An essay on liberty and slavery

Contents

PAGE

Inteoduction .«~ 5

CHAPTER I. The Nature of Civil Liberty 9

Sect. I. — The commonly-receiYed definition of Civil Liberty 12

Sect. II. — Examination of the commonly-received definition of Civil Liberty 13

Sect. III. — No good law ever limits or abridges the Natural Liberty of Mankind 22

Sect. IV. — The Distinction between Rights and Liberty. . ^8 Sect. V. — The Relation between the State of Nature and

Civil Society : 30

Sect. VI. — Inherent and Inalienable Rights 34

Sect. VII.— Conclusion of the First Chapter .' 39

CHAPTER II. The Arguments and Positions of Abolitionists 43

Sect. I.— The first fallacy of the Abolitionist 45

Sect. II. — The second fallacy of the Abolitionist 50

Sect. III.— The third fallacy of the Abolitionist 52

Sect. IV.— The fourth fallacy of the Abolitionist 55

Sect. V.— The fifth fallacy of the Abolitionist 58

Sect. VI.— The sixth fallacy of the Abolitionist 62

Sect. VII. — The seventh fallacy of the Abolitionist 65

Sect. VIII.— The eighth fallacy of the Abolitionist 79

Sect. IX.— The ninth fallacy of the Abolitionist 82

4 CONTENTS.

PAGE

Sect. X. — The tenth, eleventh, twelfth, thirteenth, fourteenth, fifteenth, and sixteenth fallacies of the Abolitionist ; or his seven arguments against the right of a man to hold property in his fellow-man 86

Sect. XI. — The seventeenth fallacy of the Abolitionist; or, the Argument from the Declaration of Independence 102

CHAPTER lU The Argument from the Scriptures 138

Sect. I. — The Argument from the Old Testament 138

Sect. II. — The Argument from the New Testament 157

CHAPTER IV. The Argument from the Public Good 226

Sect. L— The Question 227

Sect. II. — Emancipation in the British Colonies 229

Sect. III. — The manner in which Emancipation has

ruined the British Colonies 257

..Sect. IV. — The great benefit supposed, by American Abolitionists, to result to the freed Negroes from the

. British Act of Emancipation 268

Sect. V. — The Consequences of Abolition to the South. . 284 Sect. VI. — Elevation of the Blacks by Southern Slavery. 292

CHAPTER V. The Fugitive Slave Law 301

Sect. I. — Mr. Seward's Attack on the Constitution of his Country 302

Sect. II. — The Attack of Mr. Sumner on the Constitution of his Country 311

Sect. III. — The Right of Trial by Jury not impaired by the Fugitive Slave Law 353

Sect. .IV. — The Duty of the Citizen in regard to the Constitution of the United States 374

INTEODUCTION.

This work has, for the most part, been thought out for several years, and various portions of it reduced to writing. Though we have long cherished the design of preparing it for the press, yet other engagements, conspiring with a spirit of procrastination, have hitherto induced us to defer the execution of this design. Nor should we have prosecuted it, as we have done, during a large portion of our last summer vacation, and the leisure moments of the first two months of the present session of the University, hut for the solicitation of two intelligent and highly-esteemed friends. In submitting the work, as it now is, to the judgment of the truth-loving and impartial reader, we beg leave to offer one or two preliminai-y remarks.

We have deemed it wise and proper to notice only the more decent, respectable, and celebrated among the Abolitionists of the North, Those scur- 1* 6 b INTRODUCTION.

rilous writers, who deal in wholesale abuse of Southern character, we have deemed unworthy of notice. Their writings are, no doubt, adapted to the taste of their readers; but as it is certain that no educated gentleman will tolerate them, so we would not raise a finger to promote their downfall, nor to arrest their course toward the oblivion which so inevitably awaits them.

In replying to the others, we are conscious that we have often used strong language; for which, however, we have no apology to offer. We have dealt with their arguments and positions rather than with their motives and characters. If, in pursuing this course, we have often spoken strongly, we merely beg the reader to consider whether we have not also spoken justly. We have certainly not spoken without provocation. For even these men — the very lights and ornaments of abolitionism — have seldom condescended to argue the great question of Liberty and Slavery with us as with equals. On the contrary, they habitually address us as if nothing but a purblind ignorance of the very first elements of moral science could shield our minds against the force of their irresistible arguments. In the overflowing exuberance of their philanthropy, they take pity of our most lamentable moral darkness, and graciously condescend to teach us the very A B C of ethical philosophy! Hence, if we h;\ve deemed it a duty to

INTRODUCTION. 7

lay bare their pompous inanities, showing them to be no oracles, and to strip their pitiful sophisms of the guise of a profound philosophy, we trust that no impartial reader will take offence at such vindication of the South against her accusers and despisers.

In this vindication, we have been careful throughout to distinguish between the abolitionists, our accusers, and the great body of the people of the North. Against these we have said nothing, and we could say nothing; since for these we entertain the most profound respect. We have only assailed those by whom we have been assailed; and we have held each and every man responsible only for what he himself has said and done. We should, indeed, despise ourselves if we could be guilty of the monstrous injustice of denouncing a whole people on account of the sayings and doings of a portion of them. We had infinitely rather suffer such injustice — as we have so long done — than practise it toward others.

We cannot flatter ourselves, of course, that the following work is without errors. But these, whatever else may be thought of them, are not the errors of haste and inconsideration. For if we have felt deeply on the subject here discussed, we have also thought long, and patiently endeavored to guard our minds against fallacy. How far this effort has proved successful, it is the province of the candid and impartial reader alone to decide. If our arguments and views

8 INTRODUCTION.

are unsound, we hope lie will reject ttem. On the contrary, if they are correct and well-grounded, we hope he will concur with us in the conclusion, that the institution of slavery, as it exists among us at the South, is founded in political justice, is in accordance with the will of GrOD and the designs of his providence, and is conducive to the highest, purest, best interests of mankind.

LIBEETY AND SLAVERY.