they may be considered to have some claim to speak with authority on the constitutional and legal issues involved in their doctrines. Since these grave public statements were made Sir Edward Carson has been the chief Law Officer of the English Crown, and has twice been a member of the English Cabinet. Sir F. E. Smith has received a knighthood, has become ‘Solicitor-General, and later Attorney-General for England. Sir James H. Campbell has become a baronet, and has been appointed Attorney-General

THE ENGLISH TORIES. < then Lord Chief Justice and finally Lord Chancellor of Ireland. It will thus appear that their doctrines, when expounded by the right peoplé, are not looked .on with disfavour by the English Government.

Sir Edward Carson did not solely rely upon his -force of armed Volunteers in Ulster, but had powerful allies in England as well. These were the Tory Party and the officers of the English army and navy. Speaking at Dungannon on the 1st of October, 1913, he announced :

They had Mr. Bonar Law’s promise that if the battle came it would not be confined to Treland.

And again: . The case of Ulster is strong, because, even in the threat of armed resistance . . . . we have . behind us in that armed resistance, under present and existing circumstances, the whole force of the whole Conservative and Unionist Party.—

(London Times, June 11th, 19138).

The leader of the Conservative Party in England was not slow to endorse the claim put forward by Sir Edward Carson. As early as 1912 Mr. Bonar Law stated in a public speech that

They (Ulster) would be justified in resisting by all means in their power, including force. .... If the attempt be made under present conditions, I can imagine no length of resistance to which Ulster will go in which I shall not be ready to support them.—(Speech at Blenheim, July 27th, 1912).

8 ; ~ WISTORY OF THE IRISH VOLUNTEERS. '

This statement was made in the earlier stages of the Carsonite movement. It was repeated time after time as the movement proceeded, and Mr. Bonar Law has never shown any disposition to recede from the position he then took-up. ‘Two years after the speech at Blenbeim from which 1 have quoted he wade the following remarkable statement :—

We are drifting inevitably to civil war... . It is the determination of the people of Ulster to resist by force if necessary the imposition of this Bill. The ground on which our American Colonies took up arms seems to me utterly trivial in comparison with the wrong with which Ulster is threatened. We have given a pledge that if Ulster resists we will support her in her resistance. “We intend, with the help of the Almighty, to keep the pledge, and the keeping of it involves something more than the making of speeches.— (Speech at Bristol. Reported ‘‘ Manchester Guardian,’ Jan. 16th, 1914).

Finally, on 15th September, 1914, in a speech in Parliament, he committed the English Tories to support Ulster, no matter what that wayward province should undertake to do,

Yesterday I authorised Sir Edward Carson to deliver to the people of Ulster a message without conditions. We made conditions before, but we make none now. Without conditions, we shall support them to the utmost in whatever steps they

_ think it necessary to take for the maintenance of their rights.

THE BRITISH LEAGUE. 9

Mr. Bonar Law was the leader and had the support of the entire Tory Party in England when he made these pronouncements, and gave his blessing io insurrection, provided it was against Ireland, and his followers vied with each other in the effort to outdo their leader in violence, if not in indiscretion. One sample of these utterances will suffice here. Colonel Hickman, the Unionist M.P. for Wolverbampton, said ata meeting in his constituency:

You may be quite certain that these men are not going to fight with dummy muskets. They are going to use modern rifles and ammunition, and they are being taught to shoot. 1] kuow, because I buy the rifles myself. You can take it from me that they are the best, and if the men will only hold them straight there won't be many Nationalists to stand up against them.—(Daily News, Noy. 27th, 1913).

Colonel Hickman and his tribe did a greater service to the Nationalists than they knew. To an Ireland spell-bound by the fetish of a moribund Constitutionalism, such speeches came as a very necessary and wholesome douche of cold water. Their salutary effect was seen in the rapid rise of the Trish Volunteer movement.

Following the lead of Mr. Bonar Law, ‘‘ The British League for the Support of Ulster’’ was organised. Its aims were announced with the same irankness as those of Colonel Hickman.

The British League for the support of Ulster and the Union has been formed for the purpose of organising those of our fellow-countrymen who:

will reinforce the Ulstermen in their armed re-

sistance to the tyranny of the Government. The

League has upwards of one hundred agents in

different parts of Great Britain, and will be glad

to receive the names of all who will give their active support to the cause.—(Morning Post,

Men were openly recruited in England, Seouland, and the English Colonies for the purpose of levying war on the Nationalists of Ireland. An English ‘‘Covenant,’’ which pledged its signatories to take or support ‘‘any action that may be effective,’’ and **to prevent the armed forces of the Crown being used ’’ against the Ulster Volunteers, was issucd and sigued by Field Marshal Earl Roberts, Admirals Sir Edward Seymour and Lord Charles Beresford, and a large number of Dukes, Earls, Lords, Members of Parliament, and private individuals of more or less eminence. Field Marshal Lord Wolseley stated that to use the army against the threatened Ulster insurrection ‘‘ would be the ruin of the British army.’ Sir Edward Carson stated at Antrim (Sept. Xlst, 1913):

We have pledges and promises from some of the greatest Generals in the army that when the time comes, if it is necessary, they will come over to help us.

To this theme he returned constantly:

A day never passed on which he did not get

at a really low average, half a dozen letters from

British officers asking to be enrolled..... The! army was with their Party.—(Speech at Craigavon. ‘Times, July 14th, 1913), Action on the part of the Government against Ulster

will I believe smash the army into pieces, be-

cause it will divide the army.—(Speech at Bally-

mena, Morning Post, July 19th, 1913).

In the course of his campaign Sir Edward Carson repeatedly challenged the English Government to take action against him, but the Government declined his challenge. We now know, on the authority of Mr. Birrell, who was then Chief Secretary for Ireland, that this ‘‘ was a grave Cabinet decision.’’ * All the forces of the English Crown that would have been invoked in a moment had it been an agitation of Trish Nationalists to regain some of their rights, remained passive, and most of the officers of the Police in Ireland, as well as those of the English army, applauded and approved, and in many cases joined ina movement which Sir Edward Carson himself proclaimed ag illegal from beginning to end.

The Ulster Volunteer Force, acting as the instrument of the English Imperialists, rapidly became a very real menace to National Ireland. Politically, it barred, and has fora long time succeeded in barring, any measure of self-government for this country. At inflamed and highly excited meetings in Ulster speakers repeatedly threatened war on the unarmed

* Evidence before the Hardinge Commission, p. 26.

Le HISTORY OF THE IRISH VOLUN EEKS.

and disorganised Irish people, and as the Ulster Volunteer Force became trained and equipped they! rapidly came into possession of the material means which would make such threats easy of execution. Sir Edward Carson himself talked about the Ulster Volunteers marching to Cork, and it was announced in the newspapers (principally English) which supported the movement that a ‘“‘striking force”’ of Ulster Volunteers bad been organised for service outside Ulster, ‘‘ who are intended to act in the same manner as the expeditionary force of the British army.”

In the face of a campaign of this kind, there was but one thing for the Irish people to do, and that was to prepare to defend themselves. © The Irish Parliamentary Party advised the people to put their trust in the English Prime Minister, although that ventleman was visibly shaken by the vigour and holdness of the Carsonite campaign. The elderly lawyers who for the most part govern England have great veneration for blue blood, and they were considerably startled at the prospect of an insurrection of Peers, led by Field Marshals and Admirals, all pledged to sacrifice their lives in the cause of Ulster. They could not be sure that Carson did not mean what he said, and at any rate the Ulster Volunteers very probably did. Carson knew his elderly lawyers and knew how to handle them.

Instead of immediately creating a force in Ireland which would outweigh the Ulster Volunteers, Mr. Redmond’s Party met the new situation with a gibe ote about wooden guns. Lhey pinned their faith to the English Liberals, and when the Irish people spon- . taneously created the necessary force in Ireland they made no good use of it. They were as a result ultimately driven to accept the partition of Ireland under pressure from the Liberal Government, which was itself acting under pressure from Sir Edward Carson and the English Tories. It became apparent at this time that the sincerity of the English Liberals about Home Rule was as suspect as their courage in face of ihe Carsonite campaign, and bad it not been for the Irish Volunteers it is doubtful if the Liberals would have even stopped at partition; their concessions to Carson would have prohably kept pace with the vigour of his agitation until the already emasculated Home Rule Bill was reduced to utter nullity and by general consent allowed to fade slowly out of sight like its predecessor, the Irish Councils Bill. The Irish Volunteers sprang out of the political necessity of the moment; they were created to meet a new situation, and they met it so far as it was possible for them without the co-operation of the Parliamentary politicians. Tt was not the fault of the Volunteers that Self- Government in some form was not won in 1914. They, while doing their own work, placed a weapon in the hands of the Parliament men-~a weapon that was far superior for their purpose than ever Carsonism could be for the English and Irish Tories, and the Parliament men, instead of using it, seized it but to break it.