Essay on the necessity of improving our national forces

Preface

THE object of this Essay is to disseminate through this country some useful notions, on important subjects, which appear to be generally misunderstood, and to investigate some popular errors, which may hereafter prove very mischievous.

It has been the peculiar happiness of America, that, to this day, she has had little occasion for military knowledge and military institutions. Whilst the rest of the world was agitated hy war and revolution, she was allowed to ameliorate in peace her civil government, to augment her wealth and population, and to proceed in the career of improvement with a rapidity as yet unexampled. In consequence of this state of security and tranquillity, her people, with a very few exceptions, are completely destitute of military knowledge. They are not aware of the weakness and insufficiency of their present means of defence, nor of the forces which may be turned against them. Their success in the last war, which was so highly creditable to their spirit and patriotism, has inspired them with a belief that they are strong enough to repel every attack.

Prepossessed with this belief, the crudest notions have been advanced and maintained by statesmen

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and orators of the highest political talent, largest views, most brilliant eloquence, and purest patriotism and integrity. The handful of troops, compo sing the regular army of the United States, has been viewed with jealousy, and arraigned with virulence ; the liberties of the country have been almost pro claimed in danger, from their spirit of insubordination. The necessity of maintaining any standing force in time of peace, or of making any preparations for a time of war, has been loudly denied ; the navy and militia, even under the various establishments of the different states, have been declared sufficient for the purposes of national defence, and any attempts to put the organization and service of the latter under the more immediate inspection and control of the executive central government, has been denounced as unconstitutional, and leading to military tyranny and usurpation.

But the situation of America is materially altered. Europe, after all her struggles for liberty, appears, at least for the present, to have settled in lassitude and submission, and the combined efforts of her coalised sovereigns are joined to keep her down. At the head of this great confederation, Britain stands paramount. These powers, and Britain especially, view this country with jealous and hostile feelings, as still maintaining those principles which they have crushed every where else, as fostering them and keeping them alive, perhaps to their future ruin. Britain, besides, fears for her naval ascendency and commercial monopoly, from our rising trade and improving navy, l/nder all these circumstances, we

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cannot doubt, that if it is not in her power to destroy America, to overturn her government and constitution, break her union, and reach to the sources of her prosperity, she will, at least, supported by the whole coalition, endeavour to put a stop to her further progress.

Before the late wars and revolutions which have changed the whole face of Europe, the military institutions of England were little superior to those of America ; a fact of which our people, who are too apt to take all their notions of that country from its own writers, are not sufficiently aware. This is well known to all military writers in Europe; it would lead us, however, too far to prove it by examples and illustrations. But during the course of these wars, the whole character of her policy, government and constitution,has been gradually altered; she has assumed another ground amongst nations, and has become a formidable military power.

To develop and illustrate this change, to dispel the dangerous illusions which our success in the last war has spread through the people, to prove that much more powerful means may and probably will be directed against us on the next occasion, such is the object of the first part of this work. To prove that our present means of defence would be totally inadequate to resist such an attack ; that they imperiously require • to be improved, organized and augmented, and that our liberties can run no danger from such improvements on a moderate but sufficient scale, such is the object of the second.

1 am aware that many of the opinions which 1 have expressed, will not at first view be popular; some

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of our institutions I have considered as faulty, some measures as ill directed and ill organized; the conduct of some portions of the nation, of powerful parties and corporate bodies, 1 have blamed on several occasions, and even considered some of those national triumphs on which our people pride themselves, as useless and unprofitable. But how should a good citizen serve his country ? Is it by flattery and declamation ? encouraging the people in a false and overweening opinion of their own force ? undervaluing that of their enemies ? disguising to them every wholesome truth, and inspiring them with a vain confidence, the sure forerunner of disaster and defeat ? Must he forever cry, we are the first, the most enlightened, the most instructed, the bravest people in the world ; our laws, establishments and institutions are all faultless ; our militia, an army of citizens and freemen, is irresistible ; our navy superior to all navies, and able to crush every opposition. — We need no instruction, we need no improvement?

In a republic, where no operation can be undertaken by the government without the consent and approbation of the people, deceptions of such a nature are peculiarly mischievous and impolitic. It is the glorious, but sometimes inconvenient privilege of a republic, that its government cannot cover its operations with darkness and mystery. They must be explained ; they must be open as the day, that the people may judge of them. This must be my justification to those who would accuse me of exposing our weak points to the enemy. The people must know what kind of danger renders such and such measures necessary ; what evils they tend

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lo correct : they must know what points are weak, either in their territory, their institutions, or their establishments, before they will let them be strengthened at their expense.

I have little to add about myself and my motives for writing this work. Brought to this country in my infancy, by my father, an exile and a martyr in the cause of liberty, my earliest recollections were associated with the name of America. Returned to settle in it as a citizen, under the hospitable protection of its laws and constitution, 1 am studying those laws and that constitution since nearly three years, with increasing delight and admiration. My hopes and views are confined to the honest independence which I may acquire by personal exertions at the bar, as soon as the period comes round which has been fixed by the wisdom of our legislature, for every foreigner to become acquainted with our manners and institutions, and to depose the leaven of national feelings, animosities and prejudices, before he becomes entitled to the rights and privileges, and before he is called upon to practise the duties of an American citizen. I can therefore have no other motive in writing this Essay, than the desire of exposing whatever I think conducive to the benefit of my adopted country. Reared in the military schools of France, where every thing relative to military instruction had been carried to perfection, I afterwards served three campaigns under Napoleon, as an officer of light cavalry and as a staff officer. I have been several times employed in the raising, organizing, and instructing of new corps. Acquainted therefore with the military

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institutions of that country, which have served as models to those of all Europe, I claim some right of understanding the subject of which I treat.

Before I conclude, I must claim some indulgence for defects of style. The English language is ill adapted to write on military subjects ; it is remarkbly deficient in military technical expressions, corresponding to those of the French. I have perhaps insisted too much upon elementary notions and principles, but they appeared to me to be little known to the generality of the people. The same ideas, the same words are repeated perhaps too frequently; sometimes for the sake of clearness, sometimes from the necessity of recurring to the same idea in the course of argument, and inculcating it more strongly. But if my meaning is always plain, and easily understood, I shall be satisfied ; and if the matter of the work be approved of, I hope that the form and manner will be excused.

Chapter I

A brief Analysis of the Causes which have changed England from a free Nation into a great Military Power, and of he< Military Improvements.

A. French engineer of distinguished talent, Chevalier Dupin, has lately travelled through England to examine into the present state of her military establishments. The view which that able officer has given of her recent military improvements, and of the immense means of hostility collected in her arsenals, is calculated to inspire every reflecting mind with the most awful forebodings. — (1) vide note 1. However sellish her policy may have been, however offensive her pride, whatever evils she may have inflicted upon himself, or upon his country, still every friend of reason, justice, and liberty, must confess that the world owes incalculable benefits to England. Her constitution, however ira-. perfect and overpraised, afforded the first model of a liberal government, sanctifying the individual rights and the individual independence of man. English principles, and English laws, laid the foundation of American freedom. To see that country rapidly exchanging the character of a free nation for that of a military power, must strike even her greatest enemies with melancholy reflections.

The causes of this unfortunate change are easily traced. — When France, towards the conclusion of the last century, broke the shackles of a weak and viciots government, the jealous selfishness of England took the alarm ; some statesmen may have perceived and justly feared, that France, delivered from its feudal trammels, would soon have eclipsed

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England ; the short-sighted and bigoted hatred of the common people did not look so far, and they were more honest in their open aversion. But the cry that France must be put down, and government strengthened for that purpose, was nearly universal. The generous voice of the few who sympathised with the cause of liberty in every part of the world, was drowned by the general clamour, and all opposition to government became unpopular. Europe was paid, was armed by England, and from the Caucasus to the pillars of Hercules, torn from her foundations and hurled upon France. Inexperienced in the formation and march of a free government, the French on their side were obliged to forego their attempts for establishing it on a firm and regular foundation ; terror at such a universal attack forced them also to strengthen their executive, and the crimes of Robespierre and the jacobins, and the military reign of Napoleon, were thus brought, were even forced on by the efforts of England and continental Europe, to crush the rising liberties of France.

But these efforts soon recoiled upon themselves. When France was forced to become a military nation, she found in her old establishments and institutions a strength which the world had not foreseen. She posseised the only corps of scientific engineers and the best artillery in Europe, her arsenals were provided on the grandest scale, a triple line of fortresses, the eternal monuments of Vauban's genius, covered her frontiers, and all these establishments had been fostered and improved with constant care since the age of Louis XIV. The inexperience and indocility of her troops, was almost compensated by their enthusiastic valour ; the science of war and of tactics had been a subject of study and meditation to her officers for two centuries, and after some defeats, they were able to face, to beat, to conquer all their enemies. Europe was subdued; a splendid despotism, from Russia to Spain, erected on the ruins of those powers who well deserved their fate, and the face of affairs so reversed, that England, in her turn, had to stand alone, the combined hostility of the world.

She was saved by her naval force, and insular situation, and her people certainly displayed a constancy which, had the origin of the contest been of a purer and more liberal nature, would have reflected immortal glory on her name. But the cry for strengthening the government was stronger than ever, the most alarming encroachments upon the liberty of the subject and purity of the constitution, were viewed with indifference — the end sanctified the means. The government availed itself fully of the occasion, and laid the foundation of a military despotism, perhaps as formidable to the exterior, but certainly as well calculated to overpower all opposition of the people at home, as that of the great ruler of France. The faults of Napoleon, that cooled the French in his cause, and inspired the subject nations with the desire and hope of retrieving their liberty; his disasters in 1812 and 181.3, the combined efforts of Europe, at length overturned his colossal power, and closed at least for the present the bloody and brilliant scene of the revolution.

And what has been the result ? England, like France, has become a military power ; she has subverted her rival, and crowned her arms with military fame. But she has lost, perhaps irretrievably lost, that character and those institutions which made her greatness and her glory. Or rather under an improved form and better auspices, they have emigrated across the Atlantic.

The world in general is scarcely yet aware of the total change which has taken place in the character of England, in her constitution, and in the relative rank which she holds amongst nations. England was a rich, industrious, free and enlightened country; her manufactures, trade and agriculture were equally flourishing, and she was strong by her navy, her opulence, and the proud, firm and independent character of her people. Her army was insignificant both in its numbers and quality, (2) vide note 2; but the bravery and patriotism :>f her citizens secured her against foreign invasion.

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The yoke of the English weighed heavy upon the countries subject to them ; they were cruel and harsh masters, and arrogant and overbearing to strangers ; there was a great deal of corruption in their government, but it had not spread universally amongst the middling and lower classes. ~

Exteriorly, England had little or no influence, and when the government attempted to interfere in the contests of continental Europe, their measures were generally unpopular. A blind and rooted hatred against France was the only sentiment which sometimes roused the passions of the people, and turned them aside from their true interests, peace, commerce and industry. Jealous of their small military establishment, they carefully kept it down, and the only part they took in European wars, was by assisting with subsidies those sovereigns, who courted them for that purpose in the most humble style.

At present, since the blind passions of the people have enabled the government to form a powerful army, they have actively interfered in all the contests and interests of Europe, and with Russia, direct the whole machine of its political system. British blood has been poured as prodigally as Napoleon poured that of the French ; British armies have appeared in every quarter of the world, and their empire has spread over the globe in every direction. The influence of the cabinet of St. James has been uniformly exerted to put down the spirit of liberty and improvement, and Saxony, Genoa, Italy, Poland, Norway, as well as France, have been pressed under its iron weight, or betrayed by its fallacious promises. In Spain it has supported Ferdinand and the inquisition. In short, England is no longer the proud and indepen. dent country she was ; like that of all the great empires that have successively appeared in the world, her government is oppressive and despotic at home, ambitious, grasping and rapacious abroad. — England was considered as the bulwark of liberty; she is become one of its chief oppressors.

The change which has taken place in the interior, is not at. first visible to the cursory view of a traveller. The high and finished state of the cultivation, the beauty, luxury, and opulence which shine all around, the immense profusion of wealth, the perfection of the manufactures, the busy bustle of trade, the ingenious and universal application of machinery to every useful purpose, and the prodigies which it effects, give to the whole country an appearance of unparalleled plenty and prosperity. But a very little observation discloses the melancholy fact, that all this is forced and artificial. Such is the weight of the taxes and charges, that without the most incessant activity, labour, and industry, the people must starve. Anxious about their very existence, they are grown callous and indifferent on every other subject; and delicacy, honour and principle, love and regard for liberty, proper pride and independence of character, the honest peculiarity of the old Englishman, are almost lost in the exclusive and universal ardour for gain. The precariousness of the means of livelihood in all the industrious classes is inconceivable; the farmer, trader, and manufacturer live on their capital, the labouring poor are in a state of the most abject misery and distress, and the number of paupers and criminals has consequently augmented in such a frightful ratio, that it baffles calculation and passes belief.

The corruption of the administration, and its prodigality and tyranny, from the ministry, great sinecure placemen, and borough-mongers, down to the tax-gatherer, excisemen, tytheman and spy, their arbitrary measures, the suspension of the habeas-corpus act, and consequently of the liberty of the press, the national debt, the abuses of the banking system, and multiplication of forgeries, the multiplication of poor-rates, pauperism and crimes, have been too ably and too frequently exposed to require any comments upon them here. Loaded with debt, and corrupted to the very core, the people and government of England are, at this day, the most profligate and unprincipled as well as the most powerful and

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splendid in the world. They are miserable and unsatisfied, under all their greatness, and must be so under every change of situation. War cannot make them worse, peace cannot make them better. Loud as the public misery made them call for peace at the close of the late contest, a most numerous and influential party wish again at this day for war, because they did not find in the cessation of hostilities those benefits which they expected, because, great as were the charges of war, it gave them a monopoly of trade, which they are fast losing, and because the rising industry of other nations is entering in competition with theirs, and requires to be stopt.

Such is the present situation of England, such is the result of the old clamour of the infatuated people, France must be put down, government must be strengthened. France hasbeen put down, and England is reduced, at least, at home, very nearly to the situation of France some time before the revolution. On the ruins of her independence and of her principle, is raised the enormous edifice of the executive power and military despotism. But the world, we repeat it, and the people of America in particular, are not aware on what a military power that despotism is founded — nor of the complete change which lias taken place in the military system of that country. It is well known that in the last war, her armies were prodigiously augmented, that they were actively thrown in the contest, that one great general like another Marlborough appeared at their head, and that a number of able officers were formed under him; that they obtained splendid victories, and conjointly with the other nations of Europe overturned the empire and military ascendency of France. This, however, is not all, and those who are aware of no greater change, when they see successive acts passed for reducing the numbers of the army, think that every thing is gradually returning into its ordinary channel. — But it must be observed :

1st. That a military spirit has been created in the nation, almost as universal as it was in France under Napoleon.

The uniform has become fashionable and honourable, in a country where no drum was allowed to be beaten in the city of London, and every young man, if he does not enter the army or navy, aspires at least to belong to some militia, volunteer or yeomanry corps.

2d. That military services are become the surest road to titles, honours and dignities. A number of peerages have been distributed in the army, and the order of the Bath, organized on the model of the legion of honour; an innovation for which Walpole or North might have lost their heads.

3d. The composition of the army has been greatly ameliorated. The venality which disgraced the administration of the Duke of York in the time of the famous Mrs. Clarke has been corrected. Although promotions by purchase or family interest still exist in the subaltern ranks, yet a number of able officers have risen by service or seniority in the last war, and the government has an ample choice of subjects to fill all high and commanding posts. The artillery and engineers will hereafter be exclusively recruited with instructed officers from the military schools. The discipline, the armament of the troops, their clothing and equipment, have been equally ameliorated on the model of the French army.

4th. A good staff has been organized. That service w a in its infancy in Britain at the beginning of the war, and was organized in its present form by some French emigrant officers, Messrs. Tromelin, Phelippeaux, &c. That staff is carefully maintained.

5th. It may be seen from the work of Mr. Dupin, with what sedulous care and attention the British government maintain and improve all their military and naval establishments, how they have organized and keep in readiness for action the most complete, effective, and numerous materiel, that was

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ever possessed by a military power, and what importance they attach to the diffusion and improvement of military education, principally in the corps of their engineers and artillery. This improvement can scarcely yet be perceived. Many years must elapse after the creation of military schools, before their influence can be felt in the army. The old officers, however uninstructed and inefficient, cannot be displaced to put young men in their room. The polytechnic school in France has scarcely yet exerted a sensible influence on the improvement of those branches of the military profession, which it was destined to recruit, and which indeed were already carried to a high state of perfection before the revolution by the fostering care of the government since the days of Louis XIV. The British engineers, on the contrary, ranked very low in the estimation of the best judges, but their government is forming the elements of a new corps in their military schools. Their artillery is better.

6th. Although the British government have disbanded some corps of infantry and cavalry which they can easily recruit again ; although to satisfy the clamours of the reformers and economize their finances, they may disband some more, yet they carefully keep up their military institutions, and a mass of troops sufficient to awe any opposition at home, and in case of war, to embody in their ranks any number of recruit? and communicate to them their spirit and their discipline. I do not exactly know the present force of the British army. But without including their colonial service in the East Indies, in Africa and America, I believe the whole mass of their European troops of all kinds, will not be found under 200 battalions of foot and 200 squadrons of horse, a force more than sufficient for these purposes. And if the exclusive devotion of these troops to the government that pays them, and from which they expect recompenses and promotion, if their total indifference to public spirit and patriotism be doubted, let it be remembered how easily they have been turned oiii against the people on recent occasions.

However strongly the power of the British government may be built on such an army, and on such a navy, they do not exclusively rely upon them. In the first place the very abuses of their administration, its prodigality, and the number of people who live on the interest of the national debt, have intimately connected with their cause a great mass of the population, who must stand or fall with them. The ramifications of political corruption reach to the lowest ranks of society. In the next place, the splendour and brilliancy of their successes have attached to them a numerous class, who forget the loss of their liberty, dazzled by the external glory to which the British name has been raised. With a parliament composed, organized and drilled as the British parliament is at this day ; with such a mass of ready instruments in such a needy and unprincipled population ; with such an army and such a navy at the disposition of government, what is become of English liberty ? It is time for other nations to look to theirs. For what will that government do with the military force and spirit which they have created. France was obliged, in the same circumstances, to keep her army employed in foreign war and conquest.

Let it not be imagined that the financial embarrassments of Britain will prevent her from following that course. Whatever be the distress of the people, whatever ruin war may bring upon them, the government are taking another ground, and rendering themselves independent of its support. If they create so numerous a class, exclusively devoted to their interests ; if they can only secure enough to pay and maintain a force that will keep down the people, what need the ministry care for their murmurs, their distress, and their ruin. When their army acquires the same superiority over the other armies of Europe which the French possessed in the time of Napoleon ; when their navy surpasses the collected naval force of the rest oi the world, they need no longer subsidize foreign nations; they can even abridge their means and liberty, their industry and trade, draw contributions from them, and support their own forces at their expense. — (3) vide note 3.

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This forced, artificial and unnatural situation, cannot however last long. Despotism and corruption universally produce decay. In losing her liberty and her principles, England has lost her real strength and her real glory, and exchanged them for the vain and momentary blaze of military fame and usurping empire ; an empire not founded on the love and respect of nations, but on force ; an empire which can only be supported by force, and must fall some day or other by the same means that raised it. She has already lost on the continent of Europe, that veneration which accompanied her name when it was always linked with the ideas of freedom, justice and sound policy. Like the statue of Nebuchadnezzar, the splendid edifice of her despotism is topped with gold, armed with brass and iron, but reposes on a foundation of sand and of clay. When founded only on a military force, however excellent, numerous and well appointed, every power is subject to the chances of fortune. An awful example has lately shown to the world in what an instant such an edifice may be crushed. And melancholy indeed will be the situation of England in such a case ; her riches, her industry, her wealth and prosperity, her principles gone ; her people impoverished and corrupted, lost to all delicacy, scruple, and morality, and accustomed to luxury and profusion. There is certainly an immense mass of information, of talent, of science and industry in England ; but, as in France, all these qualities will have been exclusively applied to the service of the government, or all who join talent to honesty will have emigrated long before.

How much more respectable was the name of England, how much more solid her power, when with a small army, a navy scarcely equal to that of the Dutch, but a government strong by the support of a free, energetic, and enlightened people, she stood the bulwark of European liberty, against the ambition of Louis XIV. Under all her apparent greatness, she is really weaker in the love of her people for theircountry, in their moral courage and principle, than she was thirty years ago. Thus, when the power of Napoleon stretched from Cadiz to Moscow, when a million of armed veterans stood at his command, and the treasures of Europe were at his disposal, France was really weaker, as was proved by the event, than when confined between Belgium and the Pyrenees, divided at home, without an army, without a navy, without finances, almost without a government ; but animated by the young enthusiasm of hope, and the love of liberty.

But it must be remembered, that before the catastrophe of Moscow, the power of Napoleon had repeatedly crushed all opposition from the frontiers of Spain to those of Russia. It had risen to its acme, just before its fall, and no human foresight could have fixed the moment of its decline. In the same way England can do incalculable mischief in the world before she falls.

It behoves America, for her own sake, for the sake of that world where she stands the last and only asylum of liberty and of its friends and martyrs in every country; the sanctuary, where the flame of freedom is yet cherished and kept alive, to watch the progress and march of this great power, a power infinitely greater than that of Napoleon. The jealousy of England is chiefly directed against her. The English know right well, that their naval supremacy, on which their greatness depends, has ultimately more to fear from America, than from the rest of the world. They cannot reach to the sources of her prosperity, nor finally prevent her progress ; it depends on causes which it is not in the power of England, nor even of man, to change ; on her geographical position, her immense territory, her free government, and the enlightened character of her people. But they can stop it for a time ; they can give it severe checks, and it behoves America to stand upon her guard.