Edward VI and the Book of Common Prayer. An examination into its origin and early history with an appendix of unpublished documents

Front matter

BX 5145 .A3 G3 1890 Gasquet, Francis Aidan, 1846 -1929 .

Edward VI and the Book of Common Praver

Under this title is now issuing a series of Standard Works, consisting of Foreign Translations, Original Works, and Reprints, printed in the best style of the typographic art, bound in cloth, in demy 8vo, of from 450 to 500 pages, and issued at short intervals, price 12s. each Volume, post free to any part of the world; to subscribers, 25s. for three Vols., or post free 26s. 6d. Either of the works may be taken separately at 10s. per Vol., or twelve Vols, may be selected for £ 5, 5s., carriage paid.

Contents

To the Reader.

CHAPTER I. — Church Services at the End of Henry's Reign. CHAPTER II.— Cranmer's projected Breviary. CHAPTER III.— The Second Scheme.

CHAPTER IV.— Preparations for Change.

Appendix

I. — Account of Cranmer's MS. Liturgical Projects. II. — The Breviary Scheme.

III. — The 2nd Scheme.

IV. — The Lectionaries and Calendars.

V.— The Debate in Parliament, 1548.

VI. — The Words of Institution.

JOHN HODGES, 25, Henrietta Street, Covent Garden, W.C.

Henry VIII, and the English Monasteries. An attempt to illustrate the History of their Suppression, with an Appendix and Maps showing the situation of the religions houses at the time of their dissolution. By Francis Aipan Gasquet, O.S.B. 2 Vols. 12s. each. Fourth Edition, now ready.

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JOHN HODGES, 25, Henrietta Street, Covent Garden, W.C.

EDWARD VI.

VI

<rn£yrf&t4*X- ton /ivm<</l*o6t' /^?»vHtX

Facsimile I. {frontispiece).

First page of the Breviary scheme, showing corrections by Cranmer. (MS. Reg. 7 B. IV f. 133a

EDWARD VI

AND THE

BOOK OF COMMON PRAYER.

AN EXAMINATION INTO ITS ORIGIN AND EARLY HISTORY WITH AN APPENDIX OF UNPUBLISHED DOCUMENTS.

BY

FRANCIS AIDAN GASQUET 0. S. B.,

AUTHOR OF "HENRY VIII. AND THE ENGLISH MONASTERIES-'

and EDMUND BISHOP.

JOHN HODGES,

AGAR .STREET, CHARING CROSS, LONDON. 1890.

PR1NTEI1 AT NIMEGl'EN (HOLLAND HT H. C. A. TBIEME OF XIMEOUEN

AND

14 BILLITEK SgllARE BUILDINGS, LONDON E. C.

CONTENTS.

PAGE.

TO THE READER

Chapter I. ohurch services at the death of

HENRY Vin 1—16

„ II. cranmer's projected breviary . . . . 17—29 „ III. cbanmer's second project 30 — 39

a IV. PREPARATION FOR CHANGE 40—62

„ V. THE PARLIAMENT AND CONVOCATION 1547 . 63 — 81

g VI. THE COMMUNION BOOK 82 — 96

„ VII. PROCLAMATIONS AND PREACHINGS .... 97 — 117

, VIII. THE PRESS ON THE MASS 118 — 133

„ IX. THE NEW LITURGY: TIME, PLACE, PERSONS ETC. 134 — 147 „ X. CONVOCATION AND THE PRAYER BOOK. . . 148—156 „ XL THE DEBATE ON THE SACRAMENT IN PARLIA- MENT 1548 157 -181

, XII. THE FIRST ENGLISH BOOK OF COMMON PRAYER 182 — 215 „ XIII. THE PRAYER BOOK OF 1549 AND CONTEM- PORARY LITURGIES 216 - 235

„ XIV. THE RECEPTION OF THE NEW SERVICE . . 236—258

„ XV. FURTHER PROJECTS 259—276

„ XVI. THE REVISION OF THE PRAYER BOOK 1552 277 — 307

APPENDIX.

PAGE.

I. ACCOUNT OF MS. REG. 7 B. IV 311 — 314

II. CRANMER'S BREVIARY SCHEME 315 — 352

III. cranmer's scheme for morning and evening prayer 353 —382

IV. the lectionaries and calendars 383 — 394

V. THE DEBATE ON THE SACRAMENT IN PARLIAMENT 1548. 395 — 443

VI. THE WORDS OF INSTITUTION 444 — 448

VII. NOTE ON THE ACTS OF CONVOCATION 1547 .... 449—451

TO THE READER.

The present work had its origin in the desire to edit Cranmer's hitherto unnoticed projects of liturgical reform printed in the appendix. In the researches necessary for this purpose, it was found that the history of the religious changes under Edward VI had in some points become involved in much and seemingly unnecessary obscurity. It therefore appeared desirable to present the story of the origin of the Book of Common Prayer as a whole. Other documents were found which had escaped the attention of previous writers and amongst these the notes of the discussion in Parliament preceding the introduction of the first Act of Uniformity. This document affords new details in the history of the Prayer Book, and gives the only reliable information about the views entertained by the English bishops on the subject. Apart from this, the "Notes" are of considerable interest as being the earliest report of a debate in Parliament.

Though treating of liturgy the object of the work is strictly historical. Unless a clear and intelligible idea can be gained of the liturgical changes in the reign of Edward VI. it is impossible to understand a period which is the turning point in the religious history of England.

The authors desire to record their thanks of the authorities of Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, for permission to use the manuscripts in their library. To the Rev. S. S. Lewis M. A. the librarian, in particular, they are indebted for his special kindness to them.

Chapter I. Church Service At The Close Of Henry's Reign

The first convocation of clergy in the reign of Edward VI. met at St. Paul's on November 5, 1547. The lower house immediately upon their assembling " agreed that the prolocutor in the name of the whole house should report to the most Reverend " the archbishop of Canterbury certain petitions, among which was the following: "that the labours of the bishops and others, who by command of convocation had been engaged in examining, revising and setting forth (et edendo) the divine service should be produced and should be submitted to the examination of this house ".

Archbishop Cranmer's notes of this meeting show some important variations from the official record on this matter. According to his version, the clergy declared that " by command of king Henry VIII." certain prelates and learned men were "appointed.... to devise a uniform order; who according to the same appointment did make certain books, as they be informed". And the object of their request was, according to Cranmer's statement, that these books should be submitted to them "for a better expedition of divine service to be set forth accordingly " '.

1 This statement may perhaps in part have been drawn from, or suggested by, the address of the Prolocutor ; the con-

B

What the result of this application may have been does not appear ; nor does mention of these books occur in any other record. It has been tacitly assumed that if they did indeed exist, they have disappeared. Convocation however, was in fact accurately informed when it spoke of their existence: and for the last three hundred years in all probability such a book has lain among the manuscripts of the Royal library. The identification of the volume removes one of the difficulties which has hitherto stood in the way of any satisfactory investigation into the origin and character of the first Prayer Book of Edward VI.

Up to the present time there has been an entire want of material to illustrate the history and course of the composition of this book, and of the steps whereby it assumed its present form. There has been nothing but the book complete as it stands in print. The spirit which dictated and directed the compilation has been a matter of conjecture, coloured not infrequently, as is natural in such a case, by the personal prepossessions of the writer. This is the more unfortunate, since a just estimate of the character of a document of such supreme importance is a first and necessary condition for a right understanding of the history of the religious changes in England during the sixteenth century.

The first Prayer Book of Edward YI. was in itself a revolution; and that on two grounds. Local and diocesan usage of every sort was swept away and an absolute uniformity was prescribed for the whole realm, — a thing unheard of in the ancient Catholicchurch in England no less than in France and Grerflict of statement as to the king's commandment and the command of convocation certainly cannot be thus explained.

many. This note of uniformity is struck emphatically in the Act itself, which also declares the peace and quiet to be engendered by the change. Secondly, a book was introduced, the form and disposition of which was unlike any hitherto in use for public worship in England.

"Whether a nearer examination would show that the divergence is rather one of outward seeming than of reality is a matter involving many considerations. Amongst these must necessary find a place the following: what position does the first Prayer Book hold in regard to the ancient service books in England, or other contemporary documents of the same kind? Is it conservative? Is it innovating? and how far is it either? What was its inspiration ? What were its sources? Unfortunately all these questions have become involved in extraneous and notably polemical considerations. These, as all will allow, are hardly favourable to the investigation or exposition of bare historic truth. But, in spite of these, it should not be impossible to fix, with a sufficient degree of accuracy and certainty, the position which the Prayer Books of Edward VI. really hold in the religious history of the time; especially when new documents can be produced to make the task more easy or the result more sure.

No attempt will be made to enquire whether the change brought about was good or whether it was bad. The present investigation is concerned with facts, and where doctrinal questions must be touched upon to elucidate the mere course of events or change of individual opinion, the actors will be allowed to give their own statements of their own beliefs. Thus the enquiry whether this revolution, which swept away the old order and established in its place the liturgy now holding the affection of the majority of Englishmen, was providential, or whether it was a revolt against established law, is altogether foreign to the present purpose.

As a prelude it is necessary to have a clear understanding of the condition of public worship at the end of the reign of Henry VIII. Looking back across the course which events actually took in the establishment of an exclusively vernacular service in England, there has been a tendency to attribute an undue importance to the Primers or other prayer books in English issued in the later years of that reign. Vernacular prayers for private use, were common in the middle ages, and the contents of the primers, which were essentially designed for such private devotion, fall almost entirely outside the ground covered by the first public English service book.

Glancing at the state of affairs at the moment of Henry's death it may be said that the system of public worship, which existed throughout the middle ages in England, remained intact and in full force. The rites of Sarum, York and Hereford were in practical use as they had been an hundred years before, the same books, the same ceremonies

The acts of convocation in 1542 however show already a disposition to limit this diversity by prescribing the observance of the Sarum rite for the whole province of Canterbury. There appears however no evidence to show that the use of Hereford was then abrogated. It is not impossible that this order was caused by the sudden secularization of so large a body of clergy who had, as members of regular orders,

1 The purgation to which the service books had been subjected was confined to the omission of the word "Pope", to the suppression of the office and name of St. Thomas of Canterbury and to a correction of typographical errors.

Church Service at the close of Henrij's reign. 5

been accustomed to their own special rites and who, in the change of condition, must have been at a loss to tell what breviary to adopt in order to satisfy an obligation binding them in conscience to the daily recitation of the divine office.

It has been suggested by some recent writers of repute that the suppression of the monastic houses necessitated a change in the method of public worship in order to render the daily homage of the creature compatible with secular duties. It is moreover implied that all offices, except a morning and evening prayer, were designed only for regular religious. These ideas seem due to a misapprehension. The disappearance of the monasteries in no way affected the worship in cathedral or parish churches. It is true that on the refoundation of the monastic cathedrals a body of clergy was instituted somewhat less numerous than it had been on the old footing, if for no other reason at least for this, that a given revenue would suffice for a larger number of men living in community than of men each in receipt of a separate income and keeping up a separate household. But even the cathedrals of the new foundation had a body of clergy fully able to maintain the divine office in becoming splendour

Except in so far as personal obligations were concerned, a cathedral or collegiate church of secular clergy was bound to a perpetual round of praise and service hardly less onerous than that of the most observant monastery. The obligation however lay upon them as members of their church and not, as they would strenuously have contended, by vow as

1 The clergy who remained in the old monastic cathedrals upon the suppression of the monastery were not uncommonly recommended by the royal agents as "good choir men."

religious. The public recitation of the canonical hours great and small, it is true, originated with persons inclined to what is technically called, the religious life: monazontes, as they are named in the recently discovered Peregrinatio Silvice, which throws considerable light upon this as well as upon so mauy other ecclesiastical usages at the close of the fourth century l.

Still as early as the time of St. Gregory the Great it was assumed that the office in a cathedral or even a considerable church was to the publicly sung. By the eighth century the clergy of such churches were regarded and regarded themselves as a real community, the provisions made for the conduct and observance of which differed but slightly from those of a community of monks. There was however this essential difference between them; though the canons around their bishop lived on common funds, they retained their rights to their own property and, subject of course to the obedience of all clergy to their bishop, were free to come and go.

In the course of the tenth and eleventh centuries the canons, especially of episcopal churches, gradually emancipated themselves from ancient restrictions. The funds originally common, became allotted to individual members of the body. This practice received recognition and confirmation more or less early from the bishops, when the episcopal mensa and that of the canons became distinct and separate.

The change produced in course of time a departure not less marked in the opposite direction. This latter

1 See Duchesne, Origines du culte Chretien, Paris, 1889. pp. 433 — 436, for an account of the way in which the public celebration of the divine office grew to be recognized as a duty of the ecclesiastical state.

tendency was to a renunciation of all private property and the assumption of religious vows, and thus by the beginning of the twelfth century the distinction of regular canons and secular canons was an accomplished fact. To the class of secular canons belonged all our non-monastic English cathedrals except Carlisle: and St. Osmund's title to the gratitude of his church will be probably found to lie, not in the liturgical reforms which legend has attributed to him, but in his legislation for the new pattern in his cathedral church at Sarum. Such canons throwing off perhaps gradually the old community restrictions came to differ in no wise, so far as their method of life was concerned, from the rest of the secular clergy. The others formed themselves into a religious order in the strictest sense of the word and became known as regular or Augustinian canons. The name ' Canon ' common to both, recalls the state of life from which both had sprung, but which both had abandoned. Henceforward whilst bearing this common name they are perfectly distinct in life and spirit. By a contradiction in terms one class came to be called secular canons, whilst the other by tautology received the name of regular canons '.

In one point however churches of canons, whether secular or regular, kept to the old lines. Both were bound to and observed the solemn and public recitation of the entire divine office although now on

1 Trithemius long ago drew attention to this * a secular canon" it is as much as to say "a white black" he writes. See in Ducange s.v. canonicus. This article of Ducange is unfortunately misleading on the origin of secular canons, although a careful perusal of the passages cited therein is sufficient to detect the mistake which is corrected later s.v. Begnlares. The question is accurately exposed in Amort Disc: Vet: Canonicorum, pp. 329—333.

different grounds. The regular canons observed this duty as members of a religious order; the secular canons, as incorporated into a church, whether cathedral or collegiate, by the foundation and tradition of which its members voluntarily undertook the obligation so long as they held their prebend '.

To come to detail : taken as the rule the life of a canon in our English cathedrals up to the close of Henry's days was one of no slight labour and mortification. The church offices were long: they made up a day's work quite apart from all questions of time to be given to study, private devotion, or the ordinary claims of daily life. The choral work began early. Morwen, chaplain to bishop Bonner of London, in commenting on a sermon preached by Pilkington in June 1561, when lightning had struck the steeple of St. Paul's, and the roof and bells had been burnt, called attention to the change which • had been made in the mode of worship. "(Now," he says, " whether the people of this realm be declined from the steps of St. Augustine and other blessed fathers and saints which had mass and seven sacraments in the church, and God was honoured night and day in the church with divine service, I think there is no man so simple but he may easily perceive, except malice have blinded his heart. As in

1 The universal tradition as to common life in Cathedrals must be borne in mind in estimating the introduction of monks into English cathedral churches under king Edgar and later. Probably a practical compromise was come to, by allowing the clergy of the other English episcopal churches, where the common life had been abandoned, to go on as they were. This will explain William of Malmesbury's " contra morem Anglorum". In fact traces of the old common life survived more generally in France long after the cathedrals had been settled on the new model.

St. Paul's church in Loudon, by the decrees of blessed fathers every night at midnight they had matins ; all the forenoon masses in the church with other divine service and continual prayer, and in the steeple, anthems and prayers were had certain times". 1

Pilkington in his reply writes: —''further where he charges us with declining from the steps of the blessed fathers which ordained in Paul's matins to be had at midnight, all forenoon masses, and in the steeple anthems ; these things we do not only not deny for we do not count such superstitious idolaters to be our fathers in religion, but we rejoice and praise God for our deliverance from such superstitions. They crack much of blessed fathers and yet name not who they be, but much it shall not skill but their deeds shall prove their holiness. What great holiness was this, to have matins at midnight when folk were on sleep in their beds! Is not common prayer to be had at such hours when the people might resort to it conveniently? If midnight be such a time most convenient let the world judge — In Paul's and abbeys at their midnight prayers were none commonly but a few bawling priests, young quiristers and novices which understood not what they said. The elder sort kept their beds — A prayer not understanded in the heart but spoken with the lips is rather to be counted prating and bawling than praying with good devotion. The elder sort both in cathedral churches and abbeys almost never came at their midnight prayer. It was thought enough to knoll the bells and make men believe that they rose to prayer, therefore

Printed in Pilkington's Works (ed Parker Soc :), p. 483.

they have not so much to crack of this their doing... But as all their religion is of their own devising so is their reward. God has made them no such promise and therefore they can claim nothing at his hands." 1

Whether Pilkington was carried away by his fervour in confutation or not may be left an open question. But the popular appreciation of these services may be guaged by a letter which gives a glimpse of Catholic Cathedral life in Mary's days. The writer was apparently one of the canons of Hereford. Its date is about 1583 or 1584; it is addressed to Scory the aged bishop of the see, and its object is to secure a stricter confinement for the catholic recusants who " are more increased this day in Hereford than ever were this twenty five years before.11

"Right Honorable and Reverend Father 11 it begins, "my bounden duty always remembered; may it please your lordship to be advertised or to put in memory that in the dark days of queen Mary the dean then and the clergy of your cathedral church of Hereford did orderly observe their superstitious orders (i. e. services) and were present thereat continually, except certain days of licence which are called days of jubilee. 2 And did preach their superstitious dregs not only, but also did in their outward living keep great hospitality. For every night at midnight they with the whole vicars choral

1 Pilkington's Works, pp. 527—8.

2 This was evidently a term current in Hereford for leaves of absence, but does not appear to have been in use in other English cathedrals, as far as a cursory examination of the available Statutes has shown.

would rise to matins and especially the 'do mydary1 1 for the week being, would be the first.

" Then at five o'clock in the morning at St. Nicholas mass; then at other masses at certain altars; then at eight of the clock our Lady mass was solemnly said. Then at nine the prime and hours ; then the high mass was in saying until it was eleven of the clock, besides every man must have said his own private mass at some one or other altar daily.

" Then after dinner to even song till five oclock, in which time of service a number of tapers were burning every day, and there was great censing at the high altar daily to their idols, and there was a lamp burning day and night continually before their gods. And every sabbath day and festival day St. Thomas' bell should ring to procession and the dean would send his somner 2 to warn the mayor to the procession. And then upon the somner's warning the mayor would send the sergeants to the parish churches, every man in his ward to the alderman. Then the alderman would cause the parish priest to command all the freemen to attend on the mayor to the procession s or lecture. For want of a sermon there should be a lecture in the chapter house every sabbath and holy day, notwithstanding they were at high mass in the choir. And then by the mayor and commons it was agreed at a general law-day that if the mayor did not come to procession and sermon he should pay 12d. for every default and every alderman 8d. and every man of the election 6d. and every freeman or gild merchant 4d., if it were known they were

1 i. e. Hebdomadarian, or weekly officiant, whether in secular or regular churches.

2 i. e. his verger.

3 That is before the High Mass.

absent and within the hearing of the said bell and did not come, which ordinance was and is recorded in the custom book of the city: so zealous and diligent were the temporality then in observing those dregs of the clergy. Then the dean and clergy would come so orderly to church with such a godly show of humbleness and in keeping such hospitality that it did allure the people to what order they would request them."

" This is true for I did see and know it ; but then did I as a child and knew not the truth, and then such heavy burdens were but light; but now in these joyful days of light how heavy is it among a number of us to come two hours of the day to serve the true God, the everlasting King of all glory. It is lamentable to think on it and much more grievous to him that did see the blind zeal in darkness so observed, and now the true light and pathway to salvation neglected. Then were there tapers, torches and lamps great plenty, with censing to idols most costly in the clearest day of summer; and now not scarce one little candle is allowed or maintained to read a chapter in the dark evening in the choir. And as for resorting to hear the truth of the gospel, it is little regarded . . . notwithstanding the visitation K