Europe after the Congress of Aix-la-Chapelle; forming the sequel to the Congress of Vienna

Front matter

wmB mm

PiJ.ifcv-.;

Book ':

Chap. I. — Conduct of Europe with respect to

Chap. II. — General Observations. — General Political Order of Europe, . . 19 Russia, . . . . 24 Sweden, . . . .32 Denmark, ... 38 Kingdom of the Netherlands, . 43 Prussia, ... 55 Austria, . . . .64 German Empire, . . 73 France, . . . .81 Chap. III. — Ancient System of France on the

Continent, . . . .91

Part II. — JVew System of France on the Conti

Chap. IV. — Division of the South of Europe;

Italy, Spain, Portugal, England, . 144

Chap. V. — Comparison of the Ancient Political

Order with the New, . . 169

Chap. VI. — Spirit of the Existing Policy, 180

J-y PREFACE.

Page

Chap. VII. — General Affairs to corner , 203 Chap, yill.— 'Declarations o^ the Congress of

AiX'la-Chapelle, . . . 210

Chap. IX.—Spirit of the People of Europe, 219

Chap. X. — Great Permanent Armies, — Public

Constitutional Question on the Evacuation of France. .... 263

NOTICE.

THE translator believes he cannot more acceptably offer his first respects to the public than by presenting to their notice a distinguished stranger, M. De Pradt. As a Frenchman, it will excite no surprise if he should speak our language with a foreign accent; but his ideas at least will not be found provincial. It has been objected to his present work, that he discovers in it " a silly admiration of England." How far this is well founded the reader will be his own judge. He will naturally take into view the vicinity of England to the continent; and will perceive, that a power which, at this distance, ex cites no terror, may still be sufficiently formidable across the channel. It will also be considered that the writer addressed himself particularly to the people of France, who are remarkable for being more affected by results, than by principles; by their senses, than by reasonings; he wrote soon after the evacuation of France by foreign troops; at a time when the Ultras were in power, resisted the execution of the Charter, and opposed all constitutional government. England was in view; had shared in the triumph at Waterloo, and gained all her objects in the war of the French revolution; M. De Pradt attributes all her successes and prosperity to a free constitution. The greater and better the effects, the greater and better the cause. To persuade his countrymen not to remit their efforts

VI

to accomplish the entire and practical establishment of such a constitution, he points to England as an example of its salutary results; he presents a bold outline of her power and prosperity; but refers it all to the revolution of 1688. To gain proselytes for the worship of Liberty, he adorns her temple with paintings that glow with the rich tints of a brilliant imagination; and erects her statue colossal like her own magnificent proportions. In the character of her Apostle, he employs parables, and hyperboles, that startle while they instruct. Our country, if not the cradle, and the sole temple of this divinity, is at least her chosen asylum; and, since it welcomes the pilgrims, cannot frown at the devotion, of the European world. The views here attributed to M. De Pradt, are expressly avowed by one of the ablest advocates of the same creed that Europe has produced. " I am well pleased," says this writer,* "to hear the praises of the English constitution. I have always believed the English to have been indebted principally to this constitution for the possession of those qualities which have procured them the consideration of Europe. Now, without any disposition to depreciate the merit of a people who, for a period of one hundred and thirty-two years, have held forth great examples to the world, my conviction is, that if a free constitution has been followed with such good effects, in this instance, the French have a right to expect still better from a similar cause. Are not our resources more real, our climate more desirable, our manners more polished, our affections more gentle, and less personal, our minds more flexible, and active,

* B. Constant.

Vll

our character more hospitable? If, notwithstanding, liberty has given the English, for a period of more than a century, an elevated rank among nations, liberty will render to the French the rank assigned them by nature."

If, after all, the panegyric of England be a dainty too luscious for certain fastidious palates, they are invited to season it with a condiment prepared by the same hand.

The posthumous work of Madame de Stael, like this of M. de Pradt, contains an elaborate eulogium of England, and of her constitution; her indulgent critic retrenches from it but a single epithet; he is not sure that the constitution of which she speaks can be called "the actual constitution of England." Circumstances have much changed it. 1 see frequent suspensions of the habeas corpus act; the system of spies openly avowed, as a legitimate instrument of government; the alien bill perpetually renewed; retroactive, and consequently unjust, measures, adopted to secure its execution. I see the opposition feeble; elections becoming every day more openly corrupt; the traffic for seats in parliament ceasing to be scandalous, so regular is the operation, and their current price so accurately defined; and, were it not for the press, which survives, thanks to the habit and tradi-^ tion of a secular liberty, I should be ready to exclaim, in speaking of this constitution, which excited the envy of Voltaire, and the admiration of Montesquieu,

Preface

THE Congress of Vienna has given to Europe her new political Charter. That of Aix-La-Chapelle has pledged the solemn faith of Europe to the internal tranquillity of France, and given her a kind of certificate of qualification to govern herself and to walk without aid. Thereby every thing is restored to the ordinary and accustomed order between states. From that time the political machine of Europe is found to be perfectly re-established. All its parts are distinctly perceived ; we can measure their proportions and reciprocal relations ; it is mounted, and it remains only to indicate how, according to the nature of things, it may be expected to play. This is what we have attempted to demonstrate in the following pages. The time of mutual felicitations, as well as that of public rejoicings, is past. It was the honey-moon of diplomacy. The season has arrived for reflections and serious occupations ; the subject will reward the trouble. Each, on returning home, endeavours to arrange himself there ; to fortify his weak points, and to profit by his natural or adventitious advantages. An eagerness will be discovered to form alliances, the same as in times past. Already we hear of divers systems relative to connexions of this nature. The rpoment has

X PREFACE.

appeared to us favourable for examining this important subject with a prospect of utility. It is connected with another which we have already treated ; or rather, it is merely its continuation. We refer to the treatise on the Congress of Vienna.

The truth of some views, which we ventured to publish at that epoch, appears to be now generally admitted. We then indicated two principal points of the European policy, as being at the same time its regulators — and its defects. 1. The supremacy of Russia and England. 2. The inconveniences of the transportation of part of the Prussian monarchy to between the Rhine and the Meuse ; and the subjection of Italy to Austria.

Public opinion appears to have confirmed these views ; and if we call them to mind in this place, it is not that we desire to display them as titles of glory, but as letters of credence which we present to establish confidence and legitimate our mission. We proceed in this part of our speculations as in those we have hazarded on the Colonies,

When South America discovered symptons of approaching agitations, we called the attention of the public to the exploit she was about to achieve : when her career had commenced, we supported our prognostics relative to its approaching, and inevitable termination, by reference to predictions made at the moment when she declared herself. In these two cases truth upon the past is summoned to testify for the future. We have been obliged to labour on a subject absolutely new; the product of circumstances heretofore unknown in the diplomatic order. Nothing is more important than to form a just idea of the poli-

PREFACE. XI

tical state of Europe ; for where all is new, all likewise needs to be explored ; and as in representative government, all force is derived from opinion, and from without the government, it is essential to enlighten this opinion fully, that it may always be qualffied to discharge its office — that of redressing thfe false steps that may escape the administration; the latter cannot see all, and its fairest privilege consists in the power of realising useful ideas, which others can only conceive.

In England, public policy is discussed in all parts of the country; in all the publications that are circulated daily, and thus opinion never remains inactive, whether as the occupation of citizens, or as their organ. At every instant it is challenged to act and to declare itself; — and at every instant, it does so. Thus, in England, it is rare to see the government make false steps, and when it occurs, the fault is immediately perceived, exposed, and corrected. England owes the height of her prosperity to the activit}^ and even severity, of this control. It compels the government to form for itself a system and adhere to it. Whereas, in France, policy has almost always been an occult science : immersed in the interior of a sanctuary impenetrable to all except the divers winds which have blasted the system with perpetual mobility. France accordingly, has never had a steady system. Under Napoleon it centered in him alone ; fashioned like its author's own proportions, gigantic and eccentric like him.

Then all was commanded; since 1814, all has been, as it were, obeyed. We must lay to the charge of the times, and there leave, the necessity of this pain-

XU PREFACE.

ful transition. But, at length, this cup of bitter degradation should be exhausted ; it seems that it has been drank to the dregs. It is quite time to resume the attitude natural to a great country, and alone worthy of it. With greater power than many others, France has not less right to her own direction than all in general — than each in particular, — ^have to their own. For states, independence is the first good, and the common good. The system of France is the most simple and the most inoffensive that can be conceived ; the maintenance of peace towards all — independence for herself — and the avoidance of all connexion with others. Whoever causes her to deviate from this route, will lead her a false course and compromise her dearest interests.

What is here said with respect to France applies equally to other states ; for such is the effect of general principles, and in an order of common interests, good can only result from the wisdom of the dispositions of each part, and from that of the whole, and here is a fair application of the axiom —

In policy, as in every thing else, it is rare that the most consoling and the most encouraging should be also the most true. The present period, it is to be hoped, will furnish a proof of the contrary. Peace, and its duration, are two blessings desired by all. We have been careful to place the appearances of its solidity in a favourable light; for the removal of whatever might cause it to be doubted, tends to its confirmation. Conviction has pourtrayed this picture. Confining ourselves to the examination of certain subjects, duty restricts us to that only of the declarations which

PREFACE. XIU

emanated from the Congress of Aix-la-Chapelle. It would be as difficult as imprudent to follow the spirit of fiction through the infinite variety of combinations it has created.

There is but one point upon which it is permitted to dwell without temerity ; and this point is also relative to France. We see her admitted, and a party to the alliance, of which before, she had been, in a different sense, the original and persevering object. But is this alliance entire, definitive, and equal in all its points, between her and her allies. Have not the patent articles a lining which is kept out of sight, but which may be brought to view in case of need? Would it not follow that France, in certain cases, might become a party against herself : might not a convention of Pilnitz of 1792 be concealed behind the congress of Aix-la-Chapelle of 1818? The wishes of Europe for the well being of France are formal and extensive. But, it is too probable, they are attended by many fears and distrusts. That which is within inspires fear for that which is without, and on this ground precautions are believed justifiable. False reports may have fomented and increased these apprehensions. Other nations have generally been deceived in regard to the spirit of France, and have misconceived it. Too often have they received impressions from men who know it no better than themselves. In 1790, they made sport of what took place in France, and viewed it as a mere tumult to be left to the care of a few battalions. In 1792 they had already gone to the opposite extreme ; dejection had taken the place of presumption. Under Napoleon, under the Directory, they could only negotiate or trehible.

XIV PREFACE.

They had never any steady plan; never any judgment founded on certain bases. Meantime, ought the destiny of France to depend on interested suggestions, or erroneous suppositions? ought the state of a great people to be appreciated and regulated according to phantoms created by fear, or disappointed ambition? For example, it is too probable that these influences have acted upon the allies ; and that they have chosen to have apprehensions the very moment in which they had just declared to Europe, and to France, that all was tranquil. On the supposition that they had reserved to themselves the right to pronounce upon the internal tranquillity of France, and to act in consequence — to what would not an interference, grounded on false impress' ^s, expose both themselves and France ? What^ case, would

be the place of the fifth ally France, if

these terrors were to be renews ijbt the

authors of the former will becom pro-

pagators of many others, would it . <^re

was good cause of interference : woul^. ^

dictate laws to a great people ; to propose i or should suffer a second representation o. By what signs would the necessity for this inte. be recognised? Would they expose themselves ^ hazard of fatiguing a people already quite weary oi many humiliations and sufferings, strong in its rights, its numbers, its approved courage, and in the great example of Poland ? The geographical map does not represent France so commodiously situated for partitions as Poland may have been : she would present neither a Russian nor a German faction, nor great men sold to Petersburgh and to Berlm. France, like

PREFACE. XV

Poland, would not have to expect a king from the capricious hands of her spoilers. She possesses princes who would remember that their ancestors thrice expelled strangers from the soil that supported their throne ; and on this occasion would no longer listen to evacuation of territory merely by strokes of the pen. France has a right to despise all the pictures of her position which fear, or fancy, or want of patriotism may dictate. How can they affect her interests ? What need has she of others? and to whom is she accountable? Is she not still the most prosperous state of Europe ? With a certain revenue of seven hundred millions,* and an augmentation in the product of thirty millions ; with a free territory ; three hundred millions of expenditure diminished (the expense of occupation) j her fields loaded with harvests ; an exuberant population ; an industry increasing with giant strides ; a commerce free to spread its sails towards every part of the universe ; and, in the midst of this apparatus of wealth, and as if to give it greater activity, a rigid observance of the laws on the part of all; citizens living together in harmony ; the public roads without danger; justice without obstacle in the execution of its decrees ; taxes paid without delay ; — in such a state, what has France to fear for herself, or what have others to fear from her? What is there to fear for a. throne surrounded by an army ; supported by the two branches of the legislature ; always ready to put in : notion all the forces of the nation to sustain this throne, from which flow, as from an inexhaustible fountain, and gush as it were, all the advantages of

* Of frailcs

XVI PREFACE.

honours and interests to which all the citizens aspire? Where could a commotion spring up in a country covered by the agents of authorit}% named by itself, and responsible to itself alone? How ridiculous are the terrors raised by these men who go about representing France as impregnated with a demagogue spirit, because in some places names stamped by public attention have been nominated anew ; as if this result of the struggle of parties were not in the essence of representative government; as if the choice of a people were any thing else than the expression of their well being, or of their sufferings, and an invocation to guarantees ; or of vengeance for severities endured; as if the candidates were not enlightened men, friends of their country, discreet judges of their own times, which by all their influences prescribe to them a moderation, the germ of which is in their hearts, as the demonstration of its necessity is in their intelligence ! What meant these men who went about scattering cries of alarm, and represented democracy as invading France, anew, and menacing thrones, because they had been disappointed in the result of a few assemblies? But, in these assemblies, has a single word been uttered against the throne, against the public order, against any citizen; has anyone seen Spafield meetings, as in England? Have Paris and France copied these foul orgies, whose disgusting spectacle changing London and England into a vast field of licence has scandalised Europe, and justified Rousseau in saying of the English that " their manner of using liberty, during the few instants in which they exercised it, proved them litde worthy of it." There exist no troubles and disorders except in the

PREFACE. XVU

heads of some dark or ambitious characters, who create these phantoms to take advantage of them and cause themselves to be reputed necessary.

At the conckision of these excesses in England, have we seen any proposition for suspending popular elections, or for changing their regulation? As if fewer than a hundred thousand citizens, invited to exercise this right in a country peopled with thirty millions of men, did not resemble a strong aristocracy, rather than a democracy; as if this limitation were not the most satisfactory solution of the problem that has always agitated societies — the participation of public powers. The English ministers, when the storm bursts forth, like experienced pilots, think not of weakening or cutting loose the anchor that fastens the vessel to the shore, but they strive to strengthen the anchor of mercy, the constitution ; they ascend to its principles instead of suspending it. In France, on the contrary, raw sailors, the moment the surface of the waters is ruffled, think of nothing but cutting the cable; abandoning the vessel to the surges which, coming in succession, will drift it and dash it to pieces. Fine means to introduce tranquillity into the minds and assemblies of a people to deprive it of its rights ! Will the foreigners think they have the right to interfere, because this people shall resent with vivacity the presumption that has had the power to make it fear the interruption of its inheritance by the suspension of its right to choose its representatives in uninterrupted succession?

We can never be enough astonished at the presumptuous ignorance that could have inspired a similar resolution. Its authors were doubtless ignorant —

XVm PREFACE.

but France knew, that the renewal of representation by re-election is for a people what natural inheritance is for the prince and the peers. The people must be represented ; it can only be represented by election ; this is its mode of inheritance ; to interrupt it is to destroy it; to continue it without the people, is to give it a life, the principle of which is not in itself; to suspend it, is to create a chasm in an existence, the thread of which drops from the hand; to dispose of it in any way, is to thrust usurpation into its legitimacy : each branch of the legislature has its own, independent of that of others. And if die throne or the peers should arrogate to themselves the right to violate the inheritance of the people, would they not have a parallel right over the inheritance of the two other parties ? When it shall be attempted to suspend the one, it will be necessary to do the same for the others. Similar notions can have no existence except in heads impregnated with the inhuman prejudices that nations, the sources of all rights, live on the contrary without rights, restricted to the precarious enjoyment of those which have been condescendingly conceded them. These men ought, before they form these conspiracies, to persuade themselves intimately of this truth — that in human societies there is nothingsubstantial but nations themselves ; and that all the rest is only artificial ; — mere combinations adopted by them for their better administration.

The reflections suggested by such thoughts would lead to infinity. France has furnished against her enemies, — for such speculators are nothing less, — an answer far superior to any that could be added ; this country, so near to troubles and commotions, has

PREFACE. XIX

maintained the calmest of attitudes during- the suspension of government, while its fate was under deliberation, waiting w^ith respect and silence the decision of him to whom the law^s have resigned the right to choose the agents of his government. Such is the force of public reason, enlightened and directed by the system of representative government, similar to those piles destined to support, in the bosom of the waters, the pressure of the heaviest structures, which, while their head is beaten by a mass of iron, raised by a thousand arms, seem at every stroke likely to be overthrown or dashed to pieces- — and which do but settle more deeply in the earth; the representative government will be confirmed by the very shocks which may be aimed at its destruction; its eternal roots will penetrate to the very centre of the French soil, which has remained constitutional and monarchical in spite of all that could be said or attempted to the contrary. Thus the last attempt against the charter and its props will tend to its confirmation and duration. Thus during the session of the constituent assembly, each essay renewed periodically, every six months, against it, did but increase its power, and recoiled upon its enemies. This last example excites a more ardent desire that France may see the end of all foreign influence. She needs all her liberty to perfect her institutions, to appear, at length, what she really is. She respects the liberty of others ; shepretends to no influence over it ; she maintains no committee among them. The law of reciprocity is the first of laws between polished societies ; France has a clear right to claim it, and with it, as its completion, the entire accomplishment of those promises and

XX PREFACE.

of that happy and peaceful futurity, of which the Congress of Aix-la-Chapelle has inspired the hope; and which can only result from the most entire enfranchisement from all foreign influence. The honour of the nation demands it; and since Europe asks of her repose, and expects it from her, it is wise to commence by banishing whatever may wound her; for nothing is more certain to interdict repose than wounds ; and nothing would wound her more than the spectacle or even the suspicion of a foreign pretension to influence her counsels. Otium cum dignitale — repose and dignity. Such are the aspirations of France. Dignity cannot be found without the most entire independence. Restricting herself to that, France cannot fear to be accused of ambition ; in circumstances nearly similar, Louis XIV. repressed some haughty expressions which fell from the minister of a power that had acquired great advantages in the war of the Spanish succession, by saying to him, Mr. Ambassador^ I have always been the master at home; do not force me to recollect that I have been such sometimes amongst others.

EUROPE

AFTER THE

CONGRESS OF AIX-LA-CHAPELLE.

Chapter I

Conduct of Europe with respect to France^ from 1813 to 1818.

The Congress of Aix-la-Chapelle may be considered as the completion of the general acts in which the states of Europe have participated with respect to France, since the coalition of 1813. It will also be tlieir last general act relative to the domination exercised by Napoleon over Europe and over France. Against him was formed the coalition of 1813; and against him, also, in stricter union, its energies were directed in 1815. In 1813 it only aspired to restrain the power which menaced it ; in 1814, it resolved to free itself from its weight; in 1815, its object was enlarged; it laboured at the same time to efface the last traces of this power ; to render its return impossible ; and to shelter itself from new eruptions on the part of France. Such were the three objects of the action of the coalition at this time; they were distinctly perceived.

Too confident, perhaps, in 1 8 14,Eiirope was, in 18 1 5, too distrustful ; at which epoch, she imposed on France the penalty of the two-fold imprudence committf»d by herself in 1814. 1. That of abandoning the direction of her own work to hands that could only mar it, and endanger themselves. 2. That of leaving at the gates of France, in view of his ancient legions, him, who could not fail to act upon them by great recollections, and to which he was invited by great interests. In expiation of this fault, Europe should have taken on herself half of the contribution she has imposed on France. She had the imprudence neither to remove nor to guard the enemy. Hence all the mischief has arisen. It was evident that the Island of Elba could be nothing but a watch-tower against the Thuilleries; but a magazine of intrigues against the new order of France ; and that an interchange of wishes and hopes would soon be established between this island and France.

At this day, when all is calm, and the event has spoken, such an aberration appears inconceivable on the part of statesmen, who had shewn themselves for some years more discreet. These are faults such as decide at once the fate of men and that of empires. But the allies never well understood the strength or the weakness of Napoleon. In 1813, at Prague, they offered him more than his position exacted. In December of the same year, at the moment of the passage of the Rhine, they proposed to leave him Belguim and all the left bank of the Rhine ; and thus paid a new homage of terror to a power which already existed no more ; for it was at forty leagues only from Paris that they met the first battalions of Napoleon, in the midst of a people rather a spectator than actor in this contest. At Chatillon in 1814, they pressed to retain the throne of ancient France him whom France permitted to fall from it; because by means of having raised himself above, he at last found himself separated from her ; and fixing his attention on the world entire, it was only by chance, and at intervals that his eyes were turned towards her. The allies, in 1814 knew not distinctly why they confided in France; it was a wrong confidence : in 1815, they knew as litde why they doubted her ; it was a wrong distrust; they had equally misplaced the elements of each; they beheld in 1815 the causes of distrust they ought to have perceived in 1814 : and they did not seein 1815 the motives of security which they very erroneously believed they recognised in 1814 : they should have trusted in 1815, and distrusted in 1814; for then all the elements of this distrust existed and were seen everywhere; whereas in 1815, after the explosion, they were dissipated.

Europe has set herself to guard the powder magazine after having left it to explode by her negligence. Hard fate of nations, to be compelled by turns to pay for the excesses and faults of memory of those who direct them. The absence of all precaution when all the train of means, result and support of Napoleon's power, was still on foot, was still seen embodied; and this excess of precautions when this formidable mass had been crushed in pieces; when the most menacing centre of this power strewed the fields of Waterloo ; when the chief and the most prominent among his followers, were flying or dispersed, or in fine reduced to their individualitv: all this contrast of actions with the real state of things presented the most deplorable contradiction between what was done and what the position indicated ; and proved that then, as well as the preceding year, and throughout the course of the revolution, the physicians had not well consulted the pulse of their patient, and that the forces of the coalition were more easily drawn together than their ideas had been enlightened. One of the most illustrious commanders of their armies said in 1814, that they had never imagined the catastrophe of Napoleon so easy; as it entered into the calculations of the coalition that it would require three years more to overthrow him ; a certain argument that the principle of his weakness like that of his force had been equally mistaken by his enemies : they combated against him with a surviving sentiment of the fear he had so long excited. So true it is that what is feared once is feared always. The coalition believed the fortune of Napoleon attached to anchors, long since worn out, and he who was unable to escape the sword of his enemies, had escaped the penetration of their sagacity. The treaty of Paris of 1814, had restricted the demands of Europe with respect to France, to her reduction within her ancient limits. Her monuments, her treasures, her moveables as her territory, her independence as her glory, had been respected. In the language of conquerors are ambiguities whose interpretation force reserves to itself: and generosity without duplicity forms not the vocabulary of victory. In 1815 France was therefore doomed to defray the war declared and made against Napoleon alone ; there was again a treaty of Paris : treaties signed in the capitals of the vanquished bode them no good, and France will do well henceforth to avoid treaties of Paris.