The grand fleet, 1914-1916; its creation, development and work

Preface

In the following pages the work of the Grand Fleet, from the outbreak of war until the end of November, 1916, is described.

The writing of this record of the work of the Grand Fleet, of which little has been heard by the nation hitherto, has helped to fill in days of leisure. The manuscript was finished by the autumn of 1918, but publication was deferred for obvious reasons. When the armistice had been signed and the German Navy had, for all practical purposes, ceased to exist, I felt free to issue the book. The final revision has been done hastily owing to my early departure for the Dominions, and in the circumstances I hope I may rely on the indulgence of readers if any clerical errors have escaped me. In order to minimise the chances of such errors Mr. Archibald Hurd has kindly read the proofs, and I am much indebted to him.

The narrative necessarily includes an account of the gradual organisation and development of the Grand Fleet, and its bases, by successive steps, after the hoisting of my flag on the outbreak of hostilities; and the manner in which the changing conditions of naval warfare were met is also dealt with.

Admiral Mahan, amongst others, has truly said that whilst the principles of naval strategy are unchangeable, experience in war and changes in the weapons with which war is waged may profoundly affect the application of those principles.

vii v viii

PREFACE

The truth of this statement was shown in the Russo- Japanese war; in the short interval between 1904 and 1914 further great advances took place in the technique of warfare; these produced a striking influence on strategy and tactics during the late war.

The reasons which made it necessary, during the war, to hide from public view the work of the Grand Fleet no longer exist, and it will no doubt be of interest to the nation to learn something of its operations, especially as, for various justifiable reasons, few despatches were issued dealing with its activities. So far as the Battle Fleet was concerned, the Battle of Jutland was the one exception, and that despatch was written and published when it was necessary to conceal a good deal from the enemy.

As is inevitable, much of the information in this volume is of a technical character and, though interesting to seamen, may prove less so to the general reader. Those who take this view may decide that Chapters IV to X, inclusive, require only to be glanced at. Confidential matter, which it is still undesirable to make public, has been excluded from the book. Some of this may see the light in later years.

The main portion of the book is written in narrative form, but where it is thought that an explanation may be useful, as to the reasons which governed any particular movement or decision, such reason is given in order that opportunity may be afforded the reader of understanding the purpose in view and the manner in which it was hoped to achieve it.

In some parts of the book reference is made to the Germans being superior to us in materiel. There were many directions, however, in which war experience showed the correctness of our views and the wisdom of

PREFACE ix our pre-war policy. We did, in fact, obtain a margin of safety in the most essential type of vessel, the capital ship, and we did gain advantage from the heavier calibre of our guns. Naval policy is pursued in peace conditions under inevitable disadvantages in a democratic country, because there are many claims on the Exchequer. Reviewing our pre-war programmes of ship construction and equipment, and bearing in mind the unconsciousness of the nation generally as to the imminence of war, it is matter for satisfaction that the Boards of Admiralty from the beginning of the century were able to achieve so much, and that when at last war became inevitable the nation had in control of its destinies at Whitehall a First Lord and a First Sea Lord who, accepting their responsibility, mobilised the Fleet before war was actually declared, thus securing for us inestimable advantages, as, I hope, I have demonstrated in my record of the Grand Fleet. The years of strenuous work and training carried out by the officers and men of the Fleet, which should never be forgotten, had made of it a magnificent fighting machine, and bore ample fruit during the war.

The Germans, in creating their Fleet, followed generally the British lead. In this book reference is made to the general efficiency of the German Navy and of the good design and fine equipment of their ships. These points were never questioned by British naval officers, and the shameful surrender of the host of the German ships in 1918 did not alter the opinions previously formed. That surrender was the result of broken moral.

More than a hundred years after the Battle of Trafalgar, and after a century of controversy, the Admiralty considered it desirable to appoint a committee to decide whether that action was fought in accordance with the original intentions of the Commander-in-Chief, as em-

X

PREFACE bodied in his famous Memorandum. It is hoped that the facts recorded in this book, and the comments accompanying them, constitute a clear statement of the making of the Grand Fleet and the manner in which it endeavoured, whilst under my command, to fulfil its mission.

Contents

CHAPTER PAGE

I The Opening of the War 1

II General Naval Strategy in Home Waters 12

Chapter I

Early in 1914, whilst serving at the Admiralty as Second Sea Lord, I had been offered and had accepted the command of the Home Fleets, which in the ordinary course would have become vacant in the following December on the expiration of Admiral Sir George Callaghan's term of command, and public announcement was made of the intended appointment.

Sir George Callaghan was my senior by seven years, and he and I had served together in China fourteen years before, when I was Flag Captain to Admiral — afterwards Admiral of the Fleet — Sir Edward Seymour. He had since had what is probably a unique period of sea service, passing from one appointment to another without an interval of half pay. Soon after his promotion to flag rank he had become Rear- Admiral in the old Channel Fleet ; thence he had gone on to the 5th Cruiser Squadron in 1907 ; two years later he became second in command in the Mediterranean, and on the expiration of his term there, in 1910, he returned to take up the appointment of Vice- Admiral commanding the Second Division of the Home Fleets, succeeding to the position of Commander-in-Chief in 1910. The usual period for which the Commander-in-Chief of the Home Fleet was supposed to fly his flag was two years, but in 1913 the Admiralty, accurately interpreting the sentiment of the whole Service, extended Sir George Callaghan's appointment. And it was the approaching termination of this further period of command — to the regret of the Admiralty, for which I can speak from personal knowledge, and to the regret also of the officers and men of the Home Fleets — which led to my nomination in the spring of that year.

In the latter part of July, when the situation in Europe had assumed a threatening aspect, Mr. Churchill, the First Lord, informed me that in the event of hostilities occurring involving this country, it was considered necessary that the Commander-in-Chief of the Home Fleets should have the assistance of a second in command, and he added that I had been selected for the appointment, and it was desired that I should arrange with Sir George as to the ship in which I should fly my flag.

Sir George Callaghan visited the Admiralty very shortly afterwards, and it was decided between us that the battleship Centurion should be my flagship. We discussed the slight reorganisation that this would involve in the Fleet, and I selected my staff, which comprised: Captain R. W. Bentinck as Chief of the Staff; Lieut. H. Fitzherbert as Flag Lieutenant; Lieut.-Commander E. Hardman Jones as Signal Officer; Lieut.-Commander R. L. Nicholson as Wireless Officer; Lieut.-Commander (N.) A. F. B. Carpenter as War Staff Officer, and Fleet Paymaster H. H. Share as Secretary.

On July 28th, with no premonition of coming events, I was present at a dinner party given by Lord Morley at the United Services Club. The party was interesting, as it comprised Field-Marshal Lord Kitchener, Mr. Churchill, Lord Haldane, Lord Bryce, and others who figured later prominently in the War.

During the two following days conferences took place at the Admiralty as to the disposition of the Fleet, etc., and, in view of the threatening political situation, the work of demobilisation after the King's inspection at Spithead and the subsequent short fleet exercises were suspended, pending further developments. I met Lord Kitchener, who was about to return to Egypt, on one or two occasions at the Admiralty during these days.

On July 30th I turned over the duties of Second Sea Lord, which I had discharged since December, 1912, to Vice- Admiral Sir Frederick Hamilton, K.C.B., and made my final preparations for joining the Fleet as second in command.

I spent some hours at the Admiralty on the following day, and during a conversation with Mr. Churchill and the Marquis of Milford Haven, the then First Sea Lord, it was intimated to me that, in certain circumstances, I might be appointed Commander-in-Chief in succession to Sir George Callaghan.

This intimation came upon me as a great surprise, and I protested against such an appointment being made on what might possibly be on the very eve of war. Nothing definite was settled. I left, however, with the impression that the change was not one that had been finally decided upon, but that it might take place. I left London the same night by the mail train for Wick, the Commander-in-Chief having informed me that he would send a vessel to meet me there.

The idea that the change might be made occupied my thoughts during the journey to the North. As I thought over the possibility of a transfer of command at such a moment, the stronger appeared the objections. During the ensuing forty-eight hours I sent several telegrams to both the First Lord and the First Sea

Lord on the subject. I dwelt strongly upon the danger of substituting, at such a juncture and at such short notice, an admiral who was not in touch with the Fleet, for a Commander-in-Chief with long experience of the Command. I mentioned, also, the strong feeling of admiration and loyalty to the Commander-in-Chief that existed, and suggested as an alternative that I should act as his assistant on board the Fleet-Flagship. I had in mind that I might act somewhat in the capacity of his Chief of the Staff. In spite of the First Lord's reiterated opinion, my views remained unaltered, although it did not occur to me that some anxiety might be felt that Sir George Callaghan's health would not stand the strain of commanding the Fleet in the event of war. That, however, was a matter on which the Admiralty would be better informed than myself, and I had no hesitation in urging the opinions expressed in my successive telegrams.

A thick fog prevailed at Wick, and the Boadicea, the ship in which I made the passage to Scapa Flow, was not able to leave until late in the forenoon of August 2nd, and arrived at Scapa Flow in the afternoon.

When I reported myself to the Commander-in-Chief, the knowledge of the event which was apparently impending made the interview both embarrassing and painful, as I could see that he had no knowledge of the possibility of his leaving the Fleet, and obviously I could not tell him.

We discussed various arrangements, including the question of the defence of Scapa Flow, for which temporary but naturally inadequate measures were being energetically taken with the limited resources at the disposal of the Fleet.

At about 4 a.m. on August 4th, I received Admiralty orders to open a secret envelope which had been handed to me in the train as I was leaving London, by an officer from the Admiralty. This envelope contained my appointment as "Commander-in-Chief of the Grand Fleet" — a new designation which must be explained later.

On this order I was obliged to act, and I proceeded on board the Iron Duke and found that the Commander-in-Chief had received orders to turn over the command to me.

Sir George Callaghan had been my Commander-in- Chief during my command of the 2nd Battle Squadron. He was, in addition, a personal friend, and I, like all those with whom he had been in contact, had the most profound respect and admiration for him. The idea of taking over his command at the moment of his life naturally caused me feelings of the greatest pain, and, moreover, it was impossible to dismiss the fear that the Fleet might conclude that I had been in some measure responsible for the change. This possibility had, of course, been present in my mind from the moment I left London, and it appeared to add to the objections to a change of command at such a juncture, since any idea of this nature prevalent in the Fleet must affect the feeling of loyalty to me as the new Commander-in-Chief.

It is unnecessary to dwell on the matter, but I cannot close this portion of my narrative without paying a warm tribute to the manner in which Sir George accepted the Admiralty decision, which obviously came as a great shock to him. He behaved, as always, as a most gallant officer and gentleman, and his one desire was to make the position easy for me, in entire disregard of his own feelings.

It was decided that I should take over the Command on the following day, but a telegram having been received from the Admiralty ordering the Fleet to proceed to sea at once, I returned to the Iron Duke, and Sir George Callaghan arranged to leave the Fleet in the Sappho before its departure at 8.30 in the morning.

At that hour I took over the Command from Sir George Callaghan, who then struck his flag.

The following ten or fourteen days were a period of great strain and anxiety. To assume so heavy a responsibility as the command of the Grand Fleet at such short notice on the eve of war was in itself a matter not to be taken lightly; it became necessary to gather together the strings of the whole organisation, to ascertain the dispositions already made and those immediately required, and the whole problem was largely complicated by the fact that the port on which the Fleet was based was open to attack both by destroyers and by submarines, the only obstacle to such attack being the navigational difficulties of the Pentland Firth. Though considerable, these were by no means insuperable.

Added to this was my feeling of deep regret at superseding a valued chief and friend at such a moment. The one thing that helped me through this period was the great and most loyal assistance rendered to me by the staff of Sir George Callaghan, who, notwithstanding their intense personal regret at his departure, gave me their very warm support, and concealed from me any trace of the feelings which they must have experienced at my presence amongst them under such exceptional and trying conditions. They behaved as naval officers always behave — in a true spirit of comradeship. The same may be said of the flag officers and captains in the Fleet, and indeed of every officer and man.

Sir George Callaghan left his whole staff with me, with the exception of his flag lieutenant, who accompanied him to London. This staff included: Commodore A. F. Everett, C.B., Captain of the Flqet; Captain R. N. Lawson, Flag Captain; Commander Roger Backhouse, C.B., Flag Commander; Fleet Paymatser C. F. Pollard, C.B., Secretary; Commander the Hon. Matthew Best, War Staff Officer; Commander R. W. Woods, Signal Officer; Lieut.-Commander J. S. Salmond, Wireless Officer; Lieut.-Commander R. M. Bellairs, War Staff Officer; Lieut. W. D. Phipps, Signal Officer.*

When it became certain that I was to take command of the Fleet, I asked the Admiralty to appoint Rear- Admiral Charles Madden as Chief of the Staff; and I was thus able to transfer Captain R. W. Bentinck to act as Chief of the Staff to Vice-Admiral Sir George Warrender, the next senior flag officer in the Fleet.

The composition of the Grand Fleet was:

Fleet-Flagship — H.M.S. Iron DuJce.

Attached Ships— H.M.S. Sappho, H.M.S. Oak.

BATTLE FLEET

1st Battle Squadron:

Vice-Admiral Sir Lewis Bayly, K.C.B. (in command). Rear-Admiral H. Evan Thomas (2nd in command). Battleships Marlborough (Flag), St. Vincent (Rear Flag), Colossus, Hercules, Neptune, Vanguard, Collingwood, Superb, Bellona (attached Light Cruiser), Cyclops (repair ship)

2nd Battle Squadron:

Vice-Admiral Sir George Warrender, Bart., K.C.B. (in command).

* Later, Commodore L. Halsey, C.M.G., became Captain of the Fleet, Captain F. C. Dreyer, C.B., Flag-Captain ; Commander C. M. Forbes, Flag-Commander, and Fleet-Paymaster V. H. T. Weekes, Additional Secretary.

Rear-Admiral Sir Robert Arbuthnot, Bart. (2nd in command).

Battleships King George V. (Flag), Orion (Rear Flag), Ajax, Audacious, Centurion, Conqueror, Monarch, Thunderer, Boadicea (attached Light Cruiser), Assistance (repair ship).

4>th Battle Squadron:

Vice- Admiral Sir Douglas Gamble, K.C.V.O. (in command).

Battleships Dreadnought (Flag), Temeraire, Bellerophon, Blonde (attached Light Cruiser).

Srd Battle Squadron:

Vice- Admiral E. E. Bradford, C.V.O. (in command). Rear-Admiral M. E. Browning (2nd in command). Battleships King Edward VII. (Flag), Hibernia (Rear Flag), Commonwealth, Zealandia, Dominion, Africa, Britannia, Hindustan, Blanche (attached Light Cruiser).

Is* Battle Cruiser Squadron:

Vice- Admiral (acting) Sir David Beatty (in command). Battleships Lion (Flag), Princess Royal, Queen Mary, New Zealand.

2nd Cruiser Squadron:

Rear-Admiral the Hon. S. Gough-Calthorpe (in command).

Cruisers Shannon (Flag), Achilles, Cochrane, Natal.

3rd Cruiser Squadron:

Rear-Admiral W. C. Pakenham, C.B. (in command). Cruisers Antrim (Flag), Argyll, Devonshire, Roxburgh.

1st Light Cruiser Squadron:

Commodore W. E. Goodenough (in command). Light Cruisers Southampton (Flag), Birmingham, Lowestoft, Nottingham.

Destroyer Flotillas

Second Flotilla:

Captain J. R. P. Hawkesley (in command in Active). Destroyers Acorn, Alarm, Brisk, Cameleon, Comet, Fury, Goldfinch, Hope, Larne, Lyra, Martin, Minstrel, Nemesis, Nereide, Nymphe, Redpole, Rifleman, Ruby, Sheldrake, Staunch.

Fourth Flotilla:

Captain C. J. Wintour (in command in Swift). Destroyers Acastat Achates. Ambuscade, Ardent, Christopher, Cockatrice, Contest, Fortune, Garland, Hardy, Lynx, Midge, Owl, Paragon, Porpoise, Shark, Sparrowhawk, Spitfire, Unity, Victor.

Mine-Sweeping Gunboats:

Commander L. G. Preston (in command). H.M. Ships Skipjack (S.O. Ship) (absent at first), Circe, Gossamer,

Leda, Speedwell, Jason, Seagull.

Shetland Patrol Force: Forward (Scout) and four destroyers of the

River class.

The above vessels formed the Fleet under the immediate command of the Commander-in-Chief at the outbreak of hostilities. In addition, there were in southern waters, and also under the command of the Commander-in-Chief, the following vessels:

THE HARWICH FORCE

This force, although an integral portion of the Grand Fleet, was based on Harwich. It was intended that it should join the Grand Fleet at sea, if possible, in the event of a fleet action being imminent, and for this reason it was included in the organisation of the Fleet for battle; but the force did not, in actual fact, ever so io THE GRAND FLEET, 1914-1916 join the Fleet, nor did I expect that it would be able to do so. At the outbreak of war it was commanded by Commodore R. Y. Tyrwhitt in H.M.C. Amethyst and comprised:

1st Flotilla

Commanded by Captain W. Blunt in Fearless with 20 destroyers.

3rd Flotilla

Commanded by Captain C. H. Fox in Amphion with 15 destroyers.

Included also in the organisation of the Home Fleets, which Sir George Callaghan had commanded-in-chief, were the Second and Third Fleets:

SECOND FLEET

(under command of Vice-Admiral Sir Cecil Burney, K.C.B., K.C.M.G.).

Fleet-Flagship Lord Nelson, Rear-Admirals Stuart-Nicholson and Bernard Currey (commanding Battle Squadrons).

5th Battle Squadron:

Prince of Wales (Flag), Agamemnon, Bulwark, Formidable, Implacablex Irresistible, London, Queen, Venerable.

6th Battle Squadron: Russell (Flag), Cornwallis, Albemarle, Duncan, Fxmouth, Vengeance,

5th Cruiser Squadron:

Rear- Admiral A. P. Stoddart (in command). Carnarvon (Flag), Falmouth, Liverpool,

6th Cruiser Squadron:

Rear-Admiral W. L. Grant (in command). Drake, Good Hope, King Alfred, Levathan.

THE OPENING OF THE WAR n

(These last two Cruiser Squadrons were, however, broken up immediately, and the ships transferred to other duties. )

Minelayer Squadron, commanded by Captain M. H. Cobbe. H.M. Ships Naiad (S.O.'s ship), Andromache, Apollo, Intrepid, Iphigenia, Latona, Thetis,

THIRD FLEET

This Fleet comprised the 7th and 8th Battle Squadrons, consisting of our oldest battleships, and the 7th, 9th, 10th, 11th and 12th Cruiser Squadrons, comprising our oldest cruisers.

But the only vessels of this Fleet which were ever associated with the Grand Fleet were the ships of the 10th Cruiser Squadron, which, under the command of Rear- Admiral Dudley de Chair, joined the Grand Fleet shortly after the outbreak of war, the Squadron being employed mainly on blockading duties. It was composed as follows:

Crescent (Flag), Edgar, Endymion, Gibraltar, Grafton, HawJce, Royal Arthur, Theseus.

All submarines, except those of the B and C classes which were detached for the protection of our coast and ports from Rosyth southwards, were worked, in accordance with Admiralty policy, from Harwich, and were not, therefore, under my command. The C class submarines were unfit for oversea work, and our operations in enemy waters were therefore confined to boats of the D and E classes, of which we possessed a total of 8 D's and 9 E's, as against the German total of 28 boats of the U class.

V.

Chapter II General Naval Strategy In Home Waters

It is hardly surprising if the work and purpose of the Navy had somewhat faded from public interest during the century that had elapsed since the Napoleonic Wars, the last occasion on which the inhabitants of this country had felt that their safety depended on maritime power. Indeed, it had fallen to the lot of a distinguished officer in a foreign navy, Captain Mahan, to awaken interest in this matter, and to point out the all-important influence which Sea Power had exerted, and would exert, on history.

Associations such as the Navy League had been formed, having as their object the enlightenment of our countrymen, and although a great work was done in this direction, the mere necessity for such work is an indication of the extent to which the nation had forgotten the lessons of the past.

I therefore offer no apology for making some reference to the use and purpose of the British Navy.

The main objects for which our Navy exists may be shortly summed up under four heads:

1. To ensure for British ships the unimpeded use

of the sea, this being vital to the existence of an island nation, particularly one which is not self-supporting in regard to food.

2. In the event of war, to bring steady economic

pressure to bear on our adversary by denying to him the use of the sea, thus compelling him to accept peace.

3. Similarly in the event of war to cover the

passage and assist any army sent overseas, and to protect its communications and supplies.

4. To prevent invasion of this country and its

overseas Dominions by enemy forces.

The above objects are achieved in the quickest and surest manner by destroying the enemy's armed naval forces, and this is therefore the first objective of our Fleet. The Fleet exists to achieve victory.

But history has always shown that it is a very difficult matter to impose our will upon a weaker naval adversary, and that, instead of giving us the opportunity of destroying his armed naval forces, he usually keeps the main body of those forces — the Battle Fleet — in positions of safety in fortified harbours, where they are a constant threat to the sea communications of the stronger naval Power, and force upon that Power a watching policy so that the enemy may be engaged, should he put to sea, before he is able to gain any advantage.

The watching policy in the great wars of the Napoleonic era was carried out by keeping our squadrons, through fair or foul weather, in the vicinity of those ports of the enemy in which his fleet lay. Occasionally our ships were driven off by stress of weather, but they regained their stations as soon as conditions permitted. During this war, however, the advent of the submarine and destroyer, and, to a lesser extent, the use of the mine rendered such dispositions impossible.

No large ship could cruise constantly in the vicinity of enemy bases without the certainty that she would fall an early victim to the attacks of submarines. Destroyers could, it is true, afford some measure of protection, but destroyers have a very limited range of action, and could not keep the sea off the enemy's distant coast even in good weather for a sufficient length of time. Periodical relief of the destroyers was an impossibility, owing to the great numbers that would be required for this purpose.

Moreover, even if the submarine danger could be overcome, the heavy ships would be so open to attack by enemy destroyers at night, if cruising anywhere near enemy bases, that they would certainly be injured, if not sunk, before many days had passed.

These facts had been recognised before the War and a watching policy from a distance decided upon, the watch being instituted for the purpose of preventing enemy vessels from gaining the open sea, where they would constitute a danger to our sea communications. Now a watch maintained at a distance from the port under observation is necessarily only partial, except in circumstances where the enemy has to pass through narrow straits before gaining open water.

The chances of intercepting enemy ships depend entirely on the number of watching vessels and the distance that those on board them can see. At night this distance is very short — on a dark night not more than a quarter of a mile, and even in daylight, under the average conditions of visibility obtaining in the North Sea, it is not more than six to eight miles.

The North Sea, though small in contrast with the Atlantic, is a big water area of about 120,000 square miles in extent. The width across it, between the Shetland Islands and Norway (the narrowest portion) , is 160 miles, and an additional 40 miles (the Fair Island Channel) would need to be watched also if a patrol were established along this line.

A consideration of all the circumstances had led to the adoption by the Admiralty of Scapa Flow in the Orkneys as the main Fleet Base, and the Admiralty had determined upon a naval strategy in Home Waters, in the event of war with Germany, based upon the idea that the Grand Fleet would control the North Sea, and that the Channel Fleet would watch the English Channel, thus, in combination, holding the enemy's main force.

To effect this purpose, it was intended that the main Battle Fleet should occupy, as circumstances permitted, a strategic position in the North Sea where it would act in support of Cruiser Squadrons carrying out sweeps to the southward in search of enemy vessels, and should be favourably placed for bringing the High Sea Fleet to action should it put to sea.

This policy of cruiser sweeps had been adopted as the result of experience in the various naval manoeuvres carried out in previous years in the North Sea. These had demonstrated quite clearly that the alternative policy of stretching cruiser patrol lines across the North Sea for the purpose of watching for the enemy was an impracticable one, it having been shown on many occasions that evasion of a single patrol line during the hours of darkness, or even daylight, under the conditions of visibility that usually prevail in the North Sea, is a very simple matter. Further, a line of cruisers occupying regular patrol positions is always in peril of successful submarine attack; the loss of the cruisers Hogue, Cressy and Aboukir showed this. It is also open to a concentrated attack by surface vessels.

The War Orders issued to the Commander-in-Chief of the Grand Fleet were based, therefore, on this general idea, and when the Grand Fleet proceeded to sea in compliance with Admiralty orders at 8.30 a.m. on August the 4th, 1914, it left with the intention of carrying out this general policy. The Channel Fleet, under the command of Vice-Admiral Sir Cecil Burney, assembled in the Channel in accordance with the general strategic dispositions.

The vessels engaged in this first move of the Grand Fleet comprised the 1st, 2nd, 3rd and 4th Battle Squadrons, with their attached cruisers; the 1st Battle Cruiser Squadron, with its Light Cruiser Squadron, strengthened by the addition of the Falmouth and Liverpool; the 2nd Cruiser Squadron, and the 3rd Cruiser Squadron. These dispositions continued in force for some three weeks, when the strong influence of the submarine on naval strategy began to make itself apparent.

The ideas held in pre- War days as to the capabilities of submarines were found, after a short experience of war, to need modification. In the first place, it became quickly apparent that the German submarines possessed a radius of action and sea-keeping qualities considerably greater than those of our own submarines. It had been, for instance, looked upon as a considerable achievement for our submarines to keep the sea for a period of five to seven days, and they had not operated at any great distance from the coast. It is true that submarines had on occasion made long voyages such as to Australia, but they were then usually escorted, or even towed, and the number of days from port to port did not approach the length of time for which German submarines remained at sea. Further, it was known that the Germans possessed a considerable superiority in the number of submarines which were capable of operating overseas, and the frequent sighting of enemy submarines as far north as the Orkney and Shetland Islands early in the War, combined with the fact that it appeared that the enemy had established a regular submarine patrol in the centre of the North Sea, made it evident that the German submarines would constitute a very serious menace to our heavy ships.