Front matter
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Part I
On the best Means of civilising the Subjects of the British Empire in India.
Civilisation defined — Ancient Refinement — Present State — Inferences — Obstacles — Facilities — Presumed Character of the propeEPlans — Methods of promoting the Object, in various Views, suggested, Page 17
Part II
On the best Means of diffusing the Eight of the Christian Religion throughout
the Eastern World.
Division — Hindostan, and other Oriental Countries, . . Page 164
1. Sketch of Hindoo Superstition — Contrasted with a brief View of Christianity —
Obstructions — Advantages — Progress already made — Preliminary Considerations — Plans detailed, Page l65
2. Advantages possessed by the British in India for diffusing the Light of the Gospel
throughout other Eastern Countries — Encouraging Circumstances in the State of the Neighbouring Nations — Means to be employed — Where to begin — Motives — Conclusion, Page 219
ESSAY
ON THE
CIVILISATION OF INDIA, &c.
To a contemplative mind, no country on earth will appear to exhibit features of peculiarity more striking than Hindostan. Those vast ranges of lofty mountains which environ it on three sides ; the majestic sweep of its principal rivers, and the extensive fertility which they diffuse in their course ; the variety and excellence of its productions, of nature and of art ; the mild character of its inhabitants ; the peculiar structure of society and of manners, by which they are distinguished ; the antiquity of its annals ; and the revolutions of its history, have all concurred to render Hindostan, from age to age, most interesting. to foreigners.
Singular attractions of India.
A
General consequences in respect of science,
And, from ancient times, no other region has more powerfully attracted the researches of the philosopher, the enterprise of the soldier, or the adventurous spirit of the merchant.
That the light of science, following the path of the sun, has all along shone from east to west, is a remark which the general history of literature suggests*. Nor can there be a doubt, that some rays of the philosophy of India, had, at an early period, illuminated the schools of Egypt and of Greece -j-. The sages of these schools, it is well known, were accustomed to travel eastward in quest of knowledge ; and, from the similarity of some of their tenets, particularly of their famed transmigration, we might be led to presume that, in the course of their inquiries, they had profited, either directly or circuitously, by the wisdom of the Brahmans. But we are struck with extreme surprise at some recent discoveries. Who is not astonished when he first reads, that the rules of that famous system of logic, which for ages maintained a sovereign ascendancy in all the seminaries of Europe, and of which Aristotle had been deemed the sole inventor, were known long before in India ; and that, accord-
* Vide Note A.
+ Jones’s Works, vol. i. pp. 275, 276.
ing to a tradition prevalent in that country, Callisthenes, the nephew of the Grecian philosopher, having accompanied Alexander the Great in his invasion of Hindostan, had transmitted this method of reasoning to his uncle * ? And is not our wonder heightened, our interest in this singular people increased, when we learn further, that the outlines of the Copemican system of astronomy, together with some of the leading principles of the Newtonian philosophy, and the abstruse speculations of arithmetic and algebra, had been taught in Hindostan, long before they were discovered in Europe -f ?
“ Asia” (says the celebrated Montesquieu) “ has been of conquest, thirteen times conquered.” In these calamitous enterprises Hindostan has deeply shared. What is singular, every invader of this unfortunate country has been successful. Seldom has a race of native princes, in the later ages, occupied the throne of India. Without having recourse to an era prior to the commencement of authentic history in Europe, we learn from the annals of classical antiquity, that the Macedonian conqueror, having penetrated into this remote region, with the design of annexing it permanently to
* Asiatic Researches, vol. iV. p. 172. 2d edition.
and of commerce.
his ample dominions, had established an empire there, which subsisted for a considerable period after his death. To this foreign joke others have closely succeeded. For, fertile in soil and genial in climate, inhabited by a gentle and unwarlike race, this country has at once strongly attracted the desire, and readily submitted to the arms, of those who sought either for accession of territory or increase of wealth.
But Hindostan has been chiefly interesting as a scene of commerce. From a remote antiquity, the attention of mercantile nations has been directed to this envied region ; and its trade has invariably enriched those who were so fortunate as to share, or to engross it. No other country, at least none equally distant, was so anxiously explored, or so industriously frequented, by the celebrated commercial nations of former times. It was visited by the Phenicians and Egyptians, even before the days of Solomon. There is some reason to suppose, that the fleets of this magnificent prince, fitted out in the ports of the Red Sea, resorted to the shores of India. And, though this conjecture were allowed to be satisfactorily disproved, yet it is certain that, since his time, the staples of this country have continued to be in high request among the polished nations of the western parts of the world ; and that the command of this celebrated mart has been eagerly seized, and guarded with jealousy, by the Greeks, the Romans, the Turks, the Venetians, the Portuguese, the Dutch, and the English, in succession.
Our countrymen were among the last who obtained settlements in Hindostan. During the late and the preceding century, a company of British merchants, actuated by that spirit of enterprising commerce, which has so long distinguished the inhabitants of this island, sought and obtained trading stations, first on the coast of Coromandel, and then on the banks of the Ganges. Their first object was traffic, not conquest : but circumstances, in the natural course of things, soon arose to embroil them with the natives ; and the successful issue of these contests opened their minds to new views of aggrandisement. Still retaining the name and appearance of a commercial company, they became in fact a great council of proprietors, presiding over the affairs of a vast domain, conducting military enterprises on a large scale, and acquiring, from time to time, as the result of these new adventures, an immense accession of territory. The world saw a singular and a splendid spectacle. In the history of no age or nation has it happened, that a range of country so vast, so rich, and so populous, became the pri-
British settlements.
Act of incorporation.
Proposed investigation recommended by vate property of a company of merchants. Subjects alone in one quarter of the world, and undistinguished beyond the ordinary classes of trading men ; they were lords of extensive tracks of land in another. Known here only as merchants, there they were venerated as monarchs of more millions than the British empire contained *. At length, from motives of policy and of prudence, parliament interfered ; the concerns of the East India company were taken under the protection and controul of the state ; and Hindostan may now be viewed as a grand appendage to the empire of a sovereign, whose ample dominions stretch themselves in every quarter of the globe, and under every variety of climate.
For others it may be enough to have conquered and to possess ; but to Britons it belongs, with characteristic magnanimity, to inquire how they may improve and bless the vanquished. When Cyrus conquered Lydia, forgetful at once of his wonted generosity, and of the true interests of his empire, he compelled his new subjects to practise only mean and infamous professions; doubtless that he might
* Vide Note B.
enervate their minds, and degrade them in the eyes of the Persians. Others have adopted the same sinistrous art*. But it is for an humane and enlightened government to rise to higher and more correct views of policy ; to adopt nobler measures ; and, by attempting to ameliorate the condition and exalt the character of those whom the fortune of war has thrown under their protection, to lessen the evils of conquest, to secure the grateful attachment of their subjects, and to set an example of magnanimity to the world. It is for such a government to extend over conquered provinces, not the deadly gloom of the yew, but the reviving shadow of the banyan.
Not only consonant to the native feelings and liberal policy of a great and generous people, the attempt proposed is necessary for the vindication of our national character. At this moment, loud are the invectives which envy, or hostility, have made to resound throughout Europe. We are stigmatised as an horde of merchants, who, instigated only by base thirst of gain, fatten on the spoils of pillaged provinces : visit but to rob, and conquer only to oppress. Impatient of our maritime superiority and growing empire, the the genius of Britons, our regard for the character
# Puff. Univ. History. Dionysius Hal. lib. 7 and safety of our country.
attributes of Carthage and of Rome, the insatiable ambition of the one and the mercantile arrogance of the other, are unceasingly ascribed to us. Nor is it uncommon, with invidious triumph, to speak of provinces depopulated ; of thousands enslaved, or slaughtered, or starved ; of the tears of Africa *, and the groans of India. In tragic style they tell, how our countrymen
Ravaged kingdoms, and laid empires waste.
And, in a cruel wantonness of power,
Thinn’d states of half their people, and gave up The rest to want f.
Happy for us, were these invectives altogether unfounded. That, as far as concerns Hindostan, they are exaggerated, we must indeed assert ; that examples of cruelty and peculation in India are becoming, under a wise and vigilant administration, every day more infrequent, we rejoice in believing ; but that they have been unexampled, and that the charge has no grounds whereon to rest in relation to former times, the fondest lover of his country, the most partial admirer of the character of Britons, dare not affirm. “ The Asiatic conquerors," (exclaimed an eloquent orator in par-
* Vide Note C.
+ Blair’s Grave.
liament,) “ had soon abated of their ferocity, and the short life of man had been sufficient to repair the waste they had occasioned. But with the English the case was entirely different. Their conquests were still in the same state they had been in twenty years ago. They had no more society with the people, than if they still resided in England ; but, with the view of making fortunes, rolled in, one after another, wave after wave, so that there was nothing before the eyes of the natives, but an endless flight of birds of prey and passage, with appetites continually renewing for a food that was continually wasting. With us there were no retributory superstitions, by which a foundation of charity compensated for ages to the poor, for the injustice and rapine of a day. With us no pride erected stately monuments, which repaired the mischiefs pride had occasioned, and adorned a country out of its own spoils. England had erected no churches, no hospitals, no palaces, no schools (the trifling foundation at Calcutta excepted) : England had built no bridges, made no highways, cut no navigations, dug no reservoirs. Every other conqueror, of every other description, had left some monument of state or of beneficence behind him ; but were we to be driven out of India this day, nothing would remain to tell that it had been pos-
B sessed, during the inglorious period of our dominion, by any thing better than the ouran outang or the tiger *” These representations are doubtless highly coloured ; but the deliberate resolutions of the House of Commons shew that they were not entirely unjust. If so, it becomes us to beware, and to consider how we may retrieve the national character, and compensate to an inoffensive people these acknowledged injuries. If Britons have stained the British name by acts of wanton cruelty and oppression, since the day of vengeance, if not averted by the timely interposition of a humane and generous policy, will come ; measures of redress, such as an inquiry of the kind we are entering upon might suggest, can alone exempt us from that awful retribution, which is thus prophetically denounced by an impassioned writer ;
Did peace descend, to triumph and to save.
When free-born Britons cross’d the Indian wave? Ah no !
Of India’s fate her guardian spirits tell.
Burke’s speech on Fox’s India bill.
And solemn sounds, that awe the listening mind.
Roil on the azure paths of every wind. —
He comes ! dread Brama shakes the sunless sky.
With murmuring wrath, and thunders from on high. Heaven’s fiery horse, beneath his warrior form.
Pans the light clouds, and gallops on the storm.
Wide waves his flickering sword, his bright arms glow Like summer suns, and light the world below.
Earth and her trembling isles in ocean’s bed Are shook, and nature rocks beneath his tread.
To pour redress on India’s injured realm.
The oppressor to dethrone, the proud to whelm ;
To chace destruction from her plunder’d shore.
With art and arms that triumph’d once before.
Other considerations urge the proposed investigation. The honour, the interests, and the security of the British empire are deeply involved. By the act of incorporation the vanquished Hindoos have a constitutional right to the privileges of British subjects, and to all those benefits, consistent with their character and condition, which that union can impart. Besides, the importance of Hindostan to the security of the empire is incalculably great. Recollecting, indeed, how Britain has not only survived the separation of her American colonies, but flourished since that period,
Additional
motives.
Rights of our new subjects.
Disastrous consequences of the loss of Hindostan,
* Campbell’s Pleasures of Hope, pp. 42. 44, 45.
Of importance to its defence.
by her own internal energies and the goodness of Providence, more than ever, we cannot presume to assert with some, that the overthrow of our empire in Hindostan would involve the destruction of the parent state. But we may venture to aver, that such a catastrophe would tarnish the lustre of the British crown ; and, considering how extensively and intimately the interests of this great colonial possession are interwoven with those of the mother country, that it would shake, if it did not subvert, the government. The threat, so often held out by our enemies, of conquering Britain in India, shews of what importance they deem Hindostan to us, and how powerfully its loss would operate, as they apprehend, in paralising our exertions. While we may defy their menaces, let us not disregard the consequence of such an event. The amputation of a limb may not immediately affect the vitals of the constitution, but it necessarily puts the subsequent health, existence, and efficiency of the whole system to a perilous trial. And, if the analogy be in this instance exact, should not every measure of a wise and humane policy be adopted, to prevent a dismemberment of the empire, which may prove fatal, must prove hurtful ? Let us also reflect upon the extreme distance of Hindostan from the body of the empire. If we except one of our foreign settlements which is inconsiderable, India is the most remote, as it is by far the most important dependency of the crown of Great Britain. Lying 15,000 miles east, more than half of the globe must be crossed ere supplies from us can be conveyed to its distant shores. Such, likewise, is the rapidity of Asiatic conquest, that the country might be lost before even the news of invasion could reach the chief seat of government. Shall we then confide its safety to our succours ? Must we not look for its best defence to the internal resources of that country itself ; to the number, the attachment, the increasing energies of its inhabitants ? And how can these resources be so powerfully augmented, as by hastening to conciliate the affections of the natives, and promote their best interests by every plan which wisdom, or goodness can devise and execute ?
This subject has relations even of higher interest, to which we may appeal. Feelings of an enlarged philanthropy, as well as views of a wise policy ; the impulses of a liberal philosophy, not less than the refutation of an invidious spirit of detraction ; the solemn sanctions and the glorious advantages of our holy religion *, concur with the genero-
Farther and higher arguments.
* Vide note D.
sitj of the British spirit, the honours of the British name, and the security of the British empire, to prompt this inquiry into the means of civilising and enlightening Hindostan and the East. Few objects can be conceived more noble than those which it presents. Of all speculations, such as tend to ameliorate the condition, and exalt the character of mankind, are the most interesting and important *. And, according to every just estimate, these must appear to rise in proportion to the extent and excellence of the objects they embrace. How grand, how inviting, thep, that investigation, which includes at once the temporal and eternal interests of a large portion of mankind ! which may contribute to exalt human nature, where it is greatly debased by superstition and slavery ; to rescue many millions of our race from a most abject state of civil, intellectual, moral, and religious degradation ; and to bless them with an increase of the comforts of life, with a participation of the liberties and laws of Britons, and, above all, with the knowledge of the “ word of life,” and the enjoyment of the blessings of salvation.
Who, then, adverting to the importance of this investiga-
* Note E.
tion in its various references, is not disposed to ask ardently with the benevolent Cowper,
Is India free ? And does she wear her plum’d
And jewell’d turban with a smile of peace ?
Or do we grind her still * ,f
And what consideration is there, most interesting to us as men, as Britons, as Christians, which does not stimulate us to inquire, What are the best means of civilising the subjects of the British empire in India; and of diffusing the light of the Christian religion throughout the eastern world ?
This inquiry obviously divides itself into two parts : First, What are the best means of civilising the subjects of the British empire in India ? and, Secondly, How may the light of the gospel be diffused throughout the eastern world ?
These parts of the inquiry are intimately connected. The one is essentially necessary to promote, or to perfect the other. Without civilisation, Christianity could not be so successfully propagated ; and without the influence of Christianity, civilisation cannot be carried to its utmost height.
Division of the subject.
and arrangement.
* Task, book iv.
They are also arranged in an ascending order. The inquiry concerning the means of civilising the Hindoos is antecedent in idea, as well as inferior in excellence, to the other ; and, accordingly, from the consideration of the former, we shall be naturally led up to the investigation of the latter, which will carry our views forward to the last and best state of our world and of our race, when, according to the intimation of holy writ, the “ whole earth shall be filled with the glory of the Lord."
PART I.
OF THE BEST MEAN'S OF CIVILISING THE SUBJECTS OF THE BRITISH EMPIRE IN INDIA.
Civilisation, being a complex term, is liable to be used in a vague sense ; and, that we may hold a precise point in view, it will be proper, before we proceed farther in our inquiry, that we determine its meaning. In popular use, it denotes that humanity gentleness and complaisance, which, as contrasted with the cruelty rudeness and ferocity of the savage state, usually distinguish mankind in an advanced stage of society. No nation, on the face of the earth, are, in this sense, more civilised than the Hindoos ; for, though several districts of India be infested by hordes of robbers, and the people in general, by reason of their almost total c
Present signification determined.
Distinctions on this subject.
want of clothing, may, to an European eye, have the appearance of barbarians ; yet their national temper and manners, upon the whole, are exemplarily mild, inoffensive, and obliging.
The term then, it is presumed, is, in this discussion, to be taken in its philosophical acceptation, denoting the improvement of man, considered as a member of human society, a subject of human government. It supposes him to enjoy the full benefit of those political arrangements, of which his circumstances will admit ; and, of course, to possess all that happiness of condition, and refinement of manners, and excellence of character, which, in his situation, he may attain. In this reference the prescribed subject becomes a question of the most interesting moment. How that placid people, whose condition has been hitherto so depressed, may be raised, in the scale of nations and in the lot of humanity, as high in all respects as the advantages of their situation, improved by British talent and influence, will admit, seems to be the spirit and object of the proposed inquiry.
Civilisation is either absolute or comparative. By absolute civilisation we understand the utmost improvement, of which mankind, in their social state, are susceptible. This is that perfectibility of human nature, by the operation of civil government, about which the philosophers and politicians of a neighbouring nation spoke so highly, concerning which they formed theories so beautiful, and the prospect of which they entertained with expectations so sanguine ; but of which that people have since set an example so inadequate, as to convince us that there is a certain corruption in human nature, a certain fatality in human affairs, which forbid the hope that this captivating prospect will soon be realised, or the object be ever attained solely by such means. The pleasing dream is dispelled. A cloud has been substituted, and embraced instead of a goddess. Comparative civilisation is all that has hitherto been accomplished ; all, it should seem, that we can ever reasonably hope to effectuate by the wisest legislative provisions alone. But even this, though not so splendid in theory, presents in fact, an object sufficiently magnificent and interesting to excite and to reward our researches. There is no nation on earth who have attained, in all respects, that height of improvement which they might reach ; none, whose condition and character might not be greatly ameliorated by a wise comparison of the circumstance of other states, and a prudent adoption of whatever should appear, upon due considcration, to be of superior excellence in their schemes of policy. Thus civilisation in all might be progressive ; though it should never become absolutely perfect. Mankind might still be ascending in this path of true glory ; although in their civil state, they should never reach the highest point of improvement.
In attempting to promote this progress, two extremes are to be avoided. There appears on either hand a fatal rock, which it behoves the political navigator to shun with steady aim. On the one side, by grasping at too much we might lose the comfort, if not the possession, of present privilege : by holding in view a system of Utopian civilisation, a project of ideal perfection, which could never be realised, we would delude ourselves, and, by discouraging effort, even prevent the attainment of what is within our reach. On the other side, by taking our aim too low, we may not rise to that height of improvement, which, by a juster elevation, might easily have been gained. Nor must any one nation be assumed as a perfect model of civilisation. The state and character of all are mixed. In the most refined we shall detect some remnants of ancient rudeness, or some tendencies to barbarism. Among the most polished nations of Europe, customs, derived from their Gothic ancestors, still maintain their ascendancy ; and symptoms of moral, if not of political declension, are but too apparent.
While, therefore, we avail ourselves to the uttermost, of the suggestions to be derived, by discriminating wisdom, from the experience of past ages, or from the institutions of present times, let us, without either grasping at what is unattainable, or contenting ourselves with servilely copying any existing scheme of policy, inquire how the civilisation of Hindostan may be promoted in the highest practicable degree. The civilisation of a countiy (as has been already hinted) consists in its security under a good government ; in the strength, the activity, the excellence of the social principle ; in the spirit of union, of industry, and of enterprise by which its inhabitants are actuated, and the conveniencies and comforts of polished life are widely diffused ; and in the enlightened, and virtuous conduct of the various classes of the community. How then, by the arrangements of civil polity, by the exertions of a wise administration, may the greatest proportion of happiness be distributed throughout this vast and populous division of the British empire ? How may we raise, to the highest pitch that their genius and circumstances will allow, the excellence of human nature, and the improvement of human society, among our eastern suh-
Applioation of the remark to our subject.
Passing reference to ancient state.
jects ? How may we enable them to enjoy the full benefit of social order, and to fulfil, in the best manner, the grand purposes of the existence of man upon the earth ? To the solution of these interesting problems we are to address ourselves.
One circumstance it would be improper not to notice, in our progress. By reason of a revolution, not unexampled indeed in the history of mankind, but attended in this case with circumstances of peculiarity, the civilisation of Hindostan admits of a retrospective consideration. An elegant and well-informed historian * has attempted to prove, by a long and argumentative induction of facts, that “ the inhabitants of India were not only more early civilised, but had made greater progress in civilisation than any other people.” The reason assigned for this attempt, in the close of that elaborate treatise, is both interesting to our feelings, and intimately connected with the object of this dissertation ; while the accuracy of his research, the extent of his information, the correctness of his judgment, and the plausibility of his arguments, entitle his conclusions to a high degree of respect. Yet, the extraordinary refinement in civil po=
* Dr Robertson, App. Hist. Disq, licy, in laws and judicial proceedings, in useful and elegant arts, in sciences, and in religious institutions, which he ascribes to that people ; and, especially, the high antiquity to which he carries up the reference, have induced many to doubt, and some formally to controvert, the truth of his hypothesis. But, without entering into a question, which, in its intrinsic merits is detached from our present inquiry, it may be sufficient for our purpose to observe, that, admitting the fact (which is indisputable) that the Hindoos have been, at some former period, more highly civilised than they are at present, it is evident they must be a nation susceptible of farther improvement than they now exhibit. Besides, as it is more difficult to restore suspended animation, or reinvigorate a decayed constitution, than to preserve the health and augment the strength of a system which is unimpaired, so, to recal a nation in a retrograde state, to the career of improvement ; to renovate a degenerated society ; to inspire new life into a languishing people, we may presume, from analogy, must b.e an attempt peculiarly arduous. Here, then, is an enterprise, which requires the deepest consideration ; an enterprise, which, while it presents an object at once difficult and magnificent, to invite the exertions of genius, also promises to crown success with no common praise. Failure
Statistical view of modern Hindostan.
Climate.
cannot be dishonourable. The attempt is laudable ; and he who sinks in the course, may yet enjoy the consolation of the brave, but too adventurous son of Apollo :
After all, however, the question is not what the Hindoos as a people have been, but what they now are. Their present state is the point from which our inquiries must set out ; and it may not be improper, as the ground work of the subsequent plan of improvement, to sketch a brief view of this state, deduced from the most authentic accounts. To do this satisfactorily is no easy task ; for, not only are the representations given by different writers on the subject often contradictory, but the same author appears occasionally to be at variance with himself. The following abstract is taken from a comparison of various statements.
The author of the “ Spirit of Laws” has suggested abundant reason for adverting particularly to climate, in accounting for any system of institutions, or devising any scheme of policy. Too much, indeed, may have been ascribed to ti ls cause : yet, as unquestionably it has a mighty influence in forming the character, and determining the condition of mankind, he who should overlook a circumstance so important, might be justly accused of neglecting one primary object of consideration. The boundary of Hindostan is irregular ; and its geographical position cannot be very accurately marked. Situated betwixt the eighth and the thirtyfifth degree of N. lat. the greater part of it lies within the torrid zone ; and it might be expected that the heat would be intense, especially as the face of the country is in general level, extensively covered with wastes and forests, and often rendered damp by the inundations of the rivers. These circumstances, however, are counteracted in a considerable degree by other natural causes; particularly by the lofty ridge of mountains bordering on the cold regions of Tartary, and the sea breezes along the coast. Unfavourable and enervating the climate confessedly is, to European constitutions ; but its abundant population shews, that it is not unfriendly to human life, health, or improvement.
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