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Groton during the Indian wars

Samuel A. Green · 1883 · Scanned text · Free in the US

69,060 words · about 4 h 50 min to read

Period artwork: Interior of the Bodleian Library, 1845
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About this book

Author
Samuel A. Green
Language
English
Published
1883
Length
69,060 words · about 4 h 50 min
Sections
11 reader sections
Text
Scanned text, read from page scans by OCR; may contain errors
Rights
Public domain in the United States

 

Contents (11)
  1. Front matter under 1 min
  2. Contents under 1 min
  3. I about 5 min
  4. II about 58 min
  5. Chapter II. King William's War about 48 min
  6. Chapter III. Queen Anne's War about 53 min
  7. Chapter IV. Dummer's War about 34 min
  8. Chapter V. King George's War about 10 min
  9. Chapter VI. French And Indian War about 25 min
  10. Chapter VII. Miscellaneous Matters about 19 min
  11. Index about 37 min

Continue:

Front matter

Gc

974 .402

GOlGgre 1214005

Contents

Chapter Page

I. King Philip's War 7

II. King William's War 51

I

The early settlers of Groton encountered many trials and privations in planting the town. The men worked hard in felling trees and breaking ground, and the women toiled faithfully in their rude homes. They were used to hardships, and took them with Christian resignation. Their daily life taught them the true principles of philosophy. They lived on the rough edge of civilization, and nothing stood between them and an unbroken wilderness. These pioneers were a devout people ; and the strength of their religious belief is shown in no way so clearly as in the fortitude with which they met their lot in life. The prowling Indians were their neighbors, whose movements required careful watching. There were families of savages scattered along the interval land of the Nashua Valley, from Lancaster to the Merrimack River, who at times annoyed the settlers by killing pigs and stealing chickens. Judging from the number of stone implements found in the neighborhood, there was an Indian village just above the Red Bridge, on the west side of the river. It probably consisted of a few families only, belonging to the Nashua Tribe, as they were called by the English. Like all their race these Indians were a shiftless people, and often

KING PHILIP'S WAR.

changed their abodes, going hither and thither, as they found good hunting-grounds and fishing-places. They bartered skins and furs with the planters ; and so much business was carried on in this way, that the government sold to individuals the right to trade with them. As early as July, 1657, Mr. John Tinker, one of the original selectmen of the town, appointed by the General Court, paid eight pounds for the privilege of trafficking with them at Lancaster and Groton. A few of these natives knew a little English, which they had picked up from contact with the whites. Gookin refers to them in his " History of the Christian Indians," when he speaks of '* some skulking Indians of the enemy, that formerly lived about Groton, the principal whereof was named Nathaniel, he and his party did this and other mischief afterward, in burning several houses at Chelmsford." ^ This Nathaniel was taken subsequently at Cocheco, now Dover, New Hampshire, and hanged in Boston. Some of these vagrants took an active part in the burning of Groton during King Philip's War. The leader of the savages at this assault was John Monaco, or Monoco, nicknamed One-eyed John," from the loss of an eye. After he had taken by stratagem a garrison-house, he entered into a long conversation with Captain Parker, who was stationed in another house near by, and called him his old neighbor. From this fact I infer that " One-eyed John" knew Captain Parker, and had previously lived in the vicinity. Warfare among the aborigines did not require generalship so much as knowledge of places ; and the head of an assaulting party was one familiar with the clearings and the lay of the land in the threatened territory. During the ensuing autumn this leader was brought to the gallows in Boston, where he suffered the extreme penalty of the law.

The Indians soon acquired from the English the love of strong drink, which is sure to lead to disputes and quarrels.

1 Archseologia Americana, II. 47

I

KING PHILIP'S WAR.

The earliest documents at the State House, relating to Groton and the savages, give an account of a drunken brawl which ended in murder. The affair took place in the Merrimack Valley, and several men of this town were summoned to appear as witnesses at the investigation before the General Court in Boston. In the spring of 1668 Captain Richard Waldron built a trucking or trading house at Penacook, now Concord, New Hampshire, where a few weeks later one Thomas Dickinson was murdered by an Indian while under the influence of liquor. The homicide created great excitement, and it has been supposed to have delayed the permanent settlement of the place for many years. A warrant was issued directing the constable of Groton to summon John Page, Thomas Tarbell, Jr., Joseph Blood, and Kobert Parish, all of this town, before the General Court in order to give their testimony, which they did under oath. It appeared by the evidence that there had been a drunken row, and that Dickinson was killed by an Indian, who acknowledged the crime and expressed great sorrow for it, but pleaded drunkenness in extenuation of the deed. The culprit was tried at once by a council of the Indians, who sentenced him to be shot, which was done the next day. It is interesting now to note the high temperance stand taken, more than two hundred years ago, by the Chief Tohaunto, which places him abreast of the most earnest opposers of the rum traffic at the present time.

Throughout this narration I purpose to give, as far as practicable, the exact language of the men connected with the events ; and for this reason many original documents are printed in full. Some of the papers relating to the affair at Penacook are as follows :

To the Constable of Groaten

These. Require yo" in his Maj'^^' name, to sumone & require John Page & such othe'' of toune y' went vp to Inquire for y^ir catle. at

KINC J'HILIP'S WAR.

Pemicook i)rcscntly on the death of the Englishman niurthured by y' Indians there lately in a drunken fitt. as is sayd & others y^ yo" know to make theire Ai)pearances before the Generall [Court] now sitting in Boston on 27"' Instan*. at eight of y'' clocke in the morning to give in their euidences in y*" Case relating to y*" sd murthe' & y ' occasion thereof by selling strong liquo's & by whom as they know or have heard making yo"" return of this warrant to the Secretary at or before y' time hereof yo" are not to faile dated in Boston, the 15"' of Octobe' 1668.

By the Court Edw : Rawson Ser'e' '

These thre men namly John Page Thomas an Robard

Tarball Juni"" & Joseph Blood are Summanced Parish to apear^ at the Generall Court, according to the premises : by mee Matthias Farnworth

Constable of Grawton

To the Constable Grawten

The words " an Robard Parish " appear in the original, in one corner of the writing, as given above. They were evidently put in after the document was written.

The Deposition of Danll Waldron being called to speak what I know about the Death of Thomas Dikjson who was killed by an Indian as they say : my selfe with many others was sent up by my father to see the corps and enquire into his death when we came there we found the man dead and an Indian lying dead by him and examining the Indians how he came by his death they said the Indian that lay dead by him killed him with his knife : and enquiring further why he killed him the Indians told us they asked him and he gave them no answere but bid them shoott him : and further enquiring whether the Indian were Drunk they answered that he was not Drunk and after this we saw him buried presently, and we returned home the next Day

This was taken vpon oath : this 20 : j of y^ 8 : [ mo 1668 before vs

Simon Willard W" Hathorne

KING PHILIP'S WAR.

II

Wee whose names are herevnto subscribed doe testifye that in or aboute Month of June last past goeing to Pennycooke to enquire after Catde yt were lost, rideing to y*" ffort at the sayd Pennicooke, meeteing w^^ some of the Indians belonging thereto told us, y' an Enghshman was Killed by an Indian, and that all our Englishmans Laws they had Killed the Indian, wee farther enquireing of them how and whether the Indians were drunck when the Englishman was Killed, and they answered all Indians were then drunck or else they had noe Kild Englishman ; And farther wee Evidence Tohaunto a Sagamore being afrayd that wee had brought Liquors to sell desired us if wee had any, that wee would power it vppon the ground for it would make ye Indians all one Divill, And farther wee meeteing wth Thomas Payne, who told us he was Cap' Waldern's serv', asking him whether the Indians were druncke when the Englishman was Killed, and he answered not drunck ; and after farther discourse wth ye sd Payne he sayd that ye pson that was Killed was Peter Coffins man and farther sayd that if the Killing of the Man did not prevent it his the sayd Paynes Master Capt Walderne and Peter Coffin did intend to send Carpenters to build there and also to have ground broake vpp to be improved, and wee farther afifirme that wee saw a Rundlett which would hold at least six Gallons in the Trucking House near the sayd ffort ; after wch wee meeteing wth the Indians then there, and telling them yt Thomas Payne told us that they were not drunck when The Englishman was Killed the Indians then sayd yt Payne much Lyed, for wee had Divers Quarts of Liquors the same day that the sayd Englishman was Killed upon and one of the Indians Cornaunded his Squagh to wash a Bladder, wherein the Indian sayd there was a Quart of Liquors and wee doe adiudge it to be as much ; or using words to the same effect

Sworne in Court, 27, octobe' 1668 : Edw : Rawson Secret^

John Page RoBB Parris Thomas Tarball Joseph bloud

During a series of years before King Philip's War the Indians had been supplied with arms and ammunition,

KING PHILIP'S WAR.

thoui^^h this was contrary to the laws of the colonies. The French in Canada and the Dutch in New York had carried on considerable traffic with the natives in these contraband articles ; and occasionally some avaricious settler would barter with them, giving powder and shot in exchange. The possession of firearms made the Indians bold and insolent, and the tendency of events was toward open hostilities. This tendency was strengthened by a feeling of suspicion on the part of the colonists, and by one of jealousy on the ' part of the savages. Distrust always grows out of suspicion, and the fears of the settlers began to be excited when they thought of their exposed situation. Under these circumstances, it was wise to prepare for all emergencies ; and at an early day a military company was organized in this town. The following entry is made in the manuscript records of the General Court . during the session beginning May 6, 1673 : —

James Parker of Groaten hauing had the care of the military Company there for seuerall yeares. is Appointed & ordered to be their leiftennant & Larkin to be ensigne to the sajd Company there

[General Court Records, IV. 718.]

The two officers of this organization were each promoted one grade during the next autumn, which would indicate that the company was filling up in numbers. At the session of the General Court beginning October 15, 1673, the record reads :

The military Company of Groaten being destitut of military oficers The Court Judgeth it meet to choose & Appoint James Parker to be their captane Lakin to be leiftennant & Nathaniel Lawrence to be their ensigne

[General Court Records, IV. 726.]

Before this time there had been in Middlesex County a company of troopers, or cavalry, made up of men living

KING PHILIP'S WAR.

in the frontier towns, of which Groton was one — as mentioned in the General Court Records of October, 1669.

One of the prominent men in the history of the Colony at this period was Major Simon Willard. A native of England, he came to Massachusetts in the year 1634. He had lived at Concord, Lancaster, and Groton, and in all these places exerted a wide influence. He had filled various civil offices, and in his day was a noted military man. His farm was situated at Nonacoicus, now included within the limits of Ayer ; and his dwelling-house was the first building burned at the attack on Groton, March 13, 1676. During several months previously he had been engaged with his men in scouting along the line of frontier settlements and protecting the inhabitants. At this assault Major Willard came with a company of cavalry to the relief of the town, though he did not reach the place in time to be of service in its defence. He died at Charlestown, on April 24, 1676, a very few weeks after this town was abandoned. Benjamin Tompson, the earliest native American poet, pays the following tribute to his character, in a little pamphlet published during King Philip's War, and entitled New England's Tears." It is certainly rude in expression, and probably just in its conception, but not accurate as to the date of his death : —

About this Time Died Major Willard Esq; who had continued one of our Senators many years, and Head of the Massachuset Bands. In 23 April 1676.

EPITAPHIUM.

Great, Good, and jfust, Valiant, and Wise, New Englands Common Sacrifice : The Prince of War, the Bo7id of Love, A True Heroick Martial Dove : Pardon I croud his Parts so close Which all the World in measure knows, We envy Death, and well we may, Who keeps him under Lock and Key.

'4

KINO I>IIILII"S WAR.

His Praises will, or are more largely celebrated ; but let this be accepted according to the Nature of my Writings, which arc but l>rief and ( Icncral.

The first mention of anything in the town-records, relating to the Indians or the War, is tlic following: —

At a meeting of the sellcct men J ally 2 July 22 75 a rat made for the defraying of the charg of the ware and put in to the hand of William J.ongley constable to gather the sume 23! 14? 4 added 7 shill more than the Just proportion

The mutterings of warfare were now beginning to be heard, and the colonists were looking for protection. Captain Parker writes to Governor Leverett, under date of August 25, 1675, that the inhabitants "are in a very great strait" and " much discouraged in their spirits ; " that they want ammunition and twenty good muskets for their pikemen. The letter itself, with the quaint expressions of two centuries ago, gives a good idea of their narrow circumstances, and is as follows : —

To the honoured John Leueret Esquir Gouernour of the Massechiisets cottony

Honoured sir with the rest of your counsell I have made bold to enform your worships how the case stand with vs that the Indians are aproach^ near to vs our scouts hau discouerd seuerall tracks very near the habetable parts of the town and one Indian they discouerd but escapt from them by skulking amongst the bushes and som of the Inhabitants of our town have heard them in the night singing and halloeing. which doe determin to vs their great height of Insolency : we are in a very great strait our Inhabitants are very much discouraged in their spirits and their by diseuaded from their callings I haue receiued 20 men from the worshipfall Major "Wellard and Captain Mosselly men to help secur our town, but notwithstanding we are in a very weak capacity to defend ourselues against the Insolency and potency of the enemy if they shold apear in number and with that violenc that they did apear at quabog [Brookfield] the which the good lord forbid if it be his good pleasur, much honoured and

KING PHILIP'S WAR.

respected the good lord be with you In your consultations that you may vnderstand what to doe for your new england Israel at such a tim as this and in particular ourselues and for our dear neighbours at Lanchester vpon whom the enemy haue made an Inraid 6 persons are already found and buryed the y-^which they doe expect is kild is not as yet found you may be pleased to tak notice that we shall want ammunition spedily by reason that we hau parted with som to Cap' Mosselly men and som we spent in the fight at quabog as also I hau suplyed the souldiers with amunition that were sent to me that was Imployed in the seruice they hauing spent their ammunition If you could help vs with 20 good muskets for our pik men and I will return them again or else giu a valluable price for them in such pay as we can produce among ourselues not else at present but leaue you to the guidance of the God of heauen who is the only wise counsellor and remaine

Your seruant to comaund in any seruice to my power

James Parker Cap'

from Groten August 25 75

[Massachusetts Archives, LXVII. 244.]

A few days before the date of this letter, Captain Samuel Moseley writes from " Nashowah Allies Lankester: 16':^ Augs' 1675 " that, in accordance with instructions from Major- General Denison, he had sent "to Groatton : 12: men." These are among the ones alluded to in Captain Parker's letter, as having arrived to help secure the town. Captain Moseley further says: —

also last nightt aboutt seaven A Clocke we martched Into Nashowah [Lancaster] wheare we are Att Presentt butt shall as soone as the Constable Hajth prest vs a dozen Horsses ; Proseed for groatton & so to Chenceford ; according to the ord's Majo"" Willerd gaue me yesterday Att Quoahbauge [Brookfield].

The letter was written a few days after Major Willard and Captain Parker, both of Groton, had gone with forty-six men i6

KING riIILII"S WAR.

and five Indians, to the rescue of Brookfield, on August 7, 1675, and just in the nick of time saved that town from massacre. An interesting account of this affair, written by Captain Thomas Wheeler, is found in the second volume of the Collections of the New Hampshire Historical Society." Captain Wheeler was a brave soldier, and severely wounded in that campaign. Evidently he could fight better than he could spell, judging from the following certificate : —

To the honered Governer Coiincell of the Massathusets Colony in New England

These are to signyfie that Cornellius Consert the Dutchman was vppon the Contryes Servis Att quabauge & by the Councle of warre there was sent out Cap* of the forlorne And Afterward marched to Grotton & Chensford & According to my best Advice Continued in the Countryes servis six weekes Cornellius being Reddy to depart the Country & myselfe being here att boston the Major Willard being Absent I granted this ticket.

Thomas Wheler Cap*

Boston October y*" 13 1675

In those days there was no physician here to offer his professional skill to the government in its time of need, and even a small military force was sure to require medical or surgical attendance. It therefore became necessary to impress into the public service a surgeon, as well as a horse with accoutrements, as we find from the following order : —

To the Constable of Boston.

These Require you in his Majes*^^ name forthwith to Impresse M"" W"" Haukins Chirurgeon : Imediately to prepare himself w**" materials as Chirurgeon & to dispatch to Marlbory. to Capt Mosely & attend his motion & souldiers at Groaten. or elsewhere : for wch End you are

KING PHILIP'S WAR.

also to Impresse an able horse & furniture for him : to Goe : w**" the post

• Dated at Boston if^ Augus^ 1675 "taking Return hereof to the Secret^

By y*" Council

Edw. Rawson Secret^

[Massachusetts Archives, LXVII. 241.]

The constable made the indorsement on the order that Dr. Hawkins was duly warned. According to Savage's Genealogical Dictionary he was a butcher, but in his will he is styled a surgeon, — a union of callings which is rather suggestive.

At this time King Philip's War had begun, and open hostilities had alarmed the inhabitants of the place. The Council passed an order on September 8, 1675, that Cornet Thomas Brattle and Lieutenant Thomas Henchman should take fifty men, — of whom thirty were to come from Norfolk, then a different county from the present one, and twenty from Middlesex, — and place them in the garrisons at Dunstable, Groton, and Lancaster, in such proportions as they should deem expedient.. The order is as follows : —

Jwr Cornet Thomas Bratle 6^ Leiftenant Thomas Henchman

You are herby impoured & appointed with a party of horsmen vnder your comand, forthwith to march to Chelmsford to attend & put in execution the instructions following :

I first you are ordered with fifty soldiers that are appointed to meet you, at Leift Henchmans vizt thirty y' are to come from the county of Norfolke & twenty out of the county of Midlesex, that are ordered to meet you at Groton these fifty men you are ordered to sett in garrisons in the frontier townes of Dunstable, Groton, and Lancaster &c in such proportion as in your discretion shal bee expedient placing them vnder the comand of the cheefe military officers of each towne : glueing those officers direction : to joyne & lyst other meet persons of their owne companyes with them, & order them euery day to surraund the townes y^y are to secure ; & if they can to carry doggs with y"" to search for & discouer any enimy that may aproch nere such towne &

I<S

KING PHILIP'S WAR.

at night to repaire vnto such corps du gaurd, as are appointed to them

for the security of the s'' i)lace, and there to keep watch Ijy night ; & furthermore you are to declare vnto the Inliabitants of each 'J bwne (you are herby orderd to garrison) that the Oouerno' & council do expect their bee meet prouisions of victual made for the garrison soldiers herby ordered, at y*-' charge of towne ; whch is not to bee l^rought vnto the acco* of the publicke ; & if any town or people decline so to Doe so you are herby ordered not to leaue any soldiers with them.

Secondly you are further ordered, to Vse your best endeuor to setle, compose & quiet matters respecting the indians our neighboars, particularly those that Hue at Wamesit, Nashubah, & Malborough ; y' you endeuer to put in execution the printed order, relating to those indians & particularly y' you procure some english man or men to bee with y'" or at least, to visit y'" once a day to be as guardians for securing the english and indians, that neither the one or other may bee piudiced or injured, & the council are willing to allow such person or psons a meet compensation for their seruice in y' Imploy. And concerning the Indians at Marlborow who are ordered to reside at Hassanamesit about twelue miles distant whether you are to order the cheefe officer of Malborow to conuey them, & if you can possibly procure, an english man or two to reside with them, at Hassanamesit according as the printed order proude but in case that can not bee obtained y" those indians must be left at Hassanamesit with exp'se charge puncktualy to Obserue the printed order.

Lastly you are to endeauor either one or both of you (if it may bee) to gaine the Indian Sachem called Wannalanset to com in againe and hue at wamesit quietly [and] pecabley ; you may promise him in the Councills name y* if hee will returne & his people & hue quietly at Wamesit hee shal susteyne no p'iudise by the english : only you are to ppose to him y* he deliuer for a hostage to the english his sonne who shalbe wel vsed by vs, & in case hee come in & can bee gained then you are to impour him to informe the Pennakooke & Natacook indians & all other indians on the East side of Merrimack Riuer, that they may Hue quietly & peacable in y"" places & shall not bee disturbed any more by the english prouided they do not assist or ioyne with any of or enimiy nor do any dammage or preiudice to y^ engHsh :

And hauing put in execution these instructions you are to returne home and giue an acco' thereof to the Council.

KING PHILIP'S WAR.

And what euer is necessary for fulfiling these Instructions you are herby impowred by order of the Goiino'' & Councel to do it.

past by y^ Councel 8 September 1675

E R S.

[Massachusetts Archives, LXVII. 252.]

About this time the question of withdrawing a considerable force from the garrisons seems to have been considered ; but a protest against such action was drawn up and signed by Simon Willard and three others, who were probably the officers in command. From the representation they made, it is not likely that any troops were taken away. The communication was as follows : —

Honerd Gentlemen the Goiivr Councell This afternoon, we had acordinge to your order, discourse with Capt Hincksman, in reference to his actings in his waye as to the comisione he reed frome you, he is to take : 80 men frome oure Garisons, that is all we haue or mor, & we : stand in neede of more but we dare not be so bold, our corne, that littill we haue, is time it weare gathered, but if our scouts be taken off heer is littill be gathered, & many will be hardly kept with vs, but will rune awaye frome all our townes, you hapily may thinke we are afrayd, we will not host therabout, but we dare saye, our liues are not dear vnto vs, in any way that God shall call vs to, our thoughts are that it is not advisable to march vp to penicooke wher ther are many Indians at the p'sent, yet many abroad about all our towns as apears dayly, but our p''sent thoughts are, that it might be for p'sent saftie for the country, that a Garison wear settled ouer Merrimake Riuer about donstable, that ther maye be enttercorse betwene our towns & that Garison, we haue apoyntted Capt Pakr & left Hinckesmen, who will relatte y^ things to giu you reall light, much further than is meet now to do, or then time will pmitt, we are not willinge to truble you any further, but rest your humble servants

Groaton this 25"' : 7 : 75

Simon Willard, Salom Adames James Parker :

[Massachusetts Archives, LXVII. 265.] James KiDDER

KINC; rilIIJl'\S WAR.

In the autumn of this year — October 27, 1675 — the town was assessed ^11. los. as licr rate to carry on tlie war; and, when paid in money, one quarter to be abated. (Archives, LXVIII. 29.) Tliis amount appears to be in addition to the rate made at a general town meeting on July 22 of the previous summer.

It is evident, from an entry in the town-records, that there was about this time a slight lull in the local excitement. It is recorded : —

At a Generall Towne meeting held no - 8 1675 It was this day agreed vpon and by vote declared that there should be a committe chussen to treat with Mr Willard about sending down to the generall court to Enforme and supplicat to them that we may haue payd to vs what is our due from the countrey and also that the Billit of the souldiers may be vpon the countreys account and also agreed vpon that if this would not doe for to stand it out at law with them

and the commitee chussen was Cap* Parker Leiftenant Lakin William Longley seni- John Page.

It will be seen by this vote that the inhabitants of the town did not now feel greatly alarmed ; but one month later they had become more apprehensive of danger, as the following extract will show : —

At a Generall Towne meeting held Decem 9 75 It was this day agreed vpon and by vot declared that the soldiers that are still remaining in the town shalbe continued in the towne at the town charge till such tim as we heare a returne from the army goei[ng] against the naroganset and then the towne to meet againe to consider what is furder to be done.

The ensuing winter must have been a hard one for the colonists, not only here but throughout New England. The Indians had burned some towns and threatened others, and it was a season of distrust and despair. The time was rapidly approaching when this place w^ould suffer, and soon the stroke came. It seems from the following request," now in

KING PHILIP'S WAR.

the possession of Dr. John S. H. Fogg, of South Boston, that the assault was not unexpected : —

To the Honored the Genera II Co^'t of the Massachusetts Colony, in JSE :

The humble request of the inhabitants of the Town of Groton, humbly sheweth,

That Wheras in this day of Calainity & distresse, wee are fellowsufferers with our brethren & neighbors, in the sad & doleful consequences of the present unhappye warre ; though wee have cause to adore & praise that mercy which hath preserved us from such desolation under which o"" neere neighbors are now bleeding ; yet o' sufferings are such, as, except the Lord helpe, wee are sinking under. Esteeming it therefore o'' duty to apply o'selves to yo"" hono'^, whom wee account o'' publicke fathers, & trust you will improve yo' wisdome & abilityes for us : wee doe earnestly crave o' present state to be considered, & weighed in a just balance ; who are brought neere to utmost streights. The enemye (as we groundedly suppose) waiting an opportunity against us ; the season of the yeere calling to employment, & hasting to passe away from us : ourselves brought into a narrow compasse, & ready to undergoe sore sufferings, by reason of necessary arising inconveniencyes ; o' provision neere consumed, & souldiers quartered amongst us hastening the expense of it ; our wives & children, some removed, others removing ; our cattel lying open to dayly hazards of being seized ; These things portend to us a famine, & poverty, coming upon us with as great fury on the one hand, as the enemy on the other ; & wee at the present are unable to be beneficial to the publicke & private interest incumbent upon us. Wee humbly, & upon o' knees crave yo' hono's direction & assistance in this case, as the Lord shall direct whither wee shall goe or stay, or what way we may be set in, & wheras we were summoned to send in o"" deputy we did esteeme o' present state required the presence of o"" souldiery at home, especially men in place & office with us : wee therefore, being small in number, & dayly waiting the approach of the enemye, have (not in any despising of authority) refrained from chusing one : & withal have chosen, o' Rever^^ Pasto' M' Sam''" Willard to present this o"" humble request, & farther to expresse o' minds and humble desires, as occasion may present, & yo' hono'' shall see meet to enquire into.

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