The history of England under the house of Stuart, including the Commonwealth. [A.D. 1603-1688] Under the superintendence of the Society for the diffusion of useful knowledge

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PART II.— COMMONWEALTH; CHARLES U. ; JAMES n. LIBRARY OF USEFUL KNOWLEDGE. ^Cii^

THE

HISTORY OF ENGLAND

UNDER THE

HOUSE OF STUART,

INCLUDING THE COMMONWEALTH.

PART II.

COMMONWEALTH ; CHARLES II. ; JAMES IL

UNDER THE SUPERINTENDENCE OF THE SOCIETY FOR THE DIFFUSION OF

USEFUL KNOWLEDGE,

•J

1840. ^

LONDON :

Printed by William Clowxb and Sons, Stamford Street.

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• • • • w h >

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I • V

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• • •• i'*t

COMMONWEALTH.

Chapter I

Comnumwealth establisbed — Its defeetire anthority, and difficultiei— SereritiM agaiust the Royalists — Execution of Hamilton, Capel, and Holland— Diaeoatent in the Army — Conduct of John Lilburne — Cromweirs expedition to Ireland--* His policy in that enterprise— Cruelty and rapidity of his conquests — Proceedings in Scotland — Landing of Charies the Second — Scotland invaded — The victory of Dunbar — Cromwell debates with the Scots on points of theology — Chafles marches into England-^The battle of Worcester.

Not many days after the death of the king, the commons declared

the monarchy and the house of lords abolished : and ^ a council of state, consistmg of forty persons, was ap- wealth esta-

pointed to assume the government of the nation. A bHshed. new great seal was produced, and put in commission ; and an oath to be faithful to the parliament and people was substituted in the place of the oath of allegiance and supremacy. The name of the king's bench was changed to that of the upper bench. Six of the judges resigned their seats ; but six consented to act on obtaining a declaration from the present legislature that no infringement should be made on the fundamental laws *.

Thus a commonwealth was established in the place of the ancient constitution. But this was not the act of the people oi j. . ^ . England, nor was it approved probably by more than one- authority, and fifth of their number. It was the act of some fifty mem- difficulties, bers who occupied the place of the five hundred assembled as the commons of England in 1640. That the nation would long submit to be governed by such a body, was not to be expected ; and to strengthen its authority* the house invited several of the expelled members to return, and issued writs to those places where their infiuence was most powerful, requiring new elections. By this means their number was raised to about one hundred and fifty. Not more than half this number were regular in their attendance ; and the character of usurpation continued to be impressed upon the whole system. But the military chiefs by whom it had been called into existence, and on whose capacity and resources it depended, justified their conduct on the plea that the choice was between such a government, and the ascendancy of the pres-

* Pari. Hist. ill. 1281^1288. Journals of the Commoss. Whitelocke, 371^374. Lndlow, i, 248, 247*

474 HISTORY or sngland. [ch. I*

byterians and royalists, with the return of civic proscriptions and ecclesiastical intolerance.

The men who thus expressed themselves were not insensible to the dangers which encircled them. In adding to the number of the commons, though so cautiously done, they were hazarding the control of that assembly ; and the necessity of keeping nearly forty thousand men in arms, not only exposed them to the chances of insubordination from that quarter, but created the necessity of laying heavy burdens on the people. Added to this, every motion of the new government would be watched by hostile parties, embracing the whole of the nobility, nearly all the established priesthood and superior gentry, and certainly the great majority of the people. But it was now too late to be alarmed at difficulties. Retreat was no longer possible. To keep possession of the reins was the only chance of safety.

The opposition to be expected was from three quarters, the royalists — including the catholics of the three kingdoms, the levellers SeveritiM [q the army, and the Scots. Against the royalists, whose royaUstfl. desperate feeling was well understood, it was resolved to

proceed by way of intimidation. Among the prisonera taken in the war of the last summer, and still in confinement, was the duke of Hamilton, commander of the Scotch army at Preston, the earl of Holland, who had produced an insurrection in the capital ; and lord Capel, Groring — earl of Norwich, and Sir John Owen, who were taken at the surrender of Colchester. By the ordinance passed in prospect of that war, all these persons became liable to prosecution on the chai^ of high treason ; and all were arraigned and condemned upon that charge in the high court of justice.

But the parliament reserved to itself the power to suspend or mitiirate the sentence. In that assembly, Owen was saved B^^dCa- through the compassion of Hutchinson and Ireton. Gorpel, and Ha- ing owed his life to the casting voice of the speaker, milton. 3^|. ^ Bujgie vote turned the scale against Holland ; Capel

and Hamilton were condemned without a division; and these three Qoblemen perished on the scaffold. This severity was meant to strike terror into the royalists ; and for a considerable interval it appeared to produce the intended effect*.

But the trial of these imfortunate persons by the authority of the high court of justice, was a circumstance which did not augur well for

* Whitelocke, 374—378. State Trials, iv. 1153—1250. Ludlow, i. 247 — ^249. A comparison of these proceedings, as recorded in the journals, with what is to be found in Clarendon^ will afford another example of the great inaccuracy so frequent in that writer. Hutchinson, ii. 162 — 164. Ludlow mentions the humanity of Ireton towards Owen ; but, with his wonted proneness to such sins of omission, where his prejudices are concerned, says nothing of Hutchinson, who was the first to address the house in his favour. This author, who so often ti|l\t us of hii honesty, and who, perhaps, thought himself honest, oould describe the battle of Naseby without the slightest mention of GromwelL Ibid. i. 132,

A* D. 1649.] rent coifMONWBALTff. 491

thttadH^ence to the ftmdamental laws whiclihad been among the first pledges of the new power. If the extraordinary occasicm^for which that tribunal had been instituted was such as to justify its existence, it ahould have ceased to exist as soon as its one object was accomplished; The claim of the accused to be tried by their peers was, in the present state of things, unreasonable ; but the demand to be tried by a jury was also resisted, their opponents having reason to suspect that, by such a form of proceeding, some mitigated sentence only would be obtained, and the infant government be deprived of the protection which might be afibr^ed by such examples. The most distinguished of these sufferers was condemned, not as duke of Hamilton, but as earl of Cambridge.

The duke of Hamilton had been much occupied, as we have seen, in the king's affairs, on the breaking out of the troubles in Scotland. He was regarded in most quarters as a person tii^"pers<m». of considerable learning and great discrimination, and possessed so singular a facility in avoiding any matter of conduct likely to give offence, that all parties appear to have viewed him for a long time with a mixture of confidence and suspicion, which, if it exposed him to no violent enmities, left him without any warm friends. Burnet, his biographer, has spared no pains to vindicate his integrity, but his success is not always equal to his intentions. The character of lord Capel was such as to place his fate among the most melancholy incidents of the civil war. He was a person of considerable fortune, with a numerous family of children, and until the beginning of this struggle was wholly unconnected with the court. From that time he put every private feeling in subordination to the service of the king, and acquitted himself in all his duties with chivalrous integrity, generosity, and courage. Cromwell spoke justly of him, when he said that conspiracy against the commonwealth would never be in want of a leader, dangerous uo less from his virtues than from his talents, so long as lord Capel should be alive. The character which he had exhibited through life he sustained in his last hours. The earl of Holland, of whom enough has been said elsewhere, was in such impaired health that his life would have been of short continuance had it not been taken by the axe of the executioner. Goring earl of Norwich is often confounded with colonel, afterwards general and lord, Goring, of whom frequent mention has been made, and who may be described as one of the most profane, unprincipled, and dissolute men of the age, often cast aside as a disgrace and a hindrance by those with whom he professed to act, but possessing that cavalier buoyancy and address which served as often to procure his reinstatement. The earl of Norwich bore some resemblance to lord Goring in his jovial habits, but was not chargeable with his vices, and had few enemies. Of Owen, it may suffice to observe, that, though indebted to Hutchinson and Ireton fbr his life, he was not the man tothaiik them for their humanity. Mrs. Hutchinson describes him as ^ a pillar of ingratitude.'' ,

416 HI8T0RT OF KNOLAMO. [cH. I.

But if the flplrit of the royalists was not to be repressed without the . aid of intimidation, there was hardly less need of such ast&e umy— sistance in the case of the army. On the twentieth of labours of John January in this year, the day on which the king's trial "™®' commenced, the paper intitled, " An Agreement of the People," of which mention has been made, was presented by Fairfax to the commons, not that the house should pass it into a law, but that its being sent through the country to receive signatures, and in that form to bespeak the sentiments of the people, might be with the sanction of that assembly. By this time, however, even the scheme of that paper did not carry the work of revolution far enough to satisfy the levellers, and the more rigid class of republicans. The former, in particular, were taught by their leaders, and especially by the notorious John Lilbume, brother of the colonel of that name, thai the instrument adverted to had been approved by the ofBcers purely because they saw that it might be made to work for their own aggrandizement ; and his warning, both to the army and the nation, was, that they were about to fall under the power of an oligarchy, more to be dreaded than the return of monarchical or prelatical oppression. Lilbume, who was equally fond of talking and of writing, sent forth declamatory appeals of this nature without weariness and without fear, and employed himself in every way to render the military leaders the objects of suspicion, and to make con« verts in favour of the most democratic principles- of government. His views were of the most narrow description, and his patriotism but a modification of his vulgar selfishness ; but such was the success which attended his labours, and those of his various coadjutors, that the commonwealth seemed to be threatened with destruction almost before conscious of existence. During four months, it required the most decisive measures on the part of the commons, and all the promptitude and vigour that Fairfax and Cromwell could bring to the enterprise, to suppress the mutinous detachments which presented themselves in different parts of the country. It was not difficult to convict such a man as Lilburne of seditious practices ; and on that charge he was committed, with several of his associates, to the Tower. This was on the twenty-ninth of March ; and on the seventh of June, Fairfax and Cromwell attended a grand dinner in the metropolis, commemorati^ of their successes against the mutineers *.

* Lilbume had served as a captain under Essex, and was taken prisoner in the affair at Brentford. In Oxford he was brought to trial on the charge of being found in arms against the king, on which occasion he defended himself with mucli force and spirit, but would probably have suffered, had not ihe parliament interposed with a threat of retalintion. This was in 1642. Three years later he exchanged the sword for the pen, and engaged in a warm controversy with Prynne and the presbyterians in defence of liberty of conscience, which brought him into various troubles, and led to his writing against the parliament with as much determination as he had once fought in its sui^port. In the year following^ the charges In which he indulged against public men, declaring, among other things, that Manchester ought to lose his head, were taken up by the house of lords, and he iias sentenced to be fined four thousand pounds, and to be confined seven years iu the

A. D« 1649.] THE COMMONWXALTH. 471

There were ctrcumstances which had rendered the necessity of these exertions at home a source of much perplexity and irritation. Ireland, if anything better than the name of a government was to be preserved there, demanded immediate attention ; and all the remaining strength that could be brought to the conflict would probably be required to meet the effort about to be made by the Scots in favour of the surviving Charles Stuart, whom they proclaimed king as soon as the news of his father's death had reached them.

Cromwell accepted the conduct of the war in Ireland, with the office of lord lieutenant, and on the fifteenth of August landed near Cromwell's ex- Dublin. His army consisted of eight thousand foot, four pedition to thousand cavalry, and a formidable train of artillery. The *" * only places which then held out for the parliament were Dublin and Derry, the authority of Ormond being acknowledged by three*fourths of the island. Confiding in such appearances, Ormond had invited Charles the second to join his standard. But the protestants of that island, both English and Scots, were most of them decided presby terians ; and the natives were catholics, animated by the most fervid intolerance, and their troops so poorly disciplined as to have been almost invariably trodden down or dispersed when opposed to regular troops. Charles naturally hesitated, and no sooner heard of Cromwell's expedition than he decided against making his appearance in that country.

The causes which produced hesitation with the young king were well considered by Cromwell, and appear to have regulated his jjj, policy in policy in this enterprise. He had long cherished that re* this entersentment against the catholic religion, which, in conse- P**^^®* quence of cruelties inflicted by its professors, had become the most prevalent and powerful feeling of his country, and which, of late, had been much strengthened by the accredited reports of the Irish massacre, and of similar deeds perpetrated still more recently. He was persuaded that no confidence could be placed in the foe with whom he had to deal, and very little in his allies ; and he judged that, to bring the war to a speedy termination, and thus to prevent the more extensive bloodshed which was inevitable in case of its being protracted, he should do well to proceed in such a manner as to send the terror of his name at once from one extremity of the island to the other.

With this determination, he commenced the memorable siege of

Drogheda. The importance attached to that town had led

Ormond, the royalist deputy, to put it into the best pos- f*^**"?^ ^

ture of defence, and to garrison it with between two and Wexford.

three thousand of his best troops. Cromwell, instead

Tower. Under this sentence he petitioned the lower house, and wrote to Cromwell a)iid others, and then threw himself upon those ''honest blades," the ^* private soU diers/' and the agitators. His release from the Tower had been obtained only a few weeks before his recommitment, as mentioned above. Walwyn and Overton, who wefe committed with Lilburne in 1649, were among the freethinkers of tiie times of the commonwealth. State Trials, iv. 1269— 1470, Whitelocke, 38 K Journals, April 11, May 12, July 18, Sept. 11, Oct.30.

tl8 HISTORY OV SNGIAMB. [CH. f .

of allowing himaelf to be detoined by the dilatory pfoeeaa of a uege, effected a breach in the wall, and proceeded to take the place by storm. In two aasaults he saw his veterans repelled, but ihe third, conducted by himself, was successful. His command was, that no quarter should be given to any who appeared in arms ; and the greater part of the gar* rison fell on that day, and most of those who survived were put to death in cold blood on the next — an atrocity sufficiently horrible, without our being obliged to believe that the massacre extended to women and children. Of a hundred and forty soldiers who retreated to a tower, and refused to surrender, the officers, and every tenth man among the privates, were put to death, and the remainder sent as convicts to the plantations in Barbadoes. The town of Wexford was defended by two thousand catholic soldiers ; but its walls were scaled without difficulty, and its garrison put to the sword amidst the cries of no quarter*.

One effect of this terrible method of proceeding was to induce the authorities of many towns to open their gates to the conquerors ; and this war, commenced in September, had made such progress by the following March, that Cromwell then returned to England, leaving the remains of opposition to be watched or subdued by Ireton. Much of this success, however, was to be attributed to the intolerance and the animosities which subsisted between the native catholics and the pnH testant royalists, the plans of both being often thwarted, and their exertions generally weakened, from that cause. Cromwell flattered himsdf with having acted wisely, and, upon the whole, humanely, in this enterprise. But, though terror may bring speedy subjection, and lessen the immediate amount of bloodshed and suffering, the sub* mission produced by that means is not often lasting. It is to compress the flame, not to extinguish it.

The secret of the cruelty, and of the rapidity, which marked the pro- Prooeedinirin ^^^^^^S® ^^ Cromwell in Ireland, was the necessity of Scotland-- placing England, at as early a period as possible, in a hmding of the condition to meet the threatened hostilities from Scotland. With the intention of providing against danger from that quarter, an order had been issued by the parliament in January requiring his presence in England — ^the negotiations between the estates at

• * Ludlow,!. 253 — 270. Cartels Ormond, ii. 116, et teq. Leland't History of Ireland, iii. 349 — 363. Whitelocke, 411 — 430^ passim. The several communications to the parliament of the slaughter at Drogheda make do mention of the death of any who were not found in arms ; and the silence of other authorities who had good means of information on that point, and no disposition to withhold Itj particularly Castlehaven (Memoirs^ 79 — 81) is enough to excuse our scepticism respecting it. The communication from the military chaplain, Hugh Peters, is Mockingly characteristic of tlie barharian fanaticism by which not a few about him must be supposed to have been animated. ^' Sir, the truth is, Drogheda is taken, 3362 of the enemy slain, and 63 of ours ; Aston, the govei-nor, killed, none spared ; we have all Trym and Dundalk, and are marching to Kilkenny. 1 come now from fffving thanks in the ^eat church. We have all our army well landed. I am yours, Hugh Peters, Dublin, Sept. 15." " Mr. Peters, the minister, arrived at Dublin ; and, at the beginning pf the troubles in Ireland, had a brigade against the rebels, and came off with honour and victory." Whitelocke, 410, 411.

A. D. 1650.] TBB COMMON^rSALTH. 479

£diabuii§^h and the young king, which were concladed some months later, being then m progress. The terms insisted on by the Scotch commissioners were» that Charles should adopt the league and covenant; that he should acknowledge the authority of all parliaments convened since the beginning of the civil war ; that he should disavow the peace with the Irish catholics, and promise never to tolerate the catholic woiv ship; and that in all civil &&m he should consent to govern through the medium of parliament, and in all ecclesiastical matters with the concurrence of the kirk. Charles, much to the disadvantage of hii afhirs, hesitated to comply with these terms, until he became aware of the &ilure of the Scotch royalists under Montrose, which did not occur until April. After that event, all hope of obtaining more favourable conditions vanished ; and, in compliance with the advice of those about him, and with the tears of his mother, the young monarch made the promises, and took the oaths required from him. He then embarked without delay ; and, after a voyage of some tediousness and hazard, landed in Scotland on the twenty-third of June *. • By this time Cromwell had resumed his seat in parliament, and it had been determined not to wait for the attack from Scotland, Scotland Inbut at once to invade that country. Fairfax pleaded va^d. scruples of conscience, as being himself sworn to the covenant, and declined the responsibihty of the proposed aggression. The wife of Faurfax had become a violent presbyterian and royalist, and his con^ cUict in this instance, and on similar occasions of late, is ascribed to her influence over him. The commander-in-chief retired from this time into jnrivate life, separating himself from all public aflairs until the approach of the restoration, when he propitiated his enemies by ap^ pearing in favour of the king.

The service in Scotland, declined by Fairfax, was accepted by Cromirellt* On passing the Tweed, the £nglish army were surprised to find ^e country everywhere laid waste, and the inhabitants fled. It afUar** wards appeared that proclamations had been issued, which required the people, through the whole space between Berwick and Edinburgh, to remove or destroy their substance, and to fly northward, on pain of the anathema of the kirk, and of losing their property and 'their lives. And lest these penalties should not prove sufficiently alarming, it was given out that Cromwell was the very ApoUyon of his age, that it was his manner to cut ofl* the right hands of all boys who were six years of age,

* Charlei affected to condemn the effort of Montrose as made in opposition to his authority. Balfour, iv. 24; 25. l^hurloe's State Papergj i. 147. Whitelocke, 424 — 447, passim,

t Whitelocke, 444—446. Ludlow, as usual, describes Cromwell as insincere in his attempt to prevail on Fairfax t^ comply with the wishes of the parliament. Bat Mrs. Hutchinson, a more discriminating and a more generous enemy, states, on the authority of her husband, her conviction to^the contrary. Ludlow's Mem. !. 269, 270. Hutchinjson, ii. I70, 1 71 /The remark of the last writer on the conduct of Fairfax is highly characteristic. " But this great man was then as unmoveable by his friends as pertinacious in obeying his wife, whereby he then died to all his former glory, and beeame the monument of his own name, which every day wore out.'*

480 HIITORY OF ENGLAND. [CH. I.

to dettioy all males from Bizteen to ai^ty, and to bore the breasts of women with hot irons. As the consequence of these threatenings and reports, the country everywhere presented the aspect of a deserted wikLemess. But, by keeping near the coast, Cromwell obtained supplies of provision from the fleet which accompanied him *• He discovered the Scottish army between Edinburgh and Lieith, but so entrenched, and otherwise protected, as to preclude the possibility of successful assault. "'The policy adopted by their general was to avoid an engagement, and to exhaust the enemy by scarcity of provisions, fatigue, and sickness. During several weeks, this plan was acted upon with steadiness and effect, and Cromwell began to look on his diminished ranks with some apprehension. On the last day in August he commenced a retreat, in the hope of inducing the enemy to follow him, or, failing in that respect, with the intention of fixing his quarters in Dunbar. The ministers in Edinburgh, impatient of the presence of an enemy so much the object of their aversion, and whose total overthrow they had prophesied with increasing confidence from the beginning, no sooner saw the sectaries striking their tents, and moving southward, than they called loudly for an immediate abandonment of that timid and distrustful policy which Leslie, their general, had hitherto followed. Their influence prevailed, and the general received instructions according to their wishes. The English army did not exceed twelve thousand men ; the Scots, who now followed cautiously upon their rear, amounted to more than twice that number, but many of the latter were men who had never seen war, while the former, both infantry and cavalry, consisted almost entirely of veteran soldiers. The Scots had sent forward detachments to. seize upon the passes, and to make the expected retreat of the enemy to England as ruinous as possible.

Cromwell marched on the first day to Haddington ; on the second, to Dunbar. At this point Leslie pressed closely on the invaders, and took possession of the heights of Lammermuir on the right and left ; while Cromwell spread his force over an open plain near Broxmouth house — the two armies being stiU separated from each other by a formidable dyke. The Scots looked on the foe beneath them as snared and taken. During the first day, which was the sabbath, both armies remained motionless. On the folbwing morning the Scots began to descend toward the foot of the hill. Cromwell, who till that moment had been engaged in prayer with the officers, watched this movement, and, regarding it as the token of an intention to fight, exclaimed, " The Lord has delivered them into our hands." Through that day, however, the dyke deterred either party from making the attack ; but some hours before daybreak the next morning, Cromwell despatched a brigade to attempt the gaining of a pass between Dunbar and Berwick, which would allow

* Whitelocke, 447-— 461. 464. ''As the army marched through some townt, poor women fell on their knees, begging that they would not bum their breasts before they destroyed them^ and children begging to save their lires.** Ibid.

of their falling with advantage on the position of the enemy. By six o'clock this ohject was accomplished, and Cromwell, advancing with the main body of his army, placed himself in front of the enemy's cavalry. The Scots were seen in the act of coming to the charge, when the sun, hitherto obscured by a fog, suddenly burst forth, and scattered the mist which had concealed the combatants in a great degree from each other. Cromwell, glancing at the breaking splendour and dispersing vapour, shouted, " Now let God arise, and his enemies shall be scattered.*' The charge of the Scots was made with spirit, but was met with so much order and force, particularly by the infantry^ that they presently began to give ground ; and the Scotch infantry no sooner looked upon the rout which began among the cavalry, than a panic seized them, and throwing away their arms, they fled in every direction. Four thousand Scots fell on that day, and ten thousand were made prisoners. The victory of Dunbar opened the gates of Edinburgh to the invaders *.

During his stay in that city, Cromwell endeavoured to conquer the men by his powers in ai^ument, whom he had subdued Cromwell by the sword. His passion for polemics, it should be re- debates with membered, was older than his reputation in the field, and ^^^^.'^^ ^^'^ he was now among a people who revered no power so much theology, as that of acuteness in debate on a question of theology. It is by no means just to ascribe to hypocrisy the attempt of Cromwell to convince those men that he had thought on their favourite topics as effectually as themselves, and that he could reason upon them with as much force and readiness. In so doing, he acted in accordance with the spirit of his age and country, and with his own early habits and impressionst*

* Whiteloeke, 455, 456. Old Pari. Hist. xiz. 433—452. Carte's Letters, i. SOU Balfour, iv. 97- Lndlow, i. 283, 284.

f Whiteloeke, 458, 459. 461. Thurloe, i. 158—163. It is not without an effort that we can form an adequate idea of that enthusiasm on the subject of religion which possessed the mind of Cromwell and of many with whom he acted. Baxter spealcs of being present at a vigorous skirmish between some parliamentarians and a detachment of royalists under Goring ; and adds : *' I happened to be next to major Harrison when the flight (of Qoring*8 party) began, and heard him, with a loud voice break forth into the praises of God, with fluent expressions, as if he had been in a rapture." -Life, lib. i. parti, p. 64. Concerning the early life of Cromwell, the xoyidist, sir Philip Warwick, writes : '^ After the rendition of Oxford, I had occasion to converse with Mr. Cromwell's physician, Dr. Simcott, who assured me that for many years his patient was a most splenetic man, and had fancies about the cross in the town, and that he had been called up to him at midnight, and such unseasonable hours, very many times, upon a strong fancy that he was dying. The first years of his manhood were spent in a dissolute course of life, in good fel' lowship, and gaming, which afterwards he seemed very sorrowful for, declaring he was ready to make restitution unto any man who would accuse him, or whom he could accuse himself to have wronged. Wheu he was thus civilized, he Joined himaeffto men of ftt> own temper j and pretended unto transports and revelations^ Mem. 275. A less generous enemy remarks of him at this time, that ^ he assumed the behaviour of a penitent, and gave himself wholly up to the hearing of sermons^ reading of godly books, and to works of mortification." Bates, Elenchus Motuum. Pars U. p. 219. See Harris's Life of Cromwell, &^16.