Political and governmental history of the state of New York

Front matter

CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY.

FROM

Date Due

Foreword

The history of New York is peculiarly interwoven with the careers of our national parties and their many extraordinary leaders. It is not merely from the records of personal and party rivalries, however, that it derives its singular importance and interest. The Empire State has maintained an almost continuous leadership among the states and at all times has been a most powerful, when not an actually controlling, factor in shaping the policies of the Nation. With rare exceptions the general political sentiment of the country has been identical with the prevailing sentiment of New York. From the time of Hamilton and the Clintons to the present the balance between the great parties has been remarkably even and the party in power has been forced, if it would succeed, to so act as to acquit itself well with the people. This even balance and the inexorable necessities of party competition has been of inestimable benefit to New York and through her a commanding influence for good government in the entire Nation.

The close of the Civil War marks the dividing line between two distinct and well defined epochs in national history. The issue of slavery and its elimination resulted necessarily in a complete social, political and economic readjustment. Old party ties were swept away, new affiliations and alliances were formed, all working, however, for the reconstruction on a safe and sound basis of the Union, saved at the priceless cost of the lives and suffering of the bravest and best men and women the world had ever known.

Due to the momentous issues and consequent bitter controversies involved, the history of the first epoch has been covered from many angles, by many writers, actuated by varying motives — patriotism, self interest, passion, prejudice — all influenced by environment. To select from this mass of material what should stand as unbiased, authentic history is no light task. This is what we have endeavored to do and I believe it has been done.

Included in this volume, out of their chronological order, are three chapters covering specific subjects, viz: Chapter XI on State care for agriculture; Chapter XVII on the system of secret service for fugitive slaves popularly known as "the underground railroad"; and Chapter XXI on the woman's rights movement. The second subject mentioned belonged in its entirety to this period. The other two had their inception within it, the first in later years developing into the State Fair, the third into the nineteenth amendment to the Federal constitution. All three deserve a permanent place in the history of our State.

The principles and policies established as fundamental to our national growth and progress during the pre-war period can be readily traced into the changed political setting following the war. They stand immutably as the impregnable bulwark of our national rights and liberties to be forever cherished and defended. R_ B_ g

CONTENTS OF VOLUME II

CHAPTER I, 1822 End of rule by the great families IS

Growth in population 16

Beginnings of the Regency 17

Samuel A. Talcott 18

Benjamin F. Butler; William L. Marcy 19

High character of the Regency 20

Its first achievement 22

Democratic supremacy .•. 22

GOVERNOR YATES'S ADMINISTRATION

The Forty-sixth Legislature 24

Recommendations by the Governor 25

Contention over judicial nominations 27

Ambrose Spencer's disgruntlement and revenge 29

The State Printers 31

Edwin Croswell 32

National politics in 1823 33

The question of choosing Presidential Electors 35

The Forty-seventh Legislature 37

Battle royal over the Electors 39

Crawford, Jackson, Adams 41

Yates incurs unpopluarity 42

The Regency turns to Samuel Young 43

DeWitt Clinton favors Jackson for President 44

The scheme to remove Clinton from the canal board 45

Henry Cunningham's eloquent speech 46

The scheme put through 47

CHAPTER III, 1824-1825 Popular wrath 48

Alfred Conkling's resolutions 49

Governor Yates reconvenes the Legislature 51

Contest over the Electors resumed 52

Enter the People's party S3

Clinton nominated for Governor 54

His triumphant election 56

The great Presidential struggle 57

The Legislature chooses the Electors 59

Thurlow Weed manipulates for Adams 60

The divided result *2

Stephen Van Rensselaer gives the casting vote at Washington 63

The popular will as to the Electors finally prevails 65

Clinton's third term; the Forty-eighth Legislature 67

Message of 1825 68

The great Suffrage amendment of 1826 69

A bitter Senatorial fight 71

Clinton declines a flattering offer 72

Opening of the Erie canal 74-

Van Buren consults expediency 75

The Forty-ninth Legislature 76

Nathan Sanford wins the Senatorship- 77

Jasper Ward demands an inquiry; is accommodated 79

The State highway project 79

Clinton renominated 80

The regulars put up Judge Rochester 81

Clinton again wins ~ 82

WILLIAM MORGAN, "AFTER ELECTION"

Morgan sets out to expose the Masons 83

The abduction 84

Sensational developments 85

"A good enough Morgan" 86

The Fiftieth Legislature 87

The Governor offers a reward; Van Buren reelected 88

The Anti-Masonic movement 89

Its spread nationally 91

Subsidence and end 92

Henry Clay and his System 93

Tammany endorses Jackson 94, 95

The Fifty-first Legislature 95

Death of DeWitt Clinton 96

Nathaniel Pitcher, Acting-Governor 97

Reuben H. Walworth, Chancellor 99

The master politician looks ahead 101

The National Republicans; Francis Granger 102

Honest John Crary declines to decline lOj

Van Buren at the zenith of his career IO4

An intimate view I05

Enos T. Throop lOj

Van Buren and Throop nominated 108

They are elected 109

The Fifty-second Legislature 110

Governor Van Buren's humility Ill

A board of Bank Commissioners 112

Van Buren becomes Jackson's Secretary of State 113

Acting-Governor Throop 115

Death of John Jay 116

CHAPTER VII, 1830-1831

THE RISE OF NEW FORCES

The Fifty-third Legislature 117

Throop advocates prison reform 118

Weed founds the Albany Evening Journal 119

A remarkable reencounter 120

Francis Granger runs for Governor 121

Throop renominated; Erastus Root's circumspection 122

Throop elected; the Fifty-fourth Legislature 123

Imprisonment for debt abolished 125

Marcy elected Senator 125

President Jackson and the United States Bank 126

CHAPTER VIII, 1831-1832

Van Buren takes another look ahead 128

The virtue of Mrs. Eaton 130

Jackson's inunortal toast 132

Van Buren the recognized successor 133

Resigns from the cabinet; Minister to England 134

His recall 136

Nominated for Vice-President in 1832 137

The Fifty-fifth Legislature 138

Railroads; The United States Bank 139

Boards of Health instituted i 140

State nominations of 1832 141-143

Things are explained to the Chenango people 143

The issue of Marcy's trousers 144

Marcy elected Governor 145

The Fifty-sixth Legislature 146

The Nullificationists denounced 147

Silas Wright succeeds Marcy in the Senate 148

Albert H. Tracy returns to the fold 149

Party issues 150

Butler made Attorney-General of the United States 151

CHAPTER X, 1834

Business depression ^^2

The Fifty-seventh Legislature 153

Schools and farms 1^'

A close New York City election 158

The Whig party comes on the scene 159

William H. Seward •'■ 161

His first nomination for Governor 162

Marcy reelected 163

CHAPTER XI

Governor Marcy's recommendations of 1834 164

The State Agricultural Society's early program 165

Genesis of the State Fair 166

The first Fair 167

The second and third Fairs 168, 169

Daniel Webster addresses the farmers 170

Progress of the Fair 172

The Elmira contract 173

Permanent home at Syracuse 173

State control 175

The Fifty-eighth Legislature 177

The railroads seek a loan 179

Governor Marcy on prison labor 180

Van Buren nominated for President 182

Anti-slavery activities 183

Southern favor sought by Van Buren 185

The Loco Focos 186

The Fifty-ninth Legislature 188

Speculation rampant 189

Marcy on the Abolitionists 190

Applications from the south 191

Corrupt legislators 192

CHAPTER Xni, 1836-1837

Democratic anxiety 194

Whig confusion 19S

Governor Marcy renominated, 1836 197

Jesse Buel leads a forlorn hope 198

Van Buren and Marcy win 199,200

The Sixtieth Legislature 201

Financial ills 203

The panic 205

Prohibition of small banknotes 206

The Whigs carry New York City 207

Van Buren's attitude 208

Election of 1837 — sweeping Whig victory 209

CHAPTER XIV, 1838-1839

"SEWARD, WEED AND GREELEY"

The Sixty-first Legislature 211

The "Caroline" affair 213

Canal enlargements 214

Marcy's fourth nomination for Governor 215

Seward nominated by the Whigs 218

Greeley attracts Weed 219

The Jeffersonian 220

Gerrit Smith's obduracy 221

Pessimism of Granger and Fillmore 222

Seward elected 223

Weed and the charge of dictatorship 225

The new Governor's progressive policies 227

Nathaniel P. Talmadge reelected Senator 229

The Anti-Rent war 230

Seward refuses to surrender fugitive slaves 231

President Van Buren comes to mend his fences 232

Democratic hopes revive 233

The Whigs retain the advantage in New York 233

The Whig national convention nominates Harrison 234

CHAPTER XV, 1840

"TIPPECANOE AND TYLER TOO'

Van Buren and the Sub-Treasury 236

The strange error of the godlike Daniel 237

The Democrats renominate Van Buren 238

The Abolitionists start a party 239

Greeley's Log Cabin 240

Governor Seward suffers criticism 241, 242

Harrison and Seward successful 243

The Sixty-third Legislature 243

Railroads and canals 244

The Anti-Rent troubles continue 245

To the Whigs belong the spoils 246

Statistical 247-249

CHAPTER XVI, 1841-1842

The Sixty-fourth Legislature 251

Glentworth the pipe-layer 252

Seward and the education of immigrants' children 253

Demands from Virginia 254

The schools; capital punishment 255

McLeod's prevarication 256-257

President Harrison dies; Tyler's recreancy 257

The Sixty-fifth Legislature 258

Further southern communications 259

Seward the inflexible 260

The Legislature and Governor at odds 260-263

John C. Spencer appointed Secretary of War 263

Governor Seward's valedictory 266

State nominations in 1842 266

Democrats win a complete victory; Bouck elected Governor 267

CHAPTER XVn

A system of secret service for fugitive slaves 268

New York's importance in the system 269

The first Fugitive Slave law, 1793 270

The drastic law of 1850 271

Syracuse organizes a vigilance committee 272

The necessity for secrecy 273

Routes 274

The grapevine telegraph 276

Frederick Douglass 277

Gerrit Smith 278

John Brown 280

The Anthony Burns case in Boston 282

The Jerry rescue in Syracuse 283

"The Satanic Daniel Webster" 286

Thurlow Weed's assistance 286

John Jay the second 287

A thrilling rescue in New York City 288

CHAPTER XVIII, 1843-1844

The first farmer Governor 291

The Sixty-sixth Legislature 292

State and Federal relations 293

Bouck favors delivery of fugitive slaves 293

Croswell ousts Weed as State Printer 294, 295

Wright reelected to the Senate 295

Validity of the State bonds 296

Factional troubles do not prevent Democratic success 297

The New York Tribune 29%

Governor Bouck not big enough 299

The Sixty-seventh Legislature 300

The enemies of the canals put up a fight 302

Horatio Seymour to the rescue 302

Normal schools „ 304

Van Buren loses the Presidential nomination 306-307

Wright refuses to run for Vice-President 307-308

He is nominated by the Democrats for Governor „.„..308-309

Millard Fillmore nominated by the Whigs 309

Democratic victory in State and Nation 310

CHAPTER XIX, 1845-1846

The Sixty-eighth Legislature 312

Horatio Seymour, Speaker 313

The people vote for a Constitutional convention 31S

Croswell as philosopher and guide to President Polk 315-316

Marcy apopinted Secretary of War 317

John Young seeks and finds his opportunity. 317-319

Troubles thicken for the Democrats 321

Governor Wright invites a referendum. 323

The Democrats still hold the Legislature 324

The Sixty-ninth Legislature 325

The office of State Printer abolished 328

State nominations of 1846 329-331

John Young elected Governor 332

The end of Wright's career 332

CHAPTER XX, 1846

THE THIRD CONSTITUTION

The Democrats organize the convention 334

Conspicuous members — and absentees 334-335

Veto power, Senators, Assemblymen 336

Judges made elective; other judicial changes 337

Negroes, banks, State debt, canals 337

Ratification of the Constitution 338

County organization up to 1846 338-339

Population and its distribution 340

CHAPTER XXI

THE WOMAN'S RIGHTS MOVEMENT

A long struggle 341

Susan B. Anthony and Elizabeth Cady Stanton 342

The Seneca Falls convention, 1848 343

Judge Cady upbraids his daughter 344

The Syracuse convention, 1852 345

Mrs. Smith's too fine clothes 345

Miss Anthony's great campaign of 1854-55 346

Rights for negroes — why not for women? 347

Bitter disappointment 348

Miss Anthony votes 349

Justice Hunt's fine 349

CHAPTER XXII, 1847-1848

The Seventieth Legislature 351

Governor Young on the new Constitution 352

Reconstruction of the judiciary 353

Canal work 354

New York and the Wilmot Proviso 355

Hunkers and Barnburners 356

James S. Wadsworth leads a Democratic bolt 357

John Van Buren 358

Whig success in 1847 359

The Seventy-first Legislature 360

The Baltimore Democratic convention of 1848 362

Barnburners at Utica and Buflfalo 362-363

For Free Soil and — Martin Van Buren 363

Taylor and Fillmore 364

Governor Young turned down by his party 364

State nominations of 1848 365

Whigs elect the President and sweep the State 365

CHAPTER XXIII, 1849-1850

Hamilton Fish, Governor 367

His high principles and spirit 368

The Seventy-second Legislature 371

Seward elected Senator 372-373

Patronage squabbles 373-374

The Democrats reunite 374

The great Compromise fight of 1850 375

Seward's reminder of a "higher law" 376

Fillmore becomes President 376

The bolt of the Silver Grays 378

Seymour leads the Democrats 378

Whigs win; Washington Hunt elected Governor 379

Acquisition of Washington's headquarters at Newburgh 380

CHAPTER XXIV, 1851-1852

Governor Hunt's temperate mind 381

The Seventy-fourth Legislature 382

The ambition of James Watson Webb 383

A sartorial subject 384

Henry J. Raymond: the New York Times 384

Fish chosen Senator 385

Factions now rend the Whigs 386

Senator Fish denounces Fillmore 387

The Seventy-fifth Legislature 387

President Fillmore defeated for renoraination 389

Marcy distanced by a dark horse 390

Pierce elected President, Seymour, Governor 392

CHAPTER XXV, 1853-1854

The Seventy-sixth Legislature 394

Canal afiFairs 395

Marcy heads Pierce's cabinet 396

More trouble in the Democratic party 397

The division into Hards and Softs 398

Charles O'Conor 399

Election of 1853 ; Whigs win because of Democratic split 399-400

The Seventy-seventh Legislature 400

An aggressive temperance move ; Seymour calls a halt 401

Kansas-Nebraska 402

State conventions of 1854 403-406

Myron H. Clark, Whig, elected Governor 406

The coming of a new era 407

CHAPTER XXVI, 1855-1856

Seward's Presidential expectations 408

The Seventy-eighth Legislature 409

Know-Nothings against Seward 410

He is reelected Senator 411

State conventions of 1855 411-413

The Know-Nothings elect their ticket 413

The Seventy-ninth Legislature 414

National and State conventions of 1856 415-418

The Republican party carries the State 419

CHAPTER XXVn, 1857-1858

The Eightieth Legislature 420

Governor John A. King's vigorous message 421

Preston King goes to the Senate 423

Election of 1857; the Eighty-first Legislature 424

State conventions and nominations of 1858 426-428

Seward's Irrepressible Conflict speech 429

Republicans elect Edwin D. Morgan Governor 431

CHAPTER XXVIII, 1859-1860

The Eighty-second Legislature +32

Republican State convention of 1859 4-33

Democratic conventions; Fernando Wood ''■3*

Mixed result at the polls '^35

The Eighty-third Legislature +36

Abraham Lincoln at Cooper Union +37

Seward speaks in the Senate +38

Dean Richmond controls for New York at Charleston +39

The Baltimore convention of the Democrats ++0

The Republicans at Chicago ++2

Seward's defeat ++3

State conventions of 1860 444-445

Lincoln elected President; Morgan reelected Governor 446

CHAPTER XXIX, 1861

The Eighty-fourth Legislature +47

Fernando Wood's traitorous scheme ++8

Efforts for peace 4+9

"Shoot him on the spot" — Secretary Dix +50

The Tweedle Hall Convention +51

Weed wreaks revenge on Greeley 453

The Barney appointment 454

Governor Morgan's energy 455

The Tribune's excess of zeal 456

State conventions of 1861 .457-458

Democrats again beaten at the polls 458

The Eighty-fifth Legislature 460

Democrats nominate Seymour for Governor, 1862 462

Republicans nominate James S. Wadsworth 463

Seymour the winner 464

The Eighty-sixth Legislature 465

Chauncey M. Depew foregoes the Speakership 465-466

Morgan chosen Senator 467

Thurlow Weed retires 467

The draft riots 469

State conventions of 1863; Republican victory 469-470

The Eighty-seventh Legislature 471

National and State conventions of 1864 472-474

Lincoln reelected President; Fenton becomes Governor 475

INDEX to Volumes I and II 477

(See end of Table of Contents, Vol. I)

ILLUSTRATIONS

with

BIOGRAPHIES

Susan B. Anthony 352

Samuel Beardsley 192

William C. Bouck 272

Greene C. Bronson 128

John Brown 288

William Cullen Bryant 144

Benjamin F. Butler 160

Carrie Chapman Catt 352

Myron Holly Clark 416

George Franklin Comstock 416

Hiram Denio 400

Hamilton Fish 368

Addison Gardiner 320

Ira Harris 464

Philip Hone 80

Washington Hunt 384

Freeborn G. Jewett 336

John Alsop King 432

Preston King 304

William L. Marcy 208

Harriet May Mills 352

Edwin D. Morgan 448

Henry Cruse Murphy 272

Thomas J. Oakley 48

Nathaniel Pitcher (biography, no portrait) 96

Henry J. Raymond 464

Dean Richmond 256

John Savage 64

Samuel Lee Selden 432

William Henry Seward Frontispiece

Anna Howard Shaw 352

Gerrit Smith 288

John Canfield Spencer 240

Elizabeth Cady Stanton 352

Enos Thompson Throop 112

John Van Buren 304

James S. Wadsworth 176

Thurlow Weed 224

Fernando Wood 448

Joseph C. Yates 32

John Young 336

Chapter I

THE new Constitution of 1821-22 ushered in a new era in the technical government of the State of New York. Simultaneously with its going into force there occurred a still more radical and momentous change in the unofficial political complexion and control of the State. The rule of the great families was ended, and that of practical politicians was established. This change had indeed been coming upon the State for some time. The power of the Schuylers had never been reestablished after the death of Hamilton, and it was now only a memory. The power of the Livingstons had waned almost to nothingness, save as landed proprietors. The rule of the house of Clinton lasted longest, but it also was now ended ; for while DeWitt Clinton was still a major factor in State affairs he was so by virtue of his own genius, and the issues and works for which he stood, rather than because of his family connections. A few great landowners still maintained almost baronial sway, notably Stephen Van Rensselaer, the "great patroon," and the lords of Livingston manor. But their power was economic and social rather than political, and already even at Rensselaerswyck the spirit of revolt had been kindled, which was to flame up in the Anti-Rent party and the Helderberg war.

The State was growing enormously in population, having much more than doubled in numbers in twenty years. In 1800 the census showed 589,051 souls; in 1810, 959,049; and in 1820, 1,372,812. In this last enumeration it surpassed Virginia and for the first time attained the rank which it has ever since easily held of the most populous State in the Union. In 1800 it had been third, Virginia and Pennsylvania being respectively first and second ; and in 1810 it had stood second to Virginia. This growth of population, apart from the birth rate, was due to immigration from New England, to which we have referred in the preceding volume, and also to immigration from Europe, for which New York City was the nation's chief port of entry. Now the New Englanders were imbued with a more democratic spirit than the old aristocracy of New York, and of course the peasantry from Europe had no regard for great families in the new world. There was thus a progressive transformation of the character and disposition of the citizenry, and the democratic provisions of the new Constitution invested the people with a power which they never before had known.

There then arose, to take the place of the great families in political leadership and dominance, the most noteworthy of all the "rings" in the history of the State, in which such organizations have been more numerous and more potent than in any other. This was the "Albany Regency," at first a triumvirate but later a more numerous body, which for a third of a century dominated the political life of New York and not infrequently exerted a controlling influence upon the politics of the nation. We have called it a "ring." But it had little or nothing in common with the offensive "rings" of later days that have been composed of politicians of low ideals, dubious integrity, and more cunning than statesmanship, and have been formed and conducted for sordid purposes of patronage and "graft." Not such was the Albany Regency. Its members were the foremost statesmen and jurists of the State, men of genius, of lofty ideals, of unblemished honor,_ whose aim was the development of civic institutions and the maintenance of political principles. Perhaps no higher tribute can be paid them than that voluntarily offered by the man who gave them the name of "Albany Regency" and who for many years was their most implacable and formidable political antagonist. This was Thurlow Weed, who testified that the members of the Regency were characterized by "great ability, great industry, indomitable courage, and strict personal integrity," and who added that in his long life of political activity and observation he had "never known a body of men who possessed so much power and used it so well." The original triumvirate was composed of Samuel A. Talcott, William L. Marcy, and Benjamin F. Butler — clara et venerabilia nomina. They were three of the finest examples of young American manhood and citizenship of their time. All were young, all lavi^yers, all members of the Bucktail faction of the Democratic party under the lead of Martin Van Buren and opposed to DeWitt Clinton, and all office-holders, put into their places by the notorious penultimate Council of Appointment in 1821 which by its arbitrary conduct sealed the doom of that ill-devised agency of government. That body, it will be recalled, was known as "Skinner's Council," because it was dominated by Roger Skinner, who had the shamelessness to be a State Senator, member of the Council of Appointment, and particularly active partisan politician at the same time that he was the United States Judge for the Northern district of New York, and who consequently provoked the Constitutional convention to provide in the new Constitution that no Federal office-holder should be eligible to a State office.

The Legislature of 1821, the Forty- fourth in the history of the State, had a particularly stormy and important session, the three historic features of which were Governor Clinton's "Green Bag message" against the meddling of Federal officials in State politics, the election of Martin Van Buren to the United States Senate, and the enactment of the measure providing for the Constitutional convention. It was while those things were being done that Skinner's Council made possible the formation of the Albany Regency by appointing Samuel A. Talcott to succeed Thomas J. Oakley as Attorney-General, William L. Marcy to succeed General Solomon Van Rensselaer as Adjutant-General, and Benjamin F. Butler to be District Attorney of Albany county.

Talcott was at this time thirty-two years of age — tall, stately, and commanding; dignified and gracious in bearing, and possessed of an almost unrivalled gift of eloquent speech. At the New York bar he had no superior in intellectual power, and perhaps never had been excelled by any of his predecessors with the exception of Hamilton. Commenting on his last appearance before the United States Supreme Court, when he opposed Daniel Webster in a memorable case and made an argument five hours in length, the illustrious Chief- Justice, John Marshall, declared that his achievement had not been equalled in that court since the days of William Pinckney. Educated at Williams College, he was one of the finest classical scholars of the day, and his tastes and inclinations were those of a man of letters rather than a practical politician. It may well be believed that he became identified with public affairs far more from a feeling of obligation as a citizen than from liking or from any personal ambition.

Butler was only twenty-six years old, singularly handsome, graceful, sympathetic in appearance and manner, generous and kindly in spirit. Although not a college man, he rivalled Talcott — whose bosom friend he was — in classical culture and intellectual power. He studied law in Van Buren's office, and then became his partner. Entering public life with reluctance and from a sense of duty, he attained distinction in his State and rose to a cabinet position at Washington, but was best pleased to turn away from his public honors to become one of the founders of the Law School of New York University.

Marcy, best known of the three in history, was the eldest, being thirty-five. He was a stalwart, soldierly man — he had served with credit in the army, winning the first land victory in the War of 1812, — with a massive head and brows resembling Webster's, and a manner and spirit kindly and genial. He was a native of Massachusetts, and a graduate of Brown University; an omnivorous reader and fine English scholar, a capable school-teacher, and a trenchant editor. He alone of the three had a real love of political life, in which he was destined to make a triple record of distinction as Governor of New York, as United States Senator, and as Secretary of State of the United States.

When these three young friends found themselves, in 1821, thrown together as important office-holders at Albany, they were disgusted with the perversion of politics to personal greed. They realized the unworthy character and conduct of the Council that had appointed them to office, and perceived that while some excellent selections were made offices were too largely filled at the behest of interested local bosses with more regard to political advantage than to fitness. The spoils system was in full and most offensive operation. Indeed, Talcott and Marcy, if not also Butler, owed their places to that system, though not through their own seeking. Nevertheless, they determined upon reform. Under the new Constitution the Council of Appointment was abolished and the appointing power was given to the Governor. But it would not do for him to make appointments on the same low plane that the Council had ; insteadi of being 'subservient to mere influence and appointing men for expediency's sake rather than merit, he must be encouraged to choose men for fitness, and the whole system must be unified under general State direction. There must be well organized party discipline throughout the State, and there must be high standards of political integrity. Ten years afterward, speaking in the Senate of the United States and referring to his political contemporaries and associates, Marcy gave to American political literature one of its most famous epigrams. "They see nothing wrong," he said, "in the rule that to the victors belong the spoils of the enemy." But if he and his fellow "Regents" were spoilsmen, they at least apportioned the spoils with intelligence and discretion. They filled offices with their own party friends, but they insisted that these should be selected because of fitness and that they should show efficiency and integrity.

These men, of course, had no official authority thus to dominate the politics of the State. They had no authority within their party organization. Such influence as they possessed and exerted arose directly from their extraordinary personalities, from their integrity, their commanding intellectual ability, their fine combination of tact and resolution, their natural gift of management and leadership of men. Others might disagree with them; nobody could denounce or convict them of corruption. Not all of their associates and successors were of equal caliber, yet they were generally representatives of the best statesmanship and public spirit of the Democratic party. They included Roger Skinner, Edwin Croswell, Benjamin Knower, Azariah C. Flagg, Charles E. Dudley, Silas Wright, and Dean Richmond.

It was under the inspiring leadership of Talcott, Butler, Marcy, and their associates that the State of New York entered upon the new era of its Constitution, and it was largely owing to their genius and devotion that that instrument was so wisely and profitably applied. Each of these men died at what might well be regarded as an untimely age, and each without having attained the goal to which he fairly seemed to be entitled. Talcott died at forty-five, when just entering upon the fullness of his intellectual and physical powers, lamented by the bar of the State as one of its two or three foremost members. Butler passed away at fifty-nine, in the very prime of life, leaving the great Law School of New York University to be his fitting monument. Marcy lived to be the oldest of the three, but when he died at sixty-two his career seemed to be unfinished. He had reached the station of Secretary of State under Franklin Pierce, but he himself should have been President instead of his chief.

The first political achievement of the Albany Regency was, as has been recorded in the preceding volume, the overwhelming election of Joseph C. Yates to be Governor of the State, with Erastus Root as Lieutenant-Governor and an all but unanimously Democratic Legislature. The new Senate was composed of thirty-two members, four each from the eight districts into which the State was divided. Thirty of them were stalwart Bucktail Democrats, and the other two were nominally Federalists but in fact also Democrats, at least in their political actions. Not one of them was politically friendly to Governor DeWitt Clinton, though one of the nominal Federalists, John Suydam, of Ulster county, had been among his strongest supporters ; he, however, had turned against Clinton two years before.

The Assembly was more than three-fourths Bucktail, with a few scattering Clintonians. It consisted very largely of new men who had not served before, and contained comparatively few of real prominence in politics, society, or business. The best known were Gulian C. Verplanck and Jesse Hoyt, of New York City; Peter R. Livingston, of Dutchess county; and Azariah C. Flagg, of Clinton county.

The election in November, 1822, was singularly quiet, as if an "era of good feeling" had come upon the politics of the State as of the nation. But the peaceful aspect was delusive — the proverbial "calm before the storm." All the elements of discord and conflict were present in unstable equilibrium, needing only the provocation of a slight shock to precipitate them into disorder, if not disaster. A strong hand and a masterful intellect in the Governorship might have maintained order and harmony. But these unfortunately were lacking. The Albany Regency had erred in putting, through motives of expediency, a comparative weakling in the chair of state at the very time when, because of the great changes made by the new Constitution, and especially the magnifying of the Governor's powers and duties, the very strongest and most expert of men was imperatively needed.