History of Ireland and the Irish people, under the government of England. By Samuel Smiles ...

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Preface

The origin of the following book may be shortly stated. Some time ago, desiring to obtain a full acquaintance with the history of Ireland subsequent to its connection with England, the author sought among the libraries and pubhshers for a work upon the subject. He was doomed to be disappointed ; for, though he f&und that many books had been written about Ireland,— one ^Moore's) giving its history previous to the 'Reformation'; another (Leland's) bringing it down to the Revolution of 1688; a third (Taylors) detailing the history of the Civil Wars of Ireland, but hastily passing over the last and (to the present generation of readers) the most important of all — the Rebellion of 1798 ; a fourth (Barrington's) giving the history of the Irisli Parliament during the short, bright period of its glory, commencing in the year 1781 ; a fifth (Madden's) giving the history of the United Irishmen at great length ; — yet in none could he find a clear and connected account of the current of Irish events down to^the present time, such as is so much needed at this day, when Irish questions engross so large a share of public attention. In short, it was found that a very large number of books- — many of them very expensive ones— must be perused, before anything like a correct idea could be formed of Irish history. The author therefore conceived the design of writing a book which should in some measure supply the deficiency, and give the English reader, within a small compass, a history of Ireland and the Irish People under the government of England, down to the period at which we hve. No time was lost in putting this design into execution, and the following book is the result.

IV.

The scarcity of works upon Irish history, as compared with those on the other portions of the British Empire, shows that, hitherto, but little interest has been felt by the English people in the condition of the sister country. The statement of Lord Normanby, in the House of Lords,* that, " there exists and prevails in England the greatest possible ignorance as to the state and wants of Ireland," seems to be unfortunately but too wellfounded. In fact, a large portion of the people of England are still as ignorant of the condition of Ireland as Swift alleged they were in his time, — when all they knew of Ireland was, that it was a country subject to the crown of England, full of bogs, and inhabited by " wild Irish papists," who were kept in awe only by means of English troops. But the time for the prevalence of such dangerous ignorance is now past. England must be informed of the real condition of Ireland, and adopt the necessary steps to raise her people from the deep degradation into which the English government stands chargeable with having sunk them. Indeed, the English people must bestir themselves to better the condition of Ireland, were it only as the means of ensuring their own preservation. Our intimate connection, and our easy communication w'lth the Irish nation, cannot continue, without our population being ultimately dragged down to the same level with themselves. To do justice to Ireland, to elevate her people, to enlarge their resources, and to establish their liberties, is neither more nor less than doing justice to England, and increasing the well-being and happiness of the English people. And in order to do full justice to Ireland, it is necessary that Irish history should be known and studie^d; for we are persuaded that there only is the true key to its present position to be found — there only are the secret springs of Irish discontentment to be traced.

'^'^he stiident of Irish History will find that Ireland stands out from the history of the rest of Europe in striking relief. Like England, Scotland, and most European countries, the sword of Conquest has passed over Ireland ; but, unlike them, the evils of that Conquest have never for a moment subsided, and they arc al the present day almost as rife as they were seven hundred

* Ddxitr in tin- Ilonxr of Lords n,i llir slatr of Irrlniid, iM'brutiry I'Mh, IH-M.

V.

years ago. In England and Scotland, tlie conquering and the conquered races — Danes, Normans, Saxons, Britons, &c. — ^have, in a great measure, fused down into one people ; but in Ireland, the two races of the Conquest are still at war; and after a resistance which has lasted for centuries, the struggle is almost as inveterate now as at the period of its commencement. The blame of this protracted and destructive enmity between race and race, rests with the conquering classes themselves, as well as with the English Government, which has supported them throughout in their anti-national and inhuman policy. Instead of amalgamating themselves with the nation, the Norman invaders, and afterwards the Enghsh and Scotch colonists who settled in Ireland, erected themselves into an Ascendancy of the most despotic and tyrannical kind. In course of time, they possessed themselves of almost the entire soil of Ireland, treating the natives as Helots and slaves, and with a cruelty that has never been exceeded in any age or country. Laws were passed for the express purpose of keeping the nation distinct from the settlers, and thus preventing them from merging into one people. Mere Irish " were deprived of the protection of the Enghsh law, and might be killed with impunity. Statutes were even passed expressly to prevent the Enghsh settlers from conforming to Irish language, dress, and manners, on pain of forfeiture of goods, imprisonment, and being dealt with as " Irish enemies." And thus were the Irish peop]^ placed under the ban of proscription and exclusion by their conquerors, and a mark was set upon them to be shunned and hated by their fellow-men.

The evils of the Conquest were never allowed to subside. The Barons, who had at first monopolized so large a proportion of the soil of Ireland, at length grew so powerful and dangerous, that it became the pohcy of the English crown to destroy them, to confiscate their estates, and divide them anew among English and Scotch settlers. Hence the wars of extermination and confiscation of Ehzabeth; and the extensive confiscations of James 1. The Civil War also, during v/hich the native Irish clung to the cause of their legitimate sovereign, issued in extensive confiscations of Irish estates by Cromwell, which were afterwards confirmed vi.

on the restoration of Charles II. This, however, was not the end of the confiscation of Irish lands ; for, at the Revolution of 1688, in consequence of the Irish adhering to the cause of James II, after the rest of his subjects had deserted him, there was another extensive seizure of Irish estates by the English government. During the seventeenth century, the confiscations of lands on account of " rebelHon," amounted to about eleven milhons and a half acres, — the entire surface of Ireland amounting to only about twelve millions of acres ! Thus more than eleven-twelfths of the soil of Ireland were seized by the red hand of power from the original Irish people, and conferred upon an English colony, who, owing their possessions to the sword, have ever since trusted to the same for maintaining themselves in their occupancy. " Confiscation," said the Earl of Clare, at the Union, " is their common title ; and from their first settlement they have been hemmed in on every side by the old inhabitants of the island, brooding over their discontent in sullen indignation."

All the evils springing out of the Conquest of Ireland have been immensely aggravated by religious causes. At the Reformation, the English colony in Ireland, like the English people, adopted the new doctrines ; the native Irish, alone among the northern nations, cHnging fondly to their ancient faith. They seem to have loved ii^the more that it had been renounced by their conquerors. From henceforward the Catholic religion became the test of Irish race ; Protestantism was associated in native minds, with spoliation, confiscation, and massacre ; and the Protestant Church was regarded as an abomination, the mere badge of English usurpation and conquest. The constancy of the Catholic priesthood also, to the cause of their suiFering flock, in all times and circumstances, endeared the old religion-^sanctified as it was by the most venerable associations — to the minds of the Irish people. Thus, the Church of the Irish became ranged in direct hostility to the Church of the English from a very early period, and continues down even to the present day, to be the great engine of opposition to British power. Hence, from an early period, it was conceived to be the true policy of the Ascendancy to crush the Catholic religion, in order to keep down the spirit of resistance among the Irish people.

vii,

" Extirpation of the Catholics has been spoken of at various periods,— and laws of the most ferocious cruelty have been devised against the Catholic priesthood. They have been hunted likewild beasts, hanged, tortured, beheaded and quartered,— yet still Catholicism grew and flourished,-^and, by these very measures against their priesthood, it was only more deeply imbedded than before in the hearts of the Irish people.

At the Rebellion of 1688, the sanguinary and cruel policy of open force was abandoned ; but a system of penal persecution was devised and enforced, w^hich was not less oppressive and crushing in its operation. The CathoHc Irishman was degraded into a mere serf and bondsman of the soil, from all proprietorship in which he was to be completely debarred. His property (if he had any) might now be seized by Protestants, the child might plunder his father, the wife her husband, the servant his master. The nation lay at the mercy of the vilest class of discoverers and informers. They had at their command, to use the words of Burke, "a machine of wise and elaborate contrivance ; and, as well fitted for the oppression, impoverishment, and degTadation of a people, and the debasement in them of human nature itself, as ever proceeded from the perverted ingenuity of man." It has been said that during the century of legalized oppression by means of the penal laws, " Ireland had no history,"— and JMoore has observed that " with this part of his country's history an Irish chronicler has little else to do than to mourn over it and be silent.'''' But in our opinion, the history of that century is one of the most eloquent in the history of Ireland ; — eloquent, not of heroism or achievement, but of suffering and endurance under the deadliest wrongs. The century of penal persecution is the most instructive of all the epochs in Irish history, and must be read before the temper, character, and social and political condition of the people at the present time, can be clearly comprehended and understood-

Almost the only bright period in Irish history is that between 1780 and 1785, when a splendid effort was made by the Irish people, headed by the Liberal Protestant party, to achieve for their unhappy country a place among nations. Catholic Relief viii.

fbllo>?ed ; but the course of improvement was suddenly and harshly arrested by the English government, and the RebelKon of 1798 broke out, which was ferociously crushed and shortly after followed by the Union. This measure, which might have been a great step in civihzation, has hitherto proved the reverse. It was carried when the country was bristling with bayonets, and the people were placed under martial law by the government. From the first it was hated and distrusted, and would have been resisted, but that the people were pinioned down to the earth by mil tary force. The CathoKcs, who might have been reconciled to the Union by benefits, were deceived by it ; henceforward it became identified in their minds with violated faith ; and, in course of time, opposition to it became a national movement. The number of Coercion Acts passed for Ireland since the Union, shows that during almost the whole of that period the country has been in a state of " smothered war." The government is, down to the present day, sullenly and reluctantly obeyed, — the laws being still regarded as the mere instruments of an ascendancy class for the subjugation of the rest of the nation. The hostile attitude of the Irish paople has even increased of late years ; and it would sometimes seem as if the prediction of Mr. Grattan were yet to be fulfilled in reference to the Union — a measure which, he said " would be fatal to England ; beginning with a false compromise which they might call a Union, to end in eternal separation, through the process of two civil wars.''

That the Union has been of little or no advantage to the mass of the Irish people, may be inferred from the fact that, according to the Poor Law Commissioners in 183G, of the 8,175,124 persons in Ireland, 2,385,000 are absolute paupers. With the rapid increase of population since the Union, misery of all kinds has greatly increased ; agrarian revolt and outrage have also increased, until of late years, when they have been somewhat held in check by the leaders of the' Irish people. The " clearing " system has recently been enforced with unwonted severity, as many as 70,000 persons liaviiig been expelled from their homes and their forms in the course of a single year. In short, according to the testimony of all travellers, English, French, and German^ the Irish peasantry.

ix.

of which seven-eighths of the Irish nation consist, are the most miserable and destitute people on the face of the earth. " Was change and reformation needed in Ireland V asks Carlyle. " Has Ireland been governed in a wise and loving manner I A government and guidance of white- European men, which has issued in perennial hunger of potatoes to the third man extant, ought to drop a veil over its face, and walk out of court under conduct of proper officers ; saying no word ; expecting now of a surety sentence, either to change or die."

If History be regarded, as it ought to be, as the grand storehouse of Experience of the human race, — not as a mere record of tyranny and slaughter, but a general accumulation of experiments, successful and unsuccessful, all tending towards the solution of the grand problem — how mankind can be governed so as to secure for the mass the largest possible amount of happiness and liljerty, — then a careful perusal of the history of Ireland cannot fail to teach a most impressive and instructive lesson. It teaches that centuries of Physical Force have utterly failed to attach the people of Ireland to the Enghsh government, — that seven hundred years of coercion — instead of producing ' Union,'' affectionate allegiance, peacefulness, contentment, and prosperity,— have issued only in disunion, in ' constitutional resistance,' in national agitation and ' passive ' rebelhon — ready, on a m-oment's notice, to become 'active,' in burning discontent and deep-seated hostility to the governing classes, and in a mass of national pauperism and misery unequalled in the history of the world. What failure could be more complete ? What experiment could be more conclusive as to the utter inefficiency of all the means which have heretofore been employed in the government of Ireland ? And what more calculated to rouse the people of Great Britain, to demand that an entirely different course of pohcy should be hencefor ward pursued with reference to the sister country I

It were, indeed, full time that the Enghsh people made themselves acquainted with the condition of Ireland. It is in no small degree to their apathy and indifference as to her fate, that her present sufferings are to be attributed. Let them consider the expense

X.

of governing Ireland by force ; it has cost for many years past, more than a million sterling a-year in soldiers, and half a million in police. The Union, indeed, exists merely by force. And yet no people are more easily governed than the Irish — none are more grateful for acts of justice and kindness. It has been truly said- of them, by one who knew them well, that " the Irish are indeed a tractable nation, and though they have resisted chains of iron, they may easily be conducted by a kindly hand with a silken thread." When the English people and the Enghsh government hiow Ireland, they will give up attempting to govern them by the sword — that old and used-up instrument of despots, — and betake themselves to J ustice ; employing, instead of the weapons of the soldier and policeman, the more powerful instrument of Redress. That the publication of this book may hasten that period, by diffusing among the English people a knowledge of the past history and sufferings of Ireland, is the foremost hope and desire of its author. Though, in the course of the following work, considerable sympathy and partiaHty are expressed for the Irish people — a sympathy and partiality which are based upon the feeling that where force and fraud alone are rehed upon for the maintenance of power, the nation that resists is much more Hkely to be right than the nation that oppresses — yet the wi'iter has not allowed his partiality (which is not that of either an Irishman or a Catholic) to interfere with the strict and impartial statement of facts, which he has, for the most part, purposely cited from the works of Protestant writers themselves. He has consulted a very large number of authorities, and has put forward no assertion, of which he is conscious, that cannot be supported by abundance of creditable evidence.

Contents

PAGE

PREFACE

CHAPTER I.— Early History of Ireland, and its state previous to the Anglo- Norman Invasion ^

CHAPTER II.— Causes which led to the Anglo-Norman Invasion— The Irish Church— Dermot Macmurchad intrigues with the foreigners— Landing of the Normans > ^

CHAPTER III.— The Norman Invasion— The resistance of the Irish— Strongbow's conquests — Norman and Irish methods of fighting 10

CHAPTER IV.— IJenry lands in Ireland with an army— Submission made by the Irish chiefs— His triumphal progress to Dublin— General rising of the Irish— Their feuds ••••• 15

CHAPTER v.— State of Ireland at the death of Henry— The Pale— The " mere

Irish" 20

CHAPTER VI.— Ireland in the reigns of Richard I.— John— Henry III.— Edward I. 25

CHAPTER VII.— Ireland invaded by Edward Bruce— Joined by the Irish— Is

defeated and slain • 29

*

CHAPTER VIII.— Reign of Edward III.— Statutes of Kilkenny— Richard II.

—Henry IV. to Richard III 33

CHAPTER IX.— Reign of Henry VIII.— Rebellion of Simnel and Perkin

Warbeck— The Irish Parliament— Poyning's Act ^ 39

CHAPTER X.— Accession of Henry VIII.— The " Reformation"— Is extended to Ireland and rejected— The Irish Church and priesthood— Edward VI. — Mary — A massacre commemorated 44

CHAPTER XI.— Reign of Elizabeth— The Acts of Supremacy and Conformity —Civil wars— Destruction of John O'Neill and confiscation of his estates — Rebellion of the Earl of Desmond— Devastation of Munster— Confiscation of the Desmond Estates— The war against Hugh O'Neill— The Earl of Essex— Devastation of Ulster— Persecutions of the Catholics— The Protestant clergy •••• •

CHAPTER XII.— Reign of James I.— Abolition of the Irish laws— Immense Estates of the Earl of Tyrone and Tyrconnel confiscated— Settlement of English and Scotch in Ulster— Organized system of confiscation— Religious historv — Condition of the people 66 xii.

PAGE

CHAPTER XIII.— Reign of Charles I.— Wentworth sent to Ireland— His

arbitrary measures— Renewed confiscations, &c.— Civil War in England ... 76

CHAPTER XIV.— Insurrection of 1641— The Lords Justices— The Earl of Ormond— Temporizing policy of Charles— Battle of Kilrush— General Munroe and the Scotch army in Ulster— Owen Roe O'Neill and ,the Irish army —General representative assembly of the nation at Kilkenny — The confederates— Their successes 83

CHAPTER XV.— Continuation of the- Civil War— Lord Inchequin— Rinunc-

cini, the Pope's nuncio , 97

CHAPTER XVI.— Civil War continued— Battle of Benburb— Dublin surrendered to the Parliament — Execution of Charles, &c. " ! 107

CHAPTER XVIL— The Commonwealth— Oliver Cromwell in Ireland— Siege and massacre of Drogheda— Massacre of Wexford— Defence of Duncannon —Death of O'Neill— Lord Broghill— Revolt of the Southei'n towns 115

CHAPTER XVIII.— The war continued— Siege of Clonmel— Hugh O'Neill— Waterford and Limerick taken— Conclusion of the war— Dreadful condition of the people J29

CHAPTER XIX.— Extensive confiscation of Irish estates— Banishment of the Irish to Connaught— Awful sufferings of the people— Cromwellian atrocities _ —Priest hunting— Henry Cromwell's able administration— The Restoration 145

CHAPTER XX.— Reign of Charles IL— The Catholics excluded from the Act of Indemnity— The policy of Cromwell enforced— Cruel decisions of the Commissioners— The Doubling ordinance— Acts of settlement and explanation , _ 25g

CHAPTER XXL— Distress in England— Importation of Irish cattle prohibited -Free trade conceded to Ireland— Her prosperity— Lord Robarts— Lord Berkeley— The parties of Remonstrants and Anti-Remonstrants— The Duke, of Ormond— Sham popish plots— Execution of the*^ Archbishop .of Ardagh'- — Death of Charles II \ ^ '^ ^ jgg

CHAPTER XXIL— Reign of James II.— The Lords Justices Forbes and Boyle— The Earl of Clarendon Lord Lieutenant— The Earl of Tyrconnel —Attempted overturn of the Act of Settlement— Landing of the Prince of Orange— Flight of James— The " Glorious Revolution" 179

CHAPTER XXIII.— Excitement in Ireland, and panic of the Protestants— Dcrry shuts its gates on the Highlanders— Landing of King James— Siege ' of Derry— James's Parliament— Its acts jgc)

CHAPTER XXIV.— Schomberg's army lands in Ireland— Carrickfergus taken —Encamps at Dundalk, and is reduced to great distress— Landing of King William— Battle of the Boyne— Flight of James t 204

CHAPTER XXV.— Entry of William into Dublin— General Douglas repulsed from Athlone— William repulsed from Limerick— Brave feat of General xiii.

PAGE

Sarsfield— Arrival of General Marlborough and capture of Cork— Raparees —State of the Country • 217

CHAPTER XXVI.— Campaign of 1691 — Saint Ruth appointed Commander of the Irish Army — Siege of Athlone — The Battle of Aughrim — Disastrous retreat of the Irish — Surrender of Galway — Siege and treaty of Limerick, and close of the war

....227

CHAPTER XXVII. — Condition of Ireland at the close of the war — Extensive confiscation of Estates — Flagrant violation of the treaty of Limerick— Commencement of the penal code — Prohibition of the Irish Woollen trade— The century of penal persecution ^ 251

CHAPTER XXVIII. — Reign of Queen Anne— Legal oppression of the Irish — Resistance to the penal code— The oppressive character and operation of the Act — Its demoralizing and destructive effects 261

CHAPTER XXIX.— Ireland at the Accession of George I. State of Agriculture— Trade— Manufacture — Oppressions of the Catholics — The people crushed — Ascendancy of the English Parliament — Dean Swift — His efforts to excite national resistance— The Drapier's letters 272

CHAPTER XXX.— Ireland in the reign of George II.— The Irish Parliaments — Famines in Ireland — Protestant horror of the Catholics — 1745 — Irish in the French service — Penal cruelties revived — Stone, the Primate — Charles Lucas — The "Scrambling" Committee — Condition of society during this reign — The Landlords — The Clergy — The Peasantry — Secret Associations — " The Whiteboys — Case of Nicholas Sheehy — Reign of terror 289

CHAPTER XXXI.— Growth of the Catholics in wealth and intelligence— The Catholic merchants— Dr. Curry, Mr. O' Conor, Mr. Wyse— The first Catholic Association formed— Their address to the throne — Accession of George III. — Remonstrance of Grievances— Lords Trimlestone and Taafe — Administration of Lord Townshend — Shortening of Parliaments — Concessions to the Catholics— The first Relief Bill 309

CHAPTER XXXII.— The American Revolution— Its influence on Irish politics — Embargo on the provision trade— Relief Bill of 1798 — Government reduced to a state of bankruptcy — Ireland defenceless — The Volunteers — Their organization, constitution, and designs 329

CHAPTER XXXIII.— Irish Parliament of 1779-80— Grattan, Flood, Burgh, Yelverton, Perry, Fitzgibbon, &c. — Grattan's amendment to the Address carried — Enthusiasm of the House — Extraordinary rejoicings of the Volunteers— A Free Parliament demanded — Resistance of the English Government— Progress of the Volunteers — Lord Charlemont 340

CHAPTER XXXIV.— Irish Parliament of 1781— The Patriots defeated— Renewed exertions of the Volunteers — Convention of Dungannon — Strength of the Volunteers — The Bishop of Derry— The Duke of Portland sent to Ireland as Lord Lieutenant — Meeting of Parliament — The Royal message — The amendment to the Address adopted— Mr. Grattan's splendid oration — Insincerity of the Government— The Volunteers prepare for action— The xiv.

English ministry yield— Objection to the proposed arrangements— Bill to repeal the Act 6 George I. carried— Nature and extent of the charges of 1782

CHAPTER XXXV.— Prosperity of the Irish people— The British Parliament asserts its right to legislate for Ireland— Alarm of the Volunteers— The Act of Renunciation passed — The second Dungannon Convention — Meeting of the National Convention at Dublin — Its proceedings — Mr. Flood's plan of Reform adopted — The measure introduced into the Irish Parliament — Awful uproar— Mr. Flood's motion rejected— Dilemma of the Convention- Lord Charlemont's desertion— Disbandment of the Volunteers

CHAPTER XXXVI.— The Duke of Rutland's administration— Pitt's resistance to Parliamentary Reform— The commercial propositions defeated — The Regency Bill — Extraordinary proceedings consequent thereon — Rapid progress of Parliamentary corruption— The Place Bill passed— Re-organization of the Catholic Committee— John Keogh— The Catholics and Northern Dissenters fraternize— Catholic Relief Bill of 1793— Lord Fitzwilliam appointed Viceroy— Is resisted by the Beresfords and recalled— Exasperation of the Irish people

CHAPTER XXXVII. — The United Irishmen — Their origin, objects, organization, «&c.— Great Conventir a meetings— Coercive measures of Government —Suppression of public meetings— Military organization of the United Irishmen— Theobald Wolfe Tone— Negociations with France— Lord Edward Fitzgerald— Heche's expedition—Military Law proclaimed— Atrocities of the soldiery and yeomanry— The Orangemen— The second French expedition —Military force of the United Irishmen— Government Spies and Informers —Arrest of ihe Directory— Arrest of Lord Edward Fitzgerald— The kingdom declared in a state of Rebellion— Renewed tortures of the people— The outbreak

CHAPTER XXXVIII.— The Insurrection of 1798— Threatened attack on Dublin averted— Rising of Wexford, and successes of the Peasantry— Defeat of General Fawcett — Wexford occupied by the insurgents — Capture of Gorey —The battle of New Ross— The Irish defeated— Battle of Arklow— The rising in Carlow, Meath, and Kildare— Slaughter of Kilcomney— Battle of Tara— Slaughter at the Gibbet Rath of Kildare— Battles of Antrim and Ballynahinch, and defeat of the United Irish — Battle of Vinegar-hill, and dispersion of the Peasantry— Desultory warfare protracted— Landing of the French under Humbert— The British defeated— " Races of Castlebar"— Capture of the French by Lord Cornwallis— The last French armament- Desperate engagement— Theobald Wolfe Tone taken— His death— Suppression of the Insurrection .

CHAPTER XXXIX. — Proposals for a Union received with indignation— Defeat of the government— Arguments for and against tlic Union— Public excitement—Lords Castlercagli and Clare — Prorogation of Parliament— Lord Castlercagh's Fighting Club— Petitions for and against the Union— Meetings dispersed by the Military— The Catliolics promised Emancipation —The Bishops deceived — A portion of the Catliolics protest against the Union- Daniel O'Connell's first public appearance as an Anti-Unionist — The last Session of Parliament, 1800— Lord Castlercagh's proposal to bribe tlie entire

XV.

PAGE

Parliament — Majority for the government— Re-appearance of Mr. Grattan, affecting scene — The Act of Union carried 452

CONCLUSION— Failure of the Union— Followed by Coercion Acts— Insurrection of 1803— Robert Emmett— The Catholics deceived— Renewal of Catholic Agitation — The veto controversy — The General Committee of 1809 — Government Prosecution of the members— The government defeated — Dissensions of the Catholics and dissolution of the Catholic Board — George IVth's visit to Ireland — Daniel O'Connell succeeds in rousing the people — Origin of the Catholic Association — Its first Meeting — Its rapid growth in numbers and influence — Is suppressed by the 'Algerine Act ' — The Association revived— The Waterford Election— Defeat of the Beresfords— Perfect organization of the people— The Clare Election— Return of Mr. O'Connell — Catholic Emancipation — Conclusion 470

EEliATA. <

Page 191, line 18, for were read was.

Page 203, 4th line from bottom, for measures read meanness. Page 242, line 6, for fortunes read fortresses.

Page 243. The quotation commencing in this page ought to be acknowledged-from Tat/Jor's Civil S * ^^S^' 1^"^ the note, for armies read services

Page 247, line 16, for preshyterians in Scotland read presbyterians ; in Scotland ' &ic. Page 251 , hne 21 , for natural read national. '

Page 252, line 20, for noticed read resolved.

Page 253, lowest line, for ascending read ascendancy. CMi!%'so}Llion. '° acknowledged-from Wyse's Historical Sketch of the

se^lfZdprelcribld^''^^^^^ ""'"^ cAar^^m^; and line 12, dele upon his face ; and line 19, for pre-

il^Sifa^^^^^^^^^^^^ -ad converted them

Page 302, line 25 , for w/io read as.

Page 331, line 9, for to read for.

Page 350, line 10 from bottom, for beiny read been. Page 354, 3rd line from the bottom, for 1791 read 1 781.

THE

HISTORY OF IRELAND.