The great revolt in Castile : a study of the comunero movement of 1520-1521

Front matter

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Preface

My most considerable obligations are to Professor R. B. Merriman, of Harvard College, with whom I began Spanish studies, and who has been constantly friendly and helpful; to Professor H. G. Pearson, of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, who has been interested and practically helpful; to the late Enrique Pacheco y de Leyva, of the Spanish Royal Academy of History; to Sefior Rafael Altamira, and to Sefior J. Florit, of the Armeria Real; and to the public spirit of George Ticknor, whose books in the Boston Public Library make the home of W. H. Prescott still a rich field for Hispanic studies.

Professor Merriman’s chapter about the Comuneros in the third volume of his Rise of the Spanish Empire renders superfluous another treatment of the Comunero movement in its bearing on the empire and the foreign policy of Spain. Before I had seen this chapter, however, I had restricted my consideration to the internai history of the rebellion, of which an outstanding feature is its self-centeredness: so far as the record shows, few Castilians in 1520 had any interest in, or knowledge of, affairs in the other parts of Spain — still less of the world outside.

In regard to proper names I have observed no rigid consistency. Personal names I have preferred to use in the forms of the language to which they are native, except those most wholly Anglicised, such as Columbus. The provinces of Spain I mention in their English forms, since so many of these have been Anglicised; city names, of which many are unfamiliar in English, I use in their Spanish forms, though this involves the absurdity of writing Leén for the city and Leon for the province.

_In rendering the documentary Spanish of the sixteenth century I have constantly simplified sentence structure. In the original, and and that are used almost as marks of punctuation, like a period or semicolon. The sentence division is commonly conjectural, for the documents often use no periods or capitals, or use them quite capriciously. Many letters of above a thousand words have neither period nor vi PREFACE capital. If rendered literally, many a sentence would be three pages long. I have, however, given many renderings so literal as to be crabbed and involved: they represent truly the difficult original texts. Words implied by the context I enclose in ( ); explanatory material in [ ]. All omissions are indicated by (...) Emendations so obvious as to be beyond doubt I make without noting them: dubious emendations or translation I give with indication of the extant text.

HENRY LATIMER SEAVER

CONTENTS BOOK I

. ROYAL BREEDING

. ROYAL SCUFFLE

. A Roya PROGRESS

. THE REALM OF CASTLES

. THE BARREL OF THE VIPER AND THE ADDER

. THE OLD PRIMATE AND THE YOUNG

. RoYAL BRETHREN

. THE CORTES OF VALLADOLID, JANUARY-MARCH, I518

THE FLEMISH PILLAGE

. IMPERIAL HASTE, MARCH, 1520

. AUDIENCE TO THE PETITIONERS

. HoLy WEEK IN SANTIAGO, APRIL, 1520

. THE CorTEs OF CoruUNA, APRIL-MAY, 1520

Book II Juana, By The Grace Of God

. SIRE, NoT A REVOLT...

. A Months oF Moss, JUNE, 1520

. ‘THE QUEEN, THE KING, AND THE COMMUNE’ . UNION

. THE HANGING JUDGE

. Lest By DELAY WE LOSE THE CHANCE

Contents

. CONFLAGRATION: MEDINA DEL CAMPO, AUGUST 21,

. THE SANTA JUNTA

. JUANA, BY THE GRACE OF GOD... . THE KING SHALL DESIST...

Chapter I Royal Breeding

ON September 19, 1517, the dreaded and suspected Hapsburg grandson landed in Spain to assume the crowns of the astute King Fernando and the saintly Queen Isabel. In this frail and diffident youth of seventeen had concluded the dynastic hopes, fears, and ambitions of the Catholic Sovereigns. They themselves were laid to their rest in Granada and would never see to what fate an Austrian heir might conduct their Spanish realms; but the Castilians who received the young monarch could augur but ill, from the lad’s ancestry and from the course of events in Castile for a quarter century past, for a future committed to this boy prince of an almost foreign dynasty. The grave elder generation — for example, the venerable Jiménez de Cisneros, Cardinal Primate and Governor of Spain — looked only with distrust upon little Carlos of Ghent. They had seen Castile pass, under the Catholic Monarchs, from anarchy to order, from order to territorial unity, from that to world empire; and had then seen an irony of destiny entrust this tremendous structure of statecraft to the young heir about whom neither his grandparents nor his Castilian subjects could feel anything but misgiving. _ He had come to the throne by a succession so indirect and as the result of so amazing a combination of premature deaths, that he seemed inevitably an intruder.

The hope of a Spanish heir had vanished twenty years before: the body of the only son of Fernando and Isabel lay between the high choir and the high altar in the quiet Dominican church at the head of the long valley in the Avilan hills. Of this Infante, married though already in the shadow of death to Margaret, daughter of the Hapsburg Emperor Maximilian, a posthumous baby girl was born dead. The crowns of Aragon and Castile must pass to a daughter’s line.

The heiress apparent, oldest daughter of the Catholic Monarchs, a girl widow of twenty-six, had wedded in reluctant second marriage only a month before her brother’s death, the King of Portugal. To their children might pass a kingdom uniting all the realms of the peninsula, an Iberian empire — Portugal and its possessions in Africa and the Indian seas, Aragon and its Mediterranean dependencies, Castile and its New Indies in the West. Of that marriage a ‘boy was born; but his mother died in childbirth, and this Portuguese grandson, Miguel, lived but twenty-two months heir of such a dazzling destiny. The Spanish succession was destined to pass through a second daughter of Fernando and Isabel, and to attain an even more astounding empire, in yet more alien hands and lands.

This girl, Juana, before there was any likelihood of her inheriting her parents’ crowns, had been married to the Hapsburg Archduke Philip, son and heir of Maximilian. Juana was sacrificed in a match intended to secure friendly cousinly relations between the Spanish and the Hapsburg thrones — just as the marriage of the fifth child, Catalina, to the son of Henry VII was designed to secure the friendliness of England — a complex of alliances contrived against the power of France. From Juana’s marriage there were six Hapsburg grandchildren: Leonor, Carlos, Isabel, Fernando, Maria, and a posthumous Catalina, all as healthy and destined to as long lives as the Spanish and Portuguese grandchildren were frail and short-lived. But Juana, even before her mother’s death in 1504, when the daughter was twenty-five, had shown, though a woman of exuberant health, signs of mental disorder, induced by a jealous and infatuated devotion to a husband who constantly ignored and outraged it. Juana’s authority in Castile, upon her mother’s death, had consequently to be exercised by Philip

* The tomb of the Infante D. Juan in the church of Santo Tomas, Avila, the work of a Florentine sculptor, is still extant, one of the purest and loveliest Renaissance monuments in Spain.

ROYAL BREEDING 5 as King Regent and after his death by her father Fernando. His regency of ten years merely postponed the fated Hapsburg control, which, on Fernando’s death, came in the fall of 1517, in the person of young Carlos, to dominate the destiny of the Spanish kingdoms.

What behind the sallow and impassive features and the awkward reticence of this young monarch — what in the history of his forbears could be discerned, prophetic of his personality and the consequent fate of Castile? |

He was born in Ghent, February 24, 1500, and had always lived in the Netherlands. He understood and spoke no Spanish, but some Flemish and the French and German of his father’s people. His name, as his father’s, was hitherto unknown among Spanish kings; though a fifth Charles among the Dukes of Burgundy, he was the first. Carlos of Castile. The royal Spanish genealogy was to abandon its Sanchos, Fernandos, and Alfonsos of the glorious medieval lines, its Juans and Enriques of the house of Trastamara, for successive Carloses and Felipes.

Carlos of Ghent seemed even the more foreign because his brother Fernando was a thoroughly Spanish boy, blond and full-colored, of full lips and large eyes, well built, with shrewd and sound perceptions; Spanish born and trained and having lived all his fourteen years in Castile, the darling of his Aragonese grandfather, whom he much resembled and whose name he bore; a prince so dear to the Spanish people that King Fernando was tempted, in his wrangles with Philip, to set up little Fernando as claimant in defiance of the Burgundian Regent and the first-born but alien Carlos. Even after the resentments of that wrangle were ten years quieted, old Fernando by will made the younger brother governor of Castile; and it was reported in the court of Flanders that a division of the inheritance between the grandsons— the continental possessions to Carlos and the peninsula to Fernando — quite in the fatal tradition of the early Castilian monarchy — had been arranged by Fernando and approved by Maximilian.? Only by wise counsel and in the article of death was the Aragonese sovereign persuaded to refrain from such a challenge to t Santa Cruz, I. 93; Sandoval, I. lix; Ixiv. He was born March 10, 1503 ee 18; Santa Cruz, I. 9; Sandoval, I. xiii). Rodriguez Villa gives 1502 p. 81; followed by Merriman, II. 325) without indicating source.

the sovereignty of the coming heir, and to substitute as governor the venerable Jiménez, whom Fernando personally much disliked.

The foreign grandfather of little Don Carlos was still living, only fifty-eight years old, the most familiar figure in Continental politics, Maximilian, King of the Romans, Holy Roman Emperor-elect (for he had, characteristically, never completely established his rank by the necessary coronation); an embodiment of restless and superficial versatility and grandiose but impractical dynastic ambition. He wasan incongruous and chevaleresque figure, a model of politeness, speaking six languages (few well), royally indulgent to the grafters of the Imperial court, fancying for himself a career to duplicate those of Fabius Maximus and Emilius Paulus, whose names he combined; gorged with resources exploited from the Netherlands and the German realms, yet with all his property mortgaged to the Fugger banking house; having annexed (by marriage) dependencies that extended Hapsburg control from the terrible Turkish frontier in Eastern Europe, to the Western ocean. In war he had asa youth established some repute, and lost it all; he undertook two great sieges, and abandoned both. Notorious under his Italian nickname as ‘pochi denari,’ he was yet the most lavish entertainer in Europe, spending 200,000 gulden to entertain royal guests in Vienna in 1515; and in 1518, when he was painfully making the last journey of his life, the Innsbruck innkeepers refused to entertain him because he was years in arrears with his inn bills. To the admiration of posterity he left the knightly bronze figures, Arthur, Theodoric, and the rest, for the never finished tomb in Innsbruck; these figures were already in pawn, and the city of Niirnberg forbade its casters to make the other figures, for which no pay could be forthcoming.*

The estimate of Quirini, the Venetian envoy, was this: ‘He has a good intelligence, and one so alert that he is cleverer than any of his councillors in finding many expedients for every need; but he has one defect, that, however many expedients he may discover, he does not know how to t Possibly the most permanently memorable triumph of Maximilian’s career was on paper, the vast and resplendent engravings in the style of Diirer: the Triumphzug (1515); the colossal Ehrenpforte, from the master’s own hand (1515); and the more lovely Triumphwagen (1522). These, with several engraved and woodcut portraits won Maximilian a permanent place in the world of art, where also he loved to consider himself monarch.

ROYAL BREEDING 7 carry out one of them, and so he is lacking in power of execution as he is abundant in power of invention. Although out of two or three remedies for an evil he has chosen one as best, nevertheless he does not execute his design, because suddenly before he can execute it some other design takes shape in his mind which he thinks better, and thus he is so eager to change from a better thing to a better thing that time and occasion pass for doing anything.’

Were the energy and sacrifice of Castile to go for a Spanish repetition of such a career of ostentation, in Maximilian’s grandson? Yet in the effaced Burgundian grandmother was a fund of excellences from which D. Carlos’s inheritance might have drawn. They had in fact appeared in D. Carlos’s aunt, Margaret, sister younger by two years of Philip, who showed from the beginning of her pathetic story admirable force, judgment, and unselfishness. Widowed at seventeen of Infante Juan of Castile, and again at twenty-four of her second husband, Philibert of Savoy,? she began at twenty-six, with her brother’s death, a twenty-three years’ career of service, first as guardian of her nephew and later as his regent in the Netherlands. Had that nephew any of his aunt Margaret’s quality, or more of his father’s?

Philip himself, closing a line of dukes surnamed the Bold, the Fearless, the Good, was known as the Handsome — to the Castilians, Felipe el Hermoso: ‘the French ladies in Paris upon seeing him accounted that woman happy who should have him for husband.’ 3 He had too charm of personality. Courtly chroniclers said he was ‘a prince of great humanity and goodness, very kindly and gentle, extremely free and liberal, a virtue which makes princes much beloved; and above all pious and devout.’ 4 ‘He delighted,’ it was observed,’ ‘in the conversation and company of women, especially those of refinement.’ Sharper judgment noted that he was ‘easily persuaded, exuberant, more companionable than was fitting, very fond of the chase; he was

t Alberi, Relaztoni, Serie I. Vol. VI. p. 27. The version is that of Prof. Paul Van Dyke, in an entertaining biographical essay, in Renascence Portraits, 259-375. Bacon characterized Maximilian, as brilliantly and more ‘pressly,’ in his Henry VII (Spedding, VI. 101): ‘Maximilian, whose property was to leave things then when they were almost come to perfection, and to end them by imagination, like ill archers that draw not their arrows up to the head.’

2 The daughter, like the father, lives through her patronage of the fine arts, in particular the ornate and beautiful tomb monuments in the church of Brou, wherein she and Philibert are buried.

3 Sandoval, I. xxi. 4 Mexia, 34. 5’ Santa Cruz, I. 22.

not ambitious and had no covetousness at all; nor was he any friend of business, but preferred that others should direct that and relieve him of it. He was changeable according as those to whom he gave credit changed him —a course very different from that of his father-in-law throughout his reign.’

Domestic dealings with D. Felipe gave a sorry impression — of frivolous indifference to the interests of his Spanish wife and her people. The terms of Juana’s marriage settlement were not satisfactorily executed; to which D. Felipe retorted that neither were his sister’s in Spain.? Backed by his father and flattering courtiers, the archduke assumed, in the face of protest from King Fernando, the title of prince of Spain before his wife was heiress apparent.

Even in the second year of the young pair’s married life the Spanish parents suspected unhappiness and sent a reverend Prior to spy out the facts. The first anxiety of Queen Isabel, in regard to her daughter’s piety, was soon quieted. Another Spanish cleric had admonished the girl: ‘They tell me Your Highness has had as confessors certain Friars who are in Paris, and that you gave one thirty florins to enjoy his picknicking about the Paris shops. I think Your Highness should confess only to such friar as remains in the monastery of the Observants and does not himself own a pin; nor should Your Highness make him any gift or favor, but to his monastery, for in an Observantine monastery he will give to God a good accounting of your soul.’ 4 The inquisitorial Prior observed that Juana sometimes omitted confession; but he was able later to report that ‘in her household there is as much religion as in a strict order, for which she deserves to be praised, though they think the contrary here. She has the elements of a good Christian woman.’ Her servants, it appeared, were ill paid: complaint to the arch-ducal council brought only the answer that the natives of the country were entitled to more than her people; and complaint to her husband was at once referred to the council, ‘which got her into much trouble.’ She had written

t Zurita’s, quoted in Rodriguez Villa, 58.

2 Rodriguez Villa, 23, 38. ii

3 His letters, Aug., 1498; Aug. 16, 1498; Jan. 15, 1499, are in Rodriguez Villa, 31-33.

4 Rodriguez Villa prints from the Simancas archives this little letter, of charming austerity, introducing to her service a young Observantine Franciscan. Sep. I, 1498 (p. 33).

ROYAL BREEDING 9 but briefly to her parents, but promised to do better. She changed from fixed intentions in a sudden fashion, unaccountable unless it were due to the dictation of the council, or her Treasurer, or Madam Aloyn, ‘who have the lady so overawed she dares not raise her head. She is so needy that she does not have a maravedi for charities.’ In this year of her pregnancy, a customary grant, of 70,000 florins, never came to her hands, but to those of the archducal Collector, and was spent in favors.

Between the Prior’s lines appear glimpses of a girl disappointed and unhappy in her princely marriage, withdrawn — suspicious of the Prior’s questioning — through fear and pride, into an unfilial silence. ‘I told her among other things that she had a hard and undisciplined heart, without pity, as is true. She said that, on the contrary, it was so weak and broken that she never recalled how far away she was from Your Highness without choking with tears to realize she was so far separated, and forever. This was New Year’s eve.’ Another royal spy, Bishop of Cérdoba, a year later reported that, whatever the outcome of the Princess’s personal difficulties, ‘it must be attributed to her alone, for she has not a living soul to help her with a single word.’ *

The young princes came for a brief period under the eyes of the uneasy parents: in 1502 the heirs apparent visited Castile, responding at last to the obvious importance of being sworn in the Cortes as the heirs of the crowns, and to the insistence of the monarchs that no sovereign might hope to rule successfully in Spain without considerable experience of the nature, customs, and institutions of the Spanish people.? So soon, however, as he had obtained this recognition, D. Felipe returned home at the end of the year by way of France, then at war with Spain, in spite of the advanced pregnancy of his wife and in the face of her parents’ protest and a similar official remonstrance from the Cortes of Castile. This reluctance seemed vindicated when D. Felipe contracted, in excess of his specified powers, on the very eve of imminent and conclusive victories of the Great Captain in Italy, a pusillanimous peace with Louis XII — cajoled into concessions, as was believed in Castile, by flatteries and by his own Council, which was bribed by the French.

* Rodriguez Villa, 60. 2P, Martyr, Epist. CCX XI, and CCL; Rodriguez Villa, 58-59, 67. 3 The royal letter and the Cortes message in Rodriguez Villa, 68, 70.

In his absence the Princess bore the second boy, Fernando. She was happy, as usual, in an easy childbirth; but three months later the court physicians wrote to King Fernando a letter which somehow escaped the precautionary advice inserted that it be at once burned:* the Princess is thin and melancholy, sleeps ill, eats little or nothing; will not talk; ‘in this as in other effects which indicate she is deranged (trasportada) her illness is much advanced. The usual treatment is by affection and appeal, or by fear. Appeal and persuasion she will not take, rather quite refuses to accept; then by compulsion she becomes so much excited, and sometimes feels so acutely even the slightest compulsion exercised that it is a great pity to try it, nor do I| believe anyone would wish or dare to do so.’

Determined to join her husband Juana proceeded as far as Medina del Campo, where, in Isabel’s great fortress of la Mota? it was at last felt necessary to deal with her as witha person not responsible. Fonseca, Bishop of Cérdoba, director of the Princess’s household, was ordered by the Queen to detain her ‘as gently and graciously as could possibly be.’ His persuasion was of no avail, nor a messenger from her mother, nor a letter from the Queen’s hand assuring Juana that her mother would come at once to Medina. It was arranged that Juana’s horses should be withheld; the Princess, proposing to go on foot, forced her way to the outer gates of the castle, where Fonseca though threatened with death ordered the portcullis lowered and the bridge drawn. Ina frenzy Juana established herself on the parapet, whence she would not budge for a day and a night, nor accept the shelter of hangings against a bitter November cold. She remained, housed in a kitchen or a sentry-box between the inner and the outer works until her mother, forcing herself from a sickbed in Segovia, came to Medina. Assurances that she should join her husband and that no one had a notion of separating her from her children somewhat pacified the Princess, who, dragging through two months of waiting on the winds in the port of Laredo, finally, at the end of May 1504 sailed to Flanders.

_ There a humiliation awaited her which seriously ag-

™ MS. of the letter in the Royal Academy of History; printed in Rodriguez Villa, 83. For ceremonial and obstetrical nonchalance in the sixteenth century, see Sandoval, I. xiii.

2 Cf. illustration and note.

La Mota Castle, Medina del Campo

This fortress of a grandee was taken over by Queen Isabel and became one of her favorite residences and the scene of her death, shortly after the pathetic struggle there over her insane daughter and heiress, Dofia Juana. (Cf. Book I, Chap. I, ad fin.)

The fortress is built on a low hill overlooking the shallow river-bed. The central rectangle was part of a thirteenth-century castle, which was enlarged and strengthened about 1440 by erecting the donjon, the outer works, the bridge, and its barbican, and by cutting the fosse in the native rock. The Queen completed the construction in 1479 and installed a luxurious interior. The outworks, at the edge of a steep escarpment, have a complete crest of merlons and, below, tiers of galleries with loopholes, the upper series of which, in the form of circles surmounted by a cross, permit both plunging and direct fire. The construction is in thin brick in thick courses of mortar. The crests of wall and donjon crumbled into disrepair, recently restored. The fresh color of the restored masonry shows clearly in my drawing. The interior is wholly empty, stripped to the bare walls.

(Cf. Dieulafoy, Spain, in the series Ars Una, Chap. V; and an enthusiastic paragraph in Street, Vol. I, Chap. VIII.)

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LA MOTA CASTLE, MEDINA DEL CAMPO

ROYAL BREEDING II gravated her mental trouble. The report that circulated in the court of Castile was committed to a letter by old Peter Martyr in July:* ‘Alas for the great! no happiness or rest on earth! To none is it granted to suck sweet honey or licorice but he must swallow so much tares (sic, z7zaniae) or abhorrent gall, an accumulated draught. I suppose you have heard with what trouble of mind Juana, heiress apparent of so many realms, has desired the embrace of her husband Philip of Burgundy, Archduke of Austria and Count of Flanders. She has arrived; her husband is with her — and nothing wretcheder than she! For when she arrived in Flanders she realized that her husband’s feeling was alienated, and suspected a mistress. After the fashion of all women, especially those who have a chaste love of their husbands, she went hot and more stirred up than a snake in midsummer. With wrath in her breast, gnashing teeth, and a face blazing fire, they say she cuffed that blond mistress, who was one of the noble damsels of her own train, and had her hair, which had so much pleased Philip, clipped to the skin. When this was reported to Philip, they say he went hotfoot to his wife and upbraided her with oath and insult; and they say she has withdrawn into greater grief and wretchedness. Juana, who as a girl was brought up exquisitely and tenderly, amid a royal delicacy, is reported to be very sick, shaken in her mind — which is naturally rather headstrong — by excessive distress of spirit.’ |

The story, through servants of the Princess, reached the ears of her mother, already weak in her last illness. She added to her will a significant codicil: leaving ‘her husband D. Fernando governor of these realms in the absence of the Queen Dita. Juana her daughter; and if she, when present, would not or could not reign, that the King, D. Fernando, should reign.’ Isabel died in la Mota, November 26, at midnight.? | t Epist. CCLX XII. Santa Cruz’s manuscript (‘Estanques’), as often, renders | Martyr word for word (Rodriguez Villa, 92-93). Santa Cruz (I. 12) is almost identical, adding the detail that Felipe not only reviled but also struck his wife.

2 Foronda, Boletin R.A.H. April 1920. She was only fifty-three years old (Prescott, Ferdinand and Isabella, Part II, Chap. 16, note 17). The details of the Queen’s age, and the date and place of her death are reported with the most baffling discrepancies by the chroniclers. This is a classic instance of the difficulty of determining details about even the greater figures of history. ,

Chapter II Royal Scuffle

Upon the Queen’s death followed an extraordinary struggle, Fernando and Felipe contending in Juana’s name for the control of Castile, the girl torn between father and husband, each of whom proclaimed ker incompetence as pretext for his own rule, and magnified her authority, to exclude his rival’s rule; a struggle full of humiliations for the sovereigns and perils for the subject, the whirligig of Time finally bringing sudden and spectacular revenges.

Juana’s incapacity, evident in the Court circle since the winter of her stay in la Mota, was now certified, with documents, to the Cortes at Toro. Each party, in the wrangle ensuing, tried to minimize this incapacity whenever a communication from Juana, or her presence, seemed to tell in his favor; * but the main issue was clear: whether Fernando should be regent, according to Isabel’s codicil, or Felipe and the party of Flemish courtiers and of restless Castilian grandees which he was rapidly building up.

D. Felipe promptly took an exacting stand, asking D. Fernando to withdraw at once from Juana’s realms. He was not persuaded — as in the light of Fernando’s sinister reputation in diplomacy was quite natural — that the King of Aragon would remain within his quasi-legal rights as governor, and equally unimpressed by Fernando’s reminder that the Catholic Monarchs had built up an orderly rule out of discordant provinces seething with insubordination, whereas Felipe was himself but a novice in rule.2, D. Juan Manuel and other favorites were ready with malicious hints to Felipe that he ‘resolve to be sovereign more absolute than to accept command from another’; and hints to the courtiers that, with Felipe established in Castile,

* Note King Fernando’s disclaimer, in Oct., 1507, of the certification of Juana’s incapacity before the Cortes of Toro of 1505. Rodriguez Villa, 103, 196. Of course those who like to explain the unusual by the astounding suggest that Juana was not mad, but a Protestant: cf. Bergenroth, Kaiser Karl u. Seine Mutter (Historische Zeitschrift, XX. 231); V. Lafuente, Diia Juana vindicada de la nota de herejia. These and other controversial matters are treated in Rodriguez Villa. For the testimony of the Toledan, Pedro Lépez de Padilla, cf. Alcocer, 15.

? Peter Martyr, Epist. CCLXXXII; Rodriguez Villa, 98.

ROYAL SCUFFLE 13 they should see great wealth and good jobs whence they might obtain it."

King Fernando maneuvered to win over D. Juan Manuel, since he who controlled the favorite would in turn control D. Felipe.2, He obtained through Secretary Conchillos a signed request from his daughter that he continue to govern the realm which had cost him and her mother so much effort to reduce to order and justice; but the bearer showed it, on his way to D. Fernando, to D. Felipe, who at once cruelly imprisoned the secretary and placed Juana in strictest confinement under a guard of archers, quite excluded from communication with any Spaniards. Plainly, madness in great ones must not unwatched go; but among the Castilians immense suspicions were roused by a rule which required, and perhaps was exploiting, the imprisonment of Isabel’s daughter.