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Inspiration : eight lectures on the early history and origin of the doctrine of biblical inspiration : being the Bampton lectures for 1893

W. Sanday · 1893 · Scanned text

142,304 words · about 9 h 58 min to read

Period artwork: Interior of the Bodleian Library, 1845
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Author
W. Sanday
Language
English
Published
1893
Length
142,304 words · about 9 h 58 min
Sections
5 reader sections
Text
Scanned text, read from page scans by OCR; may contain errors
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Public domain · PD-US by publication date

 

Contents (5)
  1. Front matter about 4 min
  2. Preface about 19 min
  3. Appendix about 8 h 50 min
  4. Index about 13 min
  5. Part I.—MONOTHEISM AND POLYTHEISM. Part II.—CHRISTIANITY about 33 min

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Front matter

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Preface

Tue Bampton Lectures are preached before an audience which has some parallels in this country and America, but few, if any, upon the Continent. It is a rare thing for the Continental theologian to be brought into such direct contact with the class of highly trained and intelligent laity who are engaged in the teaching of secular literature and science. We may count it as one of the happiest of English traditions, and in fact as the main compensation for the backwardness of much of our theology proper, that this class has never ceased to take an active interest in all matters connected with religion. It is ready to listen even to what are practically monographs on theological subjects; and many of the best volumes which the series has produced have been more or less of this nature.

The present lectures can lay no claim to the character of a monograph. Their aim has been rather to furnish a general view which shall cover as far as possible the data, at once new and old, which go

Χ Preface.

to determine the conception which thoughtful men would form of the Bible.

If it is thought that this is to attempt too much, and that a satisfactory treatment of all parts of the subject was not possible within the compass of eight lectures, the writer can only assent to the criticism. It seemed however to be more important that the subject should be presented, if only in outline, as a fairly complete and coherent whole, than to work out in detail any one of the parts. That can be done afterwards ; and in fact it is being done every day.

Another drawback has been the limited time which is allowed for the preparation of the lectures. Between the election of the Bampton Lecturer and the delivery of his first lecture is an interval of at most ten months. For one who holds, as the present writer does, a double office with double duties, this interval is curtailed still further. In his case nearly three months more had to be deducted for illness, a loss which however was largely made up to him by the kind indulgence of his College. For the timely relief thus accorded to him he cannot be too grateful.

All this time books came pouring from the press at a rate with which it was difficult to keep pace. Many of them were of high value, and of some he wishes that he could have made a more extended use. He hopes that his obligations in various directions will have been sufficiently acknowledged. But he ought perhaps to single out in particular the

Preface. xi

Introducitons of Driver and Cornill to the Old Testament and the third edition of Holtzmann’s Introduction to the New, with the works on the Canon by Ryle, Buhl, and Wildeboer in the one case, and by Zahn and Harnack in the other. In one instance he fears that he has done less than justice. The main reference to Dr. E. Kénig in Lecture ITI consists in part of criticism; and this makes it all the more incumbent upon the writer to say that the leading idea of this lecture, and indeed one of the leading ideas of the whole book, is to the best of his belief derived ultimately from Dr. Konig. It is becoming almost a commonplace to say that our conception of what the Bible 15 should be drawn in the first instance from what the Biblical writers say of themselves. This idea took a strong hold of the writer some years ago, as he believes indirectly rather than directly through the emphatic statement of it by Dr. Konig. Yet when he came to read the Offenbarungsbegriff des A. T., along with its independence and ability he could not help being struck by what seemed to be an element of arbitrariness and exaggeration. This however has been a diminishing quantity in later books by the same author, notably in his recent Introduction to the Old Testament, which he wishes had reached him a little earlier.

The writer is conscious of having criticized most freely (especially in Lecture I) some of those for whom he has the highest respect. This applies particularly xii Preface.

to some of the German scholars whose names deservedly carry the greatest weight in England. There are none to whom he is himself more indebted; but he does not wish them to impose upon his countrymen by the weight of authority views which do not seem to be borne out by the evidence.

The parts of these lectures which relate to the Old Testament should be taken with the qualification expressed on p. 1r19f. The writer cannot speak in this part so much at first hand as he can in the case of the New. If, in spite of this, the result seems to work out somewhat more positively in the former case than in the latter, this is due in part to the clear-cut form in which modern critical theories relating to the Old Testament are presented. Perhaps also it would be true to say that in recent years stronger work upon the whole has been done upon the Old Testament than upon the New.

In view of this body of Old Testament criticism the writers own position is tentative and provisional. He does not think that the great revolution which seems to be expected in some quarters, from the Tell-el-Amarna tablets or otherwise, is probable; at the same time his impression is that the criticism of the near future is likely to be more conservative in its tendency than it has been, or at least to do fuller justice to the positive data than it has done.

In regard to the New Testament he has tried to state the case as objectively as possible. He has thus

Preface. xiii been led rather to understate than to overstate the results which seem to him to have been attained so far. But he believes that there is much still to be done; and he hopes most from the spirit which is not impatient for ‘results, which does not suppress or slur over difficulties in the critical view any more than in the traditional, which lays its plans broadly, and is determined to make good the lesser steps before it attempts the greater.

Besides his large debt to books the writer is also under obligations to friends who have done him the kindness to read through the proofs as they were passing through the press. He owes much to the criticisms and suggestions which he has received in this way, especially from Dr. Plummer, Mr. Lock, and Mr. A. C. Headlam. He wishes that his book were better than it is; but he can truly say that in writing it he has gained for himself a deepened and a strengthened hold on the principles to which he has given imperfect expression.

The Synopsis of Contents was issued separately at the time of the delivery of the lectures, and has been allowed to retain the form given to it for that purpose.

MARCHFIELD, OXFORD, August, 1893.

SYNOPSIS OF CONTENTS ee oe al

LECTURE I.

THE HISTORIC CANON.

ESTIMATE OF THE NEW TESTAMENT BY THE EARLY CHURCH.

Subject and method of the proposed inquiry. Two lectures to be devoted to analysis of main points in the conception of the Canon; the succeeding five to an attempt to sketch constructively the process by which that conception was reached; the last to retrospect and summary. . ‘ . pp. 1-4.

Idea of a Canon extended from 0. T. to N. τι Two landmarks in the history of the N. T. Canon, about 400 a.p. and 200 A.D. _— pp.. 4-6.

I. Contents of N. T. (1) ¢. 400 a.D. Practically the same as our own over the greater part of Christendom. This result very partially due to Synodical decisions (African Synods of 393, 397, 419 [Council of Laodicea c. 363], Trullan Council of 692); far more in the West to the influence of the Vulgate, in the East to that of leading Churchmen (Athanasius, Cyril of Jerusalem, Amphilochius, Gregory Nazianzen).

Only considerable exception the Syrian Church which recognised no more than three (two) Epp. Cath. and rejected Apoc. These books wanting in Peshitto, but added in later Syriac Versions. pp. 6-12.

Contents of N. T. (2) ¢. 200 A.D.: approximate date of Muratorian Fragment. Solid nucleus of four Gospels, thirteen Epp. Paul., Acts.

Divergent views on this subject. It is questioned (i) that the Four Gospels were everywhere accepted ; (ii) that Epp. Paul. stood on an equal footing with Gospels and O. T.; (iii) that Acts formed part of the collection. In each case with but slight real support from the evidence. . 2 © « pp. 12-23.

Writings struggling for admission to the Canon : t Pet., 1 Jo. all but fixed—Heb., Jac., Apoc.—2 [3] Jo., Jud.,2 Pet... . . pp. 23-26.

Writings which obtain a partial footing but are dislodged: Ewv., sec. Heb., sec. Aegypt., sec. Pet.—Epp. Clem., Barn.—Didaché, Pastor— Leucian Acts, Predicatio Petri, Acta Paul. et Thecl., &c.—Apoc. Pet.

xvi Synopsis of Contents.

II. Properties ascribed to the Canonical Books. The N. T. is (1) a sacred book ; (2) on the same footing with O. T.—a proposition questioned but true; (3) inspired by the Holy Spirit, or bearing the authority of Christ; (4) this inspiration is even ‘ verbal’ and extends to facts as well as doctrines ; (5) it carries with it a sort of perfection, completeness, infallibility; (6) the N. T. Scriptures are appealed to as (a) the rule of faith, (δ) the rule of conduct; (7) they are interpreted allegorically like a sacred book, and complaints are made of perverse interpretation. . . . - pp. 28-42.

Yet along with this high doctrine there are occasional traces of (1) the recognition of degrees of inspiration ; (2) a natural account of the origin of certain books (e.g. the Gospels), . . . - pp. 42-47.

111. Criteria by which books were admitted to the New Testament. (1) Apostolic origin ; (2) reception by the Churches; (3) conformity to established doctrine; (4) conformity to recognised history ;

(5) mystical significance of numbers. . - . pp. 47-58. Note A.— Zhe Canons of the Ouinisextine Council, of Carthage, and of Laodicea. . . - pp. 59-61.

Note B. —Harnach’s Theory of the Growth of the New Testament Canon. . . - « Ppp. 61-63.

Note C. - Debateable Points relating to the A logi. - . «~pp. 64-65. Note D.— The use of the New Testament by Clement of Alexandria.

LECTURE Il.

THE HISTORIC CANON.

ESTIMATE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT IN THE FIRST CENTURY OF THE CHRISTIAN ERA.

The critical period in the history of the Bible is the forming of Canon of O. T. Our first clear view of an O. T. Canon is obtained in the century which follows the Birth of Christ. For this we have Philo, N. T., Josephus, supplemented by the Talmud. . pp.70-72.

Ι. Properties ascribed to O. T. in these writings. O.T. (1) is a sacred book ; (2) is inspired by God— difference in this respect between Philo and Josephus; (3) has a normative value; (4) is interpreted allegorically; (5) prophetically determines the course of future events ; (6) has a minute perfection which implies, at least in the case of Philo, an inspiration that might be called ‘verbal’ . . pp. 72-90.

II. Contents of O. T. Many other religious books of Jewish origin in circulation during first century besides the Canonical. Distinction between so-called Palestinian and Alexandrian Canon not so much ϑγηοῤϑδὲς of Contents. xvii geographical as between popular and learned or official usage. Both Philo and Josephus have wide views of the range of inspiration and yet treat the Canonical Books only as authoritative. So too in N. T., though there are traces of acquaintance with Apocrypha. With Josephus and the Rabbis of the end of first century the Canon is really complete. There is however still some hesitation as to certain books, especially Cant., Eccles., Esther. . . . Pp. go-98.

Divisions of Jewish Canon point back to circumstances of its origin. Traceable from soon after 132 B.c., and correspond to so many stages in the formation of the Canon: (1) the Law, 444 B.c.; (2) the Prophets, probably in third century B.C. 3 (3) the Hagiographa or Kethubim, ¢. 100 B.C. . . . pp. 98-105.

III. Criteria by which books were admitted to the Canon. History of the word ‘Apocrypha’: (i) milder Jewish sense,=not read in public ; (ii) stronger sense, increasingly common in Christian circles, = ‘heretical.’ Discussions in the Jewish Schools mainly concerned with fitness of books for public reading. In Philo, Josephus and the Talmud the leading positive principle was Prophecy. The closing of the Canon supposed to coincide with cessation of prophecy. Symbolism of numbers as applied to O. T. - + «pp. 105-115.

Before entering on larger inquiry it is right to explain the attitude adopted to the criticism of O. T. The critical theories come with great force, though they seem open to qualification in certain directions. They are assumed here hypothetically and provisionully, as a minimum. The data which they supply for a doctrine of inspiration cannot well be less and may be more. Leading points in the critical position. . - « pp. 115-122.

Note A.—On the Date of the Formation of the Jewish Canon. Ῥ. 123.

LECTURE III.

THE GENESIS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT. THE PROPHETIC AND HISTORICAL BOOKS.

Belief in Inspiration postulates belief in a Personal, or in Hebrew phrase, ‘ Living’ God. Granted such a God, and it is not strange that He should put Himself in communication with man. pp. 124-128.

I. Zhe Prophets. The prophetical inspiration is typical of all inspi-

ration, and is the form in which its working can be most easily traced.

Yet the Hebrew prophets are not without large analogies in other

religions. Examples from the Books of Samuel and Judges. The

prophetic order. Prophecy as a profession, with professional failings ;

half-hearted prophets and false prophets. . . . pp. 128-135. b

Χν Synopsis of Contents.

A comparative glimpse of the religion of a kindred race supplied by the Moabite Stone. This has much in common with the religion of Israel, but it has its dark side, human sacrifice and consecrated licentiousness. The problem is, How did the prophetic religion escape this immixture of evil? Most easily answered by what we call Inspiration, ἡ. ¢. the hypothetical cause of that which is distinctive and superior in the religion of the Bible. . . . pp. 135-140.

There is a‘ purpose of God according to selection’ (Rom. ix. 11): among nations, Israel; in Israel, the prophetic order; among the prophetic order, the higher prophets are chosen to be organs of revelation. Yet the lower prophets, and even the so-called ‘false prophets,’ also had their function. . 6 6 «~~ pp. 140-143.

Characteristics of the higher prophecy. The prophets only in a secondary degree statesmen or social reformers 5 before all things preachers of religion. . . . - «| Pp. 142-145.

Whence did they derive their authority ? They claimed to speak in the name of God. We believe this claim to be true; that in a real objective sense, God aid cause the prophets to say what He willed should be said. . Ὁ «= 7 estst=<( sti‘ St”té«é~S~. 145-147.

For these reasons: (1) the strong assurance of the prophets themselves, and the clear testimony as to their own consciousness which their writings reveal to us; (2) the general recognition of the claim by their contemporaries; (3) the remarkable consistency in so long a line of prophets, not easily compatible with hallucination ; (4) the difficulty of accounting for the prophets’ teaching as the product of ordinary causes, whether in (i) the prophets themselves, (ii) their race, (iii) the constitution of the human mind; (5) by the immense permanent significance and value of the prophetic teaching.

II. The Historical Books: called by the Jews ‘The Former Prophets.’ The earlier historians of Israel for the most part prophets. To understand the way in which they worked we must get rid of modern associations, and remember (1) that Hebrew history-writing is as a rule anonymous and involved no idea of literary property; (2) that it was carried on not so much by individuals as by successions of individuals often belonging to the same school or order; (3) that the histories were propagated by single copies which each possessor might enlarge or annotate... - «pp. 155-160.

Where lies the inspiration of the Historical Books? Double function of the historian, to narrate and to interpret. Hebrew narrative varies in value: it has some special merits, but also some defects. The inspiration lies rather in the interpretation of the Divine purpose running through the history. . . pp. 160-165.

| Note A.—Modern Prophets. . . « . « ΡΡ. 166-167.

Synopsis of Contents. xix

LECTURE IV.

THE GENESIS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.

THE LAW AND THE HAGIOGRAPHA.

I. The Law. Different estimate of the Law at different periods: (1) with the Jews; (2) in N. T.; (3) by modern criticism. But though from the critical point of view it may be better to start from the Prophets, the work of Moses is prior both in time and in importance.

In the Law as it has come down to us there are three elements: (1) an element derived from Moses himself, indeterminate in detail but fundamental; and the development of this (2) by prophets, (3) by priests. The cultus not to be undervalued. Though a temporary system, it secured the devoted attachment of many psalmists, and embodied principles which find their final realization in Christianity. It was also a safeguard tothe revelation. . . . pp. 173-188.

Il. The Hagiographa. Inspiration of the writers of these books not primary like that of lawgivers and prophets, but mediate and secondary. Expressive of the intense hold which the principles implanted by lawgivers and Prophets took on other classes. A pro- " phetic nation. . - « pp. 188-191.

The Psalms. Date’ of the Psalter important, but as yet sub judice. Made up of a number of smaller collections; analogous to our hymn-books. Prophetic element in Psalter: perhaps more literary than strictly prophetic, but an instance of the way in which different forms of inspiration shade off into each other. Permanent significance of Psalter as the classical expression of religious emotion.

The Wisdom-Literature. The ‘wise men’ as a class by the side of prophets and priests. Proverbs, like the Psalter, highly composite ; made up of collections which contain the contributions of many minds: cc. xxv-xxix probably earliest, and cc. i. 7-ix latest, at least of main divisions. We thus get an ascending scale of doctrine. The Wisdom-teaching in its basis common to Israel with surrounding nations, esp. Edom. Shrewd observations on life. These with Heb. centre more and more in religion, and at last rise from detached comments on conduct and morals to a comprehensive view of Divine Wisdom as seen in the creation and ordering of the world: a conception momentous in its influence upon later theology, the foundation of the Christian doctrine of the Logos. - «+ « Pp. 199-204.

Job. Struggles with a problem—the sufferings of the righteous—to which it does not give a complete solution. Still marks a great advance. Full of deep lessons which are not the less prompted by.

b2

ΧΧ Synopsis of Contents.

God because they are reached in natural sequence. The central impulse comes from that vital grasp upon God and religion which marks the presence and energy ofthe Spirit. . . pp. 204-207. Ecclesiastes. Pessimism, but religious pessimism. Well that such a book should be included in the Canon. The saving clauses in Ecclesiastes psychologically probable and not interpolations. pp. 208-211. ' Song of Songs. As now understood, an idyll of faithful human love, and nothing more. Not quoted in N. T. or inspired in any sense in which the word has been hitherto used. Still a Providential purpose may have been served by its inclusion in the Canon. Another proof of the catholicity of Scripture. And the associations which have gathered round its Tanguage Justify to some extent its mystical application. . . . pp. 211-212.

Esther. The most + doubtful book in the Canon : Jewish rather than Christian ; like Cant. not quoted in N.T. Gained its place mainly by acquiescence in Jewish usage. . . . - . pp. 212-214. ' Daniel. The use of ancient names became common in later Jewish literature: an innocent device (cp. esp. Eccles.) growing out of (i) the absence of any idea of literary property, (ii) prophetic instinct seeking to clothe itself with authority in a non-prophetic age. Daniel is not to be taken as history, but that it had a really prophetic character is proved by its influence upon Christianity. . . . pp. 214-220.

Note A.— The Pre-Mosaic History in the Pentateuch. pp. 221-222. Note B.— The Religious Value of the Book of Esther. Pp. 222-223. Note C.— The Origin and Character of Pseudonymous Literature among the Jews... » « « pp. 224-225.

LECTURE V.

THE GROWTH OF THE OLD TESTAMENT AS A COLLECTION OF SACRED BOOKS.

I. Transition from Oral Teaching to Written. This transition, however momentous in its consequences, made no difference in the essential character of the teaching: it was just as authoritative before asafter. . . - ΡΡ. 226-227.

When did the transition take place? On the critical view, (i) for the Prophets, with Amos and stone, ¢. 75° B.c.; (ii) for the Law, with Deuteronomy, ¢. 621 B.c. .. - «Ppp. 227-228.

1. For Prophecy the date assigned may perhaps be accepted, though much prophetic writing in the form of history had preceded, and though there is nothing tentative about the earliest written prophecy either as literature or as religious teaching. pp. 228-231.

Synopsis of Contents. Xxi

2. For the Law there is really a chain of connected events: behind Pent. is Deut.; behind Deut. the Book of the Covenant; behind the Book of the Covenant the historic tradition of Sinai preserved in twofold form and pointing far backwards. The idea which underlies the Canon is present from the first. Pp. 231-236.

II. Transmission and Collecting of Sacred Books. Transmission of legal writings comparatively regular, through priests; that of prophetic writings more precarious, through disciples. Gradual growth of reading public. The synagogues. Concurrence of causes which Jed to fully formed Canon, of Law (444 B.c. 4 of Prophets (third century B.C.). . . . Pp. 236-247.

Collection of Kethubio: (i) of Wisdom Books ; (ii) of Psalter. Remaining books probably added by roo B.c. The work of scribes.

III. Final Determination of O. T. Canon. Principles followed in this. Consciousness of cessation of prophecy. Criteria applied somewhat vague. Probable reasons for inclusion and exclusion of particular books, .. . pp. 253-257.

The Canon of history and the Canon of doctrine practically identical: a common bond among Christians. Some Deuterocanonical Books (Ecclus., Wisd.) make a claim, which may be allowed, for a certain degree of secondary inspiration. pp. 257-262.

IV. Conception of Inspiration associated with the Canon. That a laxer view of inspiration prevailed at first, appears not only from such claims as these, but also from the state of the text of the LXX Version. The interpolations in this (many of them included in our Apocrypha) show with what freedom it was treated. pp. 262-263.

As the Canon is more clearly defined the view of inspiration becomes stricter. Attributes which originally belonged to certain books, or parts of books, extended to the whole O.T. Idea of plenary or verbal inspiration derived from Law and Prophecy. Attributes of prophets speaking or writing prophetically assumed to exist where they are not writing prophetically. Need of distinctions.

Note A.—The inferior Limit for the Date of the Psalter. pp. 270-273.

Note B.— The use of the term Deuterocanonical in the Roman Church.

LECTURE VI.

THE GENESIS OF THE NEW TESTAMENT. THE GOSPELS AND ACTS.

I. THe Gospeis. 1. Their Composition. A starting-point supplied by Luke i. 1-4, written probably 75-80 a.p. Presupposes much

Xxiv Synopsis of Contents,

LECTURE VIII.

RETROSPECT AND RESULTS.

TRADITIONAL AND INDUCTIVE THEORIES OF INSPIRATION COMPARED.

I. Two competing theories of inspiration: (1) the traditional ; (2) the inductive or critical. The inspiration implied by the latter quite as real and quite as fundamental as that implied by the former. It is possible to trace the links by which the one has passed into the other.

II. Yet the measure of inspiration is not only the consciousness of the persons inspired. We must add to this the proofs of a Higher Providence at work in the Bible. This is apparent (i) in the impulse which led to the committal of prophetic utterances to writing, and the way in which the occasional letters of Apostles supply a basis for Christian theology; (ii) in the course of Messianic Prophecy ; (iii) in that ordering of things by which certain books or parts of books are capable of application by analogy in senses which did not originally belong tothem. .. - + pp. 402-406.

III. How far did our Lord sanction either view? There are two classes of passages: (i) some showing supreme insight into and sovereign command over the principles of revelation; (ii) others in which the current view is allowed to pass unchallenged.

But apart from any deeper explanation which may be given of these, (i) there is in Revelation what may be called a Law of Parsimony, by which no revelation is given to any age but such as is suited to its wants and capacity, and this law governs the teaching of our Lord Himself; (ii) we must expect to find some analogy between the method of God and of Christ in revelation and in the ordinary government of the world. It is a law of the Divine action that intellectual truth comes late in time. There is a chain of natural connexion between the operation of the Eternal Word, the character of the Incarnate Word, and the constitution of the Written Word. Vindication of the argument from analogy - «© Ppp. 414-431.

Note A.—On St. Matthew xit. 40 and St. John x. 35. PP. 432-433.

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