A history of the war between Great Britain and the United States of America, during the years 1812, 1813, and 1814

Chapter I

Preliminary Remarks. — The Berlin Decree. — Rigorous execution of the Decree. — British Order in Council, 7th January, 1807. — The Order in Council though strictly just, not perhaps the best course open to the British Government. — The United States raise no voice against Buonaparte’s Decree. — The affair of the Chesapeake, 22nd June, 1807. — Right of Search. — Some merchant vessels of the United States under British Convoy. — British Order in Council, 11th Nov., 1807, and Milan Decree. — Distressing predicament of the U. States. — Plea advanced by France, and repeated by the United States. — Liberality of the British Government before the Berlin and Milan Decrees. — Embargo Act of United States Congress, 25th Dec., 1807. — Mr. Rose’s Mission. — Public feeling in the United States unfriendly to Great Britian. — Additions to the U. S. troops voted by Congress, with supplies. — Effect of the Embargo. — Non-intercourse Act, 1st March, 1808.

Chapter II

Mr. Madison’s Inauguration, 4th March, 1809. — Negotiation of Mr. Erskine with Mr. Madison. — Rejoicing in the United States. — Mr. Erskine’s arrangement disavowed by the British Government. — Mission and Recall of Mr. Jackson. — Decree of Rambouillet ; May 18th, 1810. — Pretended Revocation of the French Decrees ; 1st November, 1810. — French Seizures and Burnings still continued. — Mr. Pinckney’s departure from London ; 1st March, 1811. — Engagement between the United States frigate President, and His Brittannic Majesty’s sloop of war Little Belt; 16th May, 1811. — The President’s War Message ; 4th November, 1811. — Report of Committee on Foreign Affairs, recommending the raising of 10,000 regulars and 50,000 militia; 29th November, 1811. — Numbers voted increased to 25,000 regular troops ; 12th January, 1812. — Was there, to any extent, a secret understanding between the United States and France ?

Chapter III

Papers relating to Henry’s Mission communicated to Congress by the President, on the 5th March. — Ninety Days’ Embargo ; 4th April. — President’s Message ; 1st June. — War declared on the 18th, and persisted in, although intelligence subsequently arrives of the Repeal of the Orders in Council. — The War of 1812, ’13, and ’14, a War of Aggression on the part of the

U. States. — The War declared simultaneously with the Invasion of Russia. — The British North American Provinces the main object of the War.

CHAPTER IY.

Attempts to induce the belief that the war was only unpopular with the minority ; from June 18 to July 12, 1812. — Declaration of Hostilities.— Spirit which actuated Canadians, — although from a knowledge of their weakness it might lead them to deprecate hostilities, yet not adverse to Great Britain. — Remarks on the Address of the Assembly of Upper Canada, on the Declaration of War. — State of feeling in Lower Canada. — First hostile demonstration; 12th July, 1812. — Movements of Colonel St. George. — Conduct of our Indian Allies.— Gen’I Brock, with a body of Volunteers, leaves York for the scene of action, and arrives on the 13th August. — Offensive and Retaliatory Measures at once adopted by General Brock. — Capitulation of General Hull, and fate of Detroit. — Effects produced on Canadians by these unhoped for successes.

Chapter V

Naval encounters at sea — General remarks on. — First objects of the War ; chase of Belvidera ; escape of English homeward-bound fleet of West Indiamen. — Manning of American fleet, as compared with that of the British. — Captain Porter’s inhuman treatment of an English sailor. — First consequences of the meeting of unequal forces ; loss of the Guerribre ; Frolic and Wasp ; Macedonian and United States ; Java and Constitution, December 29th. — Effect of these successes on the American people. — Measures adopted by the British Government. — American list of captures made. — American President’s Message, November 4.

Chapter VI

General Brock returns to York. — Complimentary and congratulatory letters received by General Brock ; Col. Baynes’ opinion of General Hull. — General situation of affairs ; the effects of the armistice upon them. — The armistice and the subsequent policy pursued. — Arrival of Indians, as a reinforcement, at Detroit. — Capture of the “Detroit” and “Caledonia” by the Americans'. — Escape of General Brock. — Expedition against Fort Wavne ; abandonment of enterprise. — Despatch of Sir George Prevost to Sir Isaac Brock.

Chapter VII

Non-arrival of reinforcements from Europe, and movements in Lower Province. — General Brock’s reception at Queenston. — Nature of the country along the Niagara frontier. — British force along the Niagara frontier at the time of General Brock’s return from Detroit. — The force of the American army. — Gen’l Van Ransalaer’s plans. — Despatches of General Brock. — Battle of Queenston Heights. — Despatches from the two commanding officers compared. — Personal appearance of General Brock. — Public opinion of General Brock's character and value.

Chapter VIII

Opinions of the Press respecting General Brock’s character and value, continued. — Armistice concluded the day after the battle. — Treatment of the prisoners. — Disposal of the prisoners. — Attempts of the Press to keep up the “war spirit” by misrepresentation. — Refusal of the militia to cross the Niagara river, another proof that the war was not as popular as represented. — Resignation of General Van Ransalaer, and appointment of Gen’l Smyth. — Destruction of the fortifications at Black Rock, and of the furs taken in the Caledonia. — Capture of Canadian voyageurs. — General Smyth’s proclamations. — Invasion of Canada by General Smyth. — Effect of this failure at invasion. — Position of affairs on the Detroit and Lower Canadian frontiers. — Causes of General Dearborn’s inaction.

Chapter IX

Causes of General Dearborn’s and other failures considered further. — Demonstrations on St. Lawrence. — American force. — Proctor’s force. — Sheaffe’s force. — Army in Lower Canada. — The total numbers on both sides compared. — Comparative naval strength. — Plan of campaign. — Arrival of Sir James Yeo. — “Hornet” and “Peacock.” — The “Chesapeake” and the “Shannon.” — Remarks on the action. — Want of discipline on board the “Chesapeake.” — Naval events on Canadian lakes. — Expedition to the Miami, and attack on the American defences. — General Proctor deserted by the Indians, and part of the Militia.

Chapter X

Fort Meigs. — Slaughter of captives. — Descent upon York. — Errors of the Commanders. — Descent upon Fort George.

Chapter XI

Expedition against Sackett’s Harbour, 27th May. — Proceedings at west end of Lake Ontario ; surprise at Stony Creek. — Result of the Dearborn and Chauncey expedition. — Affair at the Beaver Dam. — Capitulation of Col. Bcerstler and five hundred and forty-one American troops. — Reinforcements arrive at Queenston, but return to Fort George. — Proceedings in Congress on receipt of news of Boerstler’s surrender. —

Col. Clark’s expedition against Fort Schlosser. — Col. Bishopp’s expedition against Black Rock. — American alliance with Indians. — Proctor, and aspect of affairs in the west.

Chapter XII

Commodore Chauncey’s second descent upon York. — Demonstration against the stores at Burlington Heights. — Colonel Scott breaking parole. — Second descent upon Y ork by Chauncey. — Sir James Yeo on Lake Ontario. — Demonstration against Fort George by Sir George Prevost. Cruise of Commodore Rogers ; the President and Congress frigates. — Dominica and Decatur, Aug. 5th, 1813. — Pelican and Argus, August 12th. — Boxer and Enterprise, September 5th.

Chapter XIII

Capture of the “Growler” and “Eagle” American sloops. — Descent on posts on Lake Champlain. — Discrepancy between Christie and the letters of Veritas. — Capture of British stores, and affair of boats at Gananoque.

Chapter XIV

Situation of General Proctor in the west. — Consequences of Perry’s victory. — Discussion relative to the affair at the Moravian town.

Chapter XV

Retreat of Proctor and place of rendezvous. — Armstrong’s observations on Proctor’s defeat. — Remarks on Harrison’s letters as to numbers. — James’ contradictions on this affair. — Character of Tecumseth. — Treatment of prisoners. — Ingersol on reprisal. — American policy.

Chapter XVI

The Expedition under General Wilkinson. — The numbers engaged at Chrysler’s Farm. — General Hampton’s movements — his force. — Wilkinson retires to winter quarters. — General order. — Causes of the failure of the expedition. Impression produced on the centre division by the disaster of the right. — Prevost’s instructions. Movements of Colonel Murray. — Destruction of Newark, now Niagara. — Movements in the West. Attack on Fort Niagara.

Chapter XVII

Return of killed and wounded in attack on Fort Niagara. — Remarks on Gen. Hull’s Letter. — Armstrong on the capture of Fort Niagara. — Proclamation of Sir George Prevost. — Occurrences in Chesapeake Bay, and its tributary rivers. — Descent on Havre de Grace. — Cutting out of the Surveyor Schooner. — Attack on Junon by flotilla.

Chapter XVIII

Failure of attack on Craney Island. — American accounts of the descent on Oswego. — Retreat of the Fleet. — Expeditions against Machilimack-

CONTENTS.

vii.

inac and Matchadash. — Attack on the post of Prairie du Chien. — Attack on and destruction of the Nancy at Nottawasaga. — Naval proceedings.— Decatur’s cruise in the United States, with the Macedonian and Sloop Hornet. — Attempt to blow up the Ramilies at Fisher Island. — American boastings in reference to the Pre- Bident. — Cruise of the Essex.

Chapter XIX

Captain David Porter as a writer of despatches.— Fifth invasion of Canada by a United States’ army. General Brown’s proclamation or general order. — General Brown’s force. — Surrender of Fort Erie. — General Brown’s Despatch.— Movements of the American army. — Gen. Brown’s inaction and timidity. — Brown’s letter to Chauncey.

Chapter XX

The battle of Bridgewater, or Lundy’s Lane, and its results. — Destruction of stores and baggage.— General order issued by Lieut.-General Drummond. — Fort Erie. — General Drummond’s despatch. — The repulse at Conjocta Creek. — Outrage at Port Talbot, on Lake Erie.

Chapter XXI

The fortifications at Fort Erie repaired. — General Brown’s boasts of victory.— Skirmish at Lyon’s Creek. — Armstrong and Ingersol on General Izzard. — Passamaquoddy Bay and the events in that quarter.

Chapter XXII

New England feeling towards Great Britain. — Capture of Washington and destruction of public buildings. — Preparations made by United States Government. — General observations on the expedition. — General Winder’s despatch.

CHAPTER XXpi.

Attack on Alexandria. — Sir. P. Parker’s death. Captain Gordon’s terms. — Ingersol on Madison and Armstrong. — Demonstration against Baltimore.— General Smith’s despatch. — Opinions of the American writers on the descent on Baltimore.— Plattsburgh.

Chapter XXIV

The attack on Plattsburg, its failure and its consequences. — Expedition to New Orleans. — The gain to be expected from the expedition. — Lafitte, the chief of the Banatarian pirates. — Attack on Fort Bowyer, and defeat of the British.— Preparations for the attack and defence of New Orleans. — Defence of the gun boats. — Discrepancies in account of the gun-boat action. — Commodore Patterson’s attempt to gain information by spies. — Advance of the British. — Fighting on the 23rd aud 24th. — Arrival of reinforcements. — Comparative strength of the armies. — Retreat of the British. — Behaviour of the troops. — Lawrence’s despatch to General Jackson. — Concluding naval events of the war. — Treaty of Peace.

Appendix

From Captain Stewart to the American Secretary of the Navy. — American Minutes of the chase of the U. S. frigate Constitution, by an English squadron of three ships, from out of the harbour of Port Praya, Island of St. Jago. — Extract from the Pique’s Log-Book. — From Lieutenant Boyce to the Secretary of the East India Company’s Marine Board. — Evidence of Mr. Macgregor. — From Captain Warrington to the American Secretary of the Navy. — Treaty of Peace. — Total British and American Cruizers captured or destroyed, excluding those re-captured during the War. — List of British and American national cruizers, ciptured at Sea, which the opposite party succeeded in getting into port.

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A

HISTORY OF THE WAR

Chapter I

From the Berlin Decree to the close of Hr. Jefferson’s Second Administration — 21st Nov. 1806. . . .

3rd March, 1809.

Contents of Chapter T. — Preliminary Remarks. — The Berlin Decree.— Rigorous execution of the Decree. — BrilishOrder in Council, 7lh Jail.. 1807.— The Order in Council though strictly just, not perhaps the best course open to the British Government.— The United States raise no voice against Buonaparte’s Decree.— The affair of the Chesapeake, 22nd June. 1807. — Right of Search.— Some merchant vessels of the United States under British convoy. — British Order in Council, lltli Nov., 1S07. and Milan Decree. -^-Distressing predicament of the United States. — Plea advanced by France, and repeated by the United States. — Liberality of the British Government before the Berlin and Milan Decrees. — Kmbargo Act of United States Congress, 25th Dec.. 1S07. —Mr. Rose’s Mission.— Public feeling in the United States'unfriendly to Great Britain.— Additions to the U. S. troops voted by Congress, with supplies.— Effect of the Embargo.— Non-intercourse Act, 1st March, 1808.

Preliminary remarks. An historical narrative which wilfully offends against truth, or distorts it to serve party purposes, is an imposture ; and one that is devoid of feeling is a skeleton : the one, unprincipled ; the ‘other, spiritless and forbidding. We, in the discharge of our humble office, will strive to eschew both ; keeping clear, to the best of our ability, of the lively, but prejudiced and disingenuous political pamphlet, on the one hand ; and of the dry and meagre outline of the mere annalist, on the other. We write, jealously observant of truth, so far as we can discern it ; but, at the same time, we are not ashamed to confess thit we write with emotion, — as from the heart, — and a heart too, which, to its last pulsation, will remain true, we hope, to the glorious British constitution. To tell of gradual estrangement and final collision, where nature herself, no less than interest, urged to close alliance ; to recite the afflicting details of war, where peace, to either side, was in an emin ent degree prosperity, happiness, and wisdom; — this is our undertaking, and the occasion of it we well may, as we do, most conscientiously deplore. In such a strife of brothers, victory, even on our own side, is not recorded without pain, — the pain which a man feels when he discovers that the errors of human conduct have given him an enemy where, in tfie ties of common language and race, Divine Providence, he might argue, had designed that he should find a friend. The late war with the United States, is not the only contest in the world’s history, which warns us that the permanent peace of nations, is not to be implicitly trusted to the mere physical circumstance of their being “ gentes unius labii ; ” j^etthe consciousness that we have fought, even in self-defence, with those who speak the same tongue and claim the same lineage with ourselves, will be felt to damp the ardor of triumph in the moment of victory, and to cloud its remembrance afterwards.

To this feeling we are not insensible ; yet, at the same time, it would be affectation in us to disguise the satisfaction we derive from the conviction that the War of 1812 was attended with, at least, one good result. It shewed that Canada, as to her deliberate preference of British connection, and her devotion to the British throne, was sound to the heart’s core. By declaimers in Congress— who refused to hear the voice of reason from the just and sensible minority in that Legislature — the loyalty of Canada was impeached, — spoken of as a thing of nought, to be corrupted by the first offered bribe, detached from its hollow adherence to British rule by the first military proclamation, or daunted by the first gleam of the Republican bayonets. Transported with the genuine spirit of democratic inebriation, these Congress declaimers were never able, for a moment, to entertain the idea of loyalty, superior to all the arts and enchantments of democratic seduction, growing up to an}7, extent under the mild and equitable and parental rule of Great Britain : — of filial love incorruptible, inseparably weaving itself round the, time-honored institutions of a monarchy popular, free, and engrossing the hearts of its subjects. Disaffection, in their judgment, prevailed far and wide in Canada : disaffection, according to their confident but not very statesman-like vaticinations, w7as to afford them an easy conquest. The mass of our population were to rush into their arms very different was the spirit which our invaders, when they crossed the line, found amongst us, — they found a spirit, not fondly anticipating their embrace, but sternly prepared to grapple with them in mortal conflict ; not pliant for proselytism, but nerved for battle ; and they found that spirit (we say it not in bitterness, but we say it with honest pride), they found that spirit too much for them. Their invasion was repelled; and with it wrere repelled likewise their groundless imputations against the fidelity and attachment of the Canadas to the parent state.

Thus had Canada the credit of contributing her quota to the brilliant evidence which history supplies — in patriotic struggles and sacrifices such as the peasant-warfare of the Tyrol, and the conflagration of Moscow7- — that monarchy may evoke in its behalf a spirit of chivalrous devotion, and implant a depth of religious faith, equal even in the strength and vigor and courage of the moment, to democratic fervor, and infinitely superior to it in sustained effort and patient endurance.

As to the gallant spirit and the bold deeds of our adversaries, sorry should we be — with our eyes open to their merit — to depreciate them as they, in their imperfect knowledge of us, depreciated our loyalty. Whilst w’e frankly bear testimony to their skill and their valor, on the lakes and sea more especially ; whilst we confess that the energy and the success with which they worked their diminutive navy commanded the respect, and even awakened the fears of Great Britain ; we do not forget that their enterprise by land ended in discomfiture, and that Canada was greatly instrumental to that discomfiture. It was by the side of a mere handful of British troops That our Canadian militia achieved the expulsion of the invading foe; and, what is more, we do not regard it as an extravagant supposition that, had the Mother Country been unable to send them a single soldier, but regular officers only, to discipline and lead them, their own true hearts and strong arms — so thoroughly was their spirit roused — wrnuld, unaided, have wron the day. Be this as it may ; Canada did her part, and nobly too. Far be it from us to think of casting away or of umvorthily hiding the laurels which she has gained ; though most sincere is our desire to interweave with them for aye the olive branch of peace. Many of her native sons who took up arms in her defence, are still living amongst us, hon* ored as they deserve to be ; and so long as they shall be spared to us (and may Almighty God spare them long), we trust that political vicissitude will not bring them the mortification of seeing the great principle of British supremacy for which they bore the musket and drew' the sword, falling into anything like general disrepute. And when, in obedience to the common destiny of men, they shall hav'e been removed, may their spirit long survive them, animating the bosoms of an equally gallant and loyal race in generations yet unborn, and cherished as a pearl of great price by an affectionate mother country, in “ the adoption and steady prosecution of a good system of colonial government.”

We proceed now to take up, in the order of time, the causes of the war.

The Berlin Decree, P!acecl in a Position of 2ist November, 1SO6. power, apparently impregnable, by his recent victory of Jena (14th Oct., 180(1), which left the Prussian monarchy prostrate at his feet : but smarting still with the galling memory of Trafalgar, the French Emperor deemed the opportunity afforded by the complete humiliation of Prussia favorable for returning, as fiercely and as fully as ho could, the terrible blow inflicted by Great Britain in the annihilation of his navy. Pisabled from attempting his revenge where the ruinous catastrophe had befallen him, — on the sea, from which his fleets had been swept by the skill and courage and maritime genius of his island-foe ; he put forth the full strength of his passionate nature and his prodigious energies to accomplish on the land, where his arms had been hitherto irresistable, those plans for the destruction of British commerce, which — as Mr. Alison has described them — were owing to “ no momentary burst of anger or sudden fit of exultation ; but the result of much thought and anxious deliberation.” These plans were embodied in the famous manifesto which is known by the name of “ the Berlin Decree,” having been issued on the 21st November, 1806, from the subjugated court of the unfortunate King of Prussia.

The Berlin Decree is an ordinance familiar to all, mainly through the medium of Mr. Alison’s widely circulated history ; but in order to make our present publication as complete in itself as we can, we will introduce the eleven articles of the Decree,* as they appear in that admirable work to which, no less than to its own extraordinary pretensions, the Berlin Decree is likely to be indebted for immortality.

Rigorous execution Tt is undoubtedly corof the Decree. rect to consider Buona-

parte’s anathema against British commerce as being, in one sense, extravagant and frantic, for it introduced a system of warfare unparalleled in the annals of civilized nations, and the menaces it expressed very far exceeded the ability of its author to carry them out. It is, however, quite contrary to fact, to represent it as a mere ebullition of rage, and a proceeding utterly Quixotic and impracticable. It said, in effect, to Great Britain, — “ The French Emperor declares that you shall have no trade and, although the extinction of British trade was greatly beyond his power, there is no question that he was able to inflict upon it> and did inflict upon it, serious damage. The Berlin Decree was far from being a vapoury threat. It did not, by any means, resolve itself into empty air, but was rigorously executed ; and the losses known to have been suffered under its operation were in many instances extremely severe. In the Hans Towns, for example, the proprietors of English

* See Decree at end of chapter.

merchandise were glad to be allowed to compound for their valuable goods with the large payment of £800,000. The Berlin Decree obviously, then, was not — as politicians in the United States would have it — a dead letter.

British Order in ' Passed by this un- Co uacii:'7th Jan. 1807. usual and threatening

emergency, the British Ministry were evidently forced to adopt defensive measures. Accordingly, on the 7th January, 1807, the Order in Council, which will be found in the note below,* was issued, — being the first of those

* BRITISH ORDER OF COUNCIL.

At the Court at the Queen's Palace , January *> - 7, 1807.

PRESENT,

The King’s Most Excellent Majesty in Council.

“ Whereas the French Government has issued certain orders, which, in violation of the usages of war, purport to prohibit the commerce of all neutral nations with his majestys dominions ; and also to prevent such nations from trading with any other country in any articles the growth, produce, or manufacture of his majesty’s dominions ; and whereas the said Government has also taken upon itself to declare all his Majesty’s dominions’to be in a state of blockade, at a time when the fleets of France and her allies ai’e themselves confined within their own ports, by the superior valour and discipline of the British navy ; and whereas such attempts on the part of the enemy would give to his majesty an unquestionable right of retaliation, and would warrant his majesty in enforcing the same prohibition of all commerce with France, which that power vainly hopes to effect against the commerce of his majesty’s subjects, a prohibition which the superiority of his majesty’s naval forces might enable him to support, by actually investing the ports and coasts of the enenly with numerous squadrons and cruisers, so as to make the entrance or approach thereto manifestly dangerous ; and whereas his majesty, though unwilling to follow the example of his enemies, by proceeding to an extremity so distressing to all nations not engaged in the war, and carrying on their accustomed trade, yet feels himself bound by a due regard to the just defence of the rights and interests of his people, not to suffer such measures to be taken by the enemy, without taking some steps on his part to restrain this violence, and to return upon them the evils of their own injustice ; his majesty is thereupon pleased, by and with the advice of his privy council, to order, and it is hereby ordered, that no vessel shall be permitted to trade from one port to another, both which ports shall belong to, or be in the possession of France or her allies, or shall be so far under their control as that British vessels may not freely trade thereat ; and the commanders of his majesty’s ships of war and privateers shall be, and are hereby instructed to warn every neutral vessel coming from any such port, and destined to another such port, to discontinue her voyage, and not to proceed to two memorable Orders which, unhappily, contributed to aggravate the prejudices previously entertained against Great Britain by a large majority of the inhabitants of the United States, and supplied the ostensible, 'but — as circumstances, to be hereafter noticed, entitle us to argue — not the real ground for the War of 1812.

It is well to bear in mind that this Order was not the production of a Tory Ministry ; but of a Whig Cabinet, -headed by Mr. Fox, — a man who will hardty be charged with any bias towards the arbitrary exercise of the influence and power of the British Crown. It is still more important to remark that, when Mr. Munroe, the United States Minister in London, qommuiiicated the Order to his government, he did so with comments expressive of concurrence and satisfaction. “ The spirit of this Order,” observes Mr. Alison, “ was to deprive the French, and all the nations subject to their control, which had embraced the Continental system, of the advantages of the coasting trade in neutral bottoms : and, considering the much more violent and extensive character of the Berlin Decree, there can be no doubt that it was a very mild and lenient measure of retaliation.”

The Order in Conn- The iggumg of the Orel] Minus ii slncily just, °

not perhaps the best der in Council, though course open to the . . , , „ ,

British Government. just and defensible, was,

perhaps, an infelicitous proceeding. The British Government might have tried instead one or other of two expedients, either of which, as matters turned out, would probably have answered better than that which was adopted. If they would not have been justified in treating the Emperor’s fulmination with contempt ; * they might — on the one hand — have paused, at least, to ascertain whether neutral powers would acquiesce in his furious enactment.

any such port ; and any vessel, after being so warned, or any vessel coming from any such port, after a reasonable time shall have been afforded for receiving information of this his majesty’s orders which shall be found proceeding to another such port, shall be captured and brought in, and, together with her cargo, shall be condemned as lawful prize. And his majesty’s principal secretaries of state, the lords commissioners of the admiralty, and the judges of the high court of admiralty, and courts of vice admiralty, are to take the necessary measures herein as to them shah respectively appertain.

W- Fawkener.

This would have put the United States to the test. Had they acquiesced, their French sympathies would have stood confessed, and the pretext of a grievance — not discovered until an interval of some months had elapsed* — in the Order in Council, would have been completely shut out; had they remonstrated; that would have been taking part with justice, and Buonaparte might have given way. Or — on the other hand — the boldest course of all might have been pursued, and the wThole strength of our irresistible navy sent to lay waste the French coast from Ostend to Bayonne, which would soon have brought Buonaparte to reason, and made him consider deliverance from such a scourge — the severity of which he had good cause to know and dread — cheaply purchased by the abrogation of his Decree. The British Government, however, resolved on a middle course ; and published the “ Order in Council,” which, whilst it was insufficient to repel the violence of the enemy, assisted afterwards to bring on collision with a neutral power. Still — as we have said, and will repeat — the Order in Council, if it were comparatively feeble and inefficient, stands nevertheless, as to justice, on a position perfectly unassailable.

The UiTiied States The alternative of ob-

raise no voice against . .... . . .

Buonaparte’s Decree. Servant inactivity might

have been tried at the outset ; but certainly could not have been long maintained ; and must have given place soon to energetic resistance. Whilst the Berlin Decree was being unsparingly executed, the neutral nations of Denmark, Portugal, and the United States — by abstaining from remonstrance — received it, as we are warranted in considering, with at least silent acquiescence. The silence of the United States is the more to be deplored, because that country — remote from the theatre of war, and completely secure from any attempt of Buonaparte to shut up its ports — might have spoken out in frank and honest terms with safet}'. It is to be regretted, however, that the current of public feeling had already begun to set the other way. When tidings df the first aggression on the part of the French Emperor reached them, no voice