James K. Polk, a political biography

Preface

In the two standard sets of American biographies — namely, the American Statesmen Series and the American Crisis Biographies— the name of James K. Polk does not appear in the list of titles. Evidently the editor of the first set did not consider Mr. Polk to have been a statesman worthy of serious consideration, and the editor of the second set seems to have been unaware that Polk had played a conspicuous part in any of the crises of American history.

Although it is not my purpose to criticize the selection made by these editors, I believe that the character and success of Polk's political career entitled him to a place in either series. I believe that the following pages will show Mr. Polk to have been a constructive statesman — a statesman possessed of vision, sound judgment, and unusual executive ability. Surely he was a "crisis" President. He extended our national boundaries to the Pacific Ocean and determined the political destinies of the future population of the vast area lying west of the Louisiana Purchase. His request for an appropriation with which to conduct negotiations with Mexico called forth the Wilmot Proviso; and this proviso precipitated the "irrepressible conflict," which was one of the greatest crises in American history.

When nominated for the Presidency in 1844, Polk was neither unknown nor inexperienced in national affairs. He had been selected to conduct Jackson's bank war in the House of Representatives, and he had performed this task to the entire satisfaction of the President and the Democratic party. As Speaker of the House of Representatives, he had displayed alertness of mind, sound judgment, and ability as a party leader. And when, in 1844, Van Buren announced his opposition to the annexation of Texas, General Jackson urged that Polk be nominated, for, as he said. Governor Polk was the ablest exponent of Democratic doctrines and the one who would be most capable of carrying them into successful operation. The General did not overrate the political ability of his protege. As President, Polk formulated his policies with precision and confidence ; and despite many obstacles, he succeeded in carrying them into effect.

It has not been my purpose to write a personal biography. Therefore this volume deals almost entirely with Polk's political career. In the discussion of the events of his administration I have attempted to show the part played by the President in formulating the policy of the nation. In the field of foreign relations I have been concerned mainly with the President's foreign policy and with the motives, viewpoints, and exigencies which led to the adoption of that policy. For this reason the history, policies, and motives of other countries concerned have been treated incidentally only. Polk's policies were influenced by what he believed to be the facts concerning those countries, and not by the facts which have subsequently been found to be true. For example, I did not feel that a biography of President Polk called for an exhaustive discussion of conditions in Mexico, either before or during our war with that nation. For similar reasons, the discussion of the Oregon question is confined to the official acts of Great Britain and to the interpretation of those acts by the government of the United States.

The material used in the preparation of this volume has been gathered mainly in the University of California Library, the Tennessee State Library, and the Library of Congress. I am indebted to Dr. John "W. Jordon, Librarian of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, for placing at my disposal the Buchanan Papers, and to Professor St. George L. Sioussat for assistance

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of various kinds. I am under especial obligation to Dr. Gaillard Hunt and Mr. John C. Pitzpatriek, of the Manuscripts Division of the Library of Congress. Their never-failing courtesy and valuable suggestions facilitated my research work in many ways. Dr. Justin H. Smith's valuable work entitled "The War with Mexico" was published soon after the manuscript of my volume had been completed. Although it appeared too late to be used in the preparation of my manuscript, I am gratified to note that on most points covered by the two works we have arrived at substantially the same conclusions.

Beekelet, California, December, 1919.

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Contents

PAGE

Pebpace i-iii

CHAPTER I Ancestry and Eaely Life op James K. Polk 1-9 CHAPTEB II Opposition Member op Congress _ 10-25

CHAPTEB III Polk and the Bank op the United States 26-46

CHAPTER IV Polk-Bell Contest por the Speakership 47-61

CHAPTER V Judge White and the Presidency 62-91 •

CHAPTER VI Speaker op the House under Jackson 92-112

CHAPTEB VII Speaker op the House under Van Buren 113-138

CHAPTEB VIII Polk versus Cannon, 1839 139-154

CHAPTEB IX Governor op Tennessee .'. 155-179

CHAPTER X Defeated by Jones in 1841 180-191

CHAPTER XI Polk in Retirement 192-211

CHAPTEB XII Selection op Candidates, 1844 212-247 •

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CHAPTER XIII PAGE

CHAPTER XIV PbESIDENT- ELECT 284-318

CHAPTER XVI Completion or Annexation - 352-372

CHAPTER XVII

'BBLUDB TO THE MEXICAN WaR 373-414

CHAPTER XVIII War in Northern Mexico 415-452

CHAPTER XIX Campaign against the Citt op Mexico 453-486

CHAPTER XX Teeatt op Guadalupe Hidalgo 487-554

CHAPTER XXI Oregon 555-611

CHAPTER XXII Slavery and Territorial Governments 612-655

CHAPTER XXIII Tariff, Internal Improvements, and the Independent Treas-

CHAPTER XXrV The "Polk Doctrine" and Minor Diplomatic Questions 690-712

CHAPTER XXV

Close op Career 713—725

Bibliography 726-732

CHAPTER I ANCESTRY AND EAULY LIFE OF JAMES K. POLK

The pedi^ee of the Polk family has been traced back to 1075 — to Fulbert, who was born in the reign of Malcolm III, of Scotland. In 1153 Fulbert was succeeded by his son Petrius, who took the surname PoUok from the estate which he inherited. In 1440 Sir Robert de Pollok, a "younger son" of the family, inherited an Irish estate and removed to Ireland. By common usage the name of this branch was soon eontractd into Polk. Sometime between 1680 and 1687^ Robert Bruce Polk, or Pollok, second son of Sir Robert II, left Ireland with his wife, six sons, and two daughters, and settled in Somerset County, Maryland. Their oldest son, John Polk, married Joanna Knox and established that branch of the family whence came our subject, James K. Polk.

William Polk, the only son of John and Joanna, after living for a time in Carlisle, Pennsylvania, removed with his family to Mecklenburg County, North Carolina. Colonel Ezekiel Polk, the seventh child of William, married Mary Wilson, and the fourth child of this union was Samuel Polk, the father of the future President. The President's mother was Jane Knox, a great-grandniece of John Knox, of Scotland. Her father, James Knox, of Iredell County, North Carolina, was a captain in the Revolution. Mrs. Polk was a rigid Presbyterian, and a woman of keen intellect and high character. From her James inherited many of his well-known traits. She lived to witness the whole of his successful career, and to assist, during his last moments, in preparing him for ' ' a future estate. ' '^

1 Authorities differ as to the date.

2 Garrett, Pedigree of the Folk family. Riehardaon, Messages, IV, 371. Nelson, Memorials of Sarah Childress Polk, 150 and passim. Chase, History of the Polk Administration, 475.

James Knox Polk, oldest of the ten children of Samuel and Jane Knox Polk, was bom on November 2, 1795, in Mecklenburg County, North Carolina.' The Polk family had settled' in this frontier region some time before the Kevolution, and tradition has credited Polk's ancestors with a leading part in promulgating the much-mooted Mecklenburg Declaration of Independence. His grandfather. Colonel Ezekiel Polk, whom the Whigs in 1844 accused of Toryism, was an officer in the Revolutionary army.

James's father, Samuel Polk, was a plain but enterprising farmer. At an early age he had been thrown upon his own resources and had met with the hardships incident to frontier conditions. "With the hope of improving his fortunes, he followed the trend of emigration westward, and in the autumn of 1806 settled in the valley of the Duck River, Tennessee. He was one of the first pioneers in a region, then a wilderness; but the valley proved to be fertile and Mr. Polk in time was rated as a prosperous farmer. He was an ardent supporter of Jefferson, and his faith in the soundness of Republican doctrines was inherited by his son James. The correspondence in the Polk Papers indicates that the entire family, including the President's mother, took a keen interest in politics and that all of them were firm believers in the maxims of Jefferson.

James was but eleven years old when his father located in Tennessee. Had he possessed a strong physique, doubtless he would have shared the fate of the average eldest son and have been trained to cultivate the family estate. But he was not strong* and his first years in Tennessee were spent in making

3 On November 2, 1846, Polk noted in his diary: "This is my birthday. According to the entry in my father's family Bible I was born on the 2nd day of Nov., 1795, and my mother has told me that the event occurred, as near as she could tell about 12 o'clock. Meridian, on that day." {Dia/ry,

*"I closed my education at a later period of life than is usual, in consequence of having been very much afflicted and enjoyed very bad health m my youth. I did not commence the Latin Grammar until the 13th of July, 1813." (Polk, Diary, IV, 160.)

ANCESTST AND EABLT LIFE 3

good use of such limited educational advantages as were afforded in a pioneer community.

Young Polk was studious and ambitious, but Pate seemed determined to deprive him of the opportunity for satisfying his desire for an education. His health did not improve, and his father, believing that a more active life than that of a student would be conducive to health, determined to make a business man of his son. Accordingly, much to the son 's disgust and over his protest, he was placed with a merchant to learn the business. After remaining but a few weeks with the merchant, however, the earnest appeals of the son overcame the resistance of the father, and in July, 1813, James was permitted to continue his education under the guidance of Reverend Robert Henderson at a small academy near Columbia, Tennessee. For about a year Polk "read the usual course of latin authors, part of the greek testament and a few of the dialogues of Lucian," and, according to the testimony of his preceptor, he ' ' was diligent in his studies, and his moral conduct was unexceptionable & exemplary."° After spending nine months at Murfreesborough Academy, where his "literary merit and moral worth" won the approval of the rector, Samuel P. Black,* James entered the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in the autumn of 1815. He was naturally drawn to the university of his native state, and the fact that his cousin. Colonel William Polk, had for many years been one of its trustees, may have been an additional reason for selecting this institution.

At college Polk manifested those peculiar traits which later characterized his career as a statesman. Eschewing the less profitable, but usually more attractive, side of college life, his time was occupied with hard and well directed study. "His ambi-

3 A recommendation dated December 31, 1814. MS in Tenn. Hist. Soc. Library.

« Eecommendation dated October 5, 1815. MS in Tenn. Hist. Soc. Library.

tion to excel," wrote one of his political friends/ "was equalled by his perseverance alone, in proof of which it is said he never missed a recitation nor omitted the punctilious performance of lany duty." Numerous remarks in the diary written while he I was President show that, in Polk's own opinion, time spent in ,mere pleasure was so much time wasted. He seems to have been jequally serious-minded during his college days. Neither at col- Uege nor at a later time did Polk deceive himself or attempt to jleceive others by assuming great native brilliancy. He never posed as one whose genius made it easy for him to decide great questions offhand. He never attempted to conceal the fact that his conclusions were reached as the result of unremitting labor. iAnd if his conclusions were sometimes attacked as unsound, he I was, on the other hand, spared the embarrassment of ridicule, iwhich often fell to the lot of his more brilliant competitors during Jhis long political career.

Polk was graduated from the university in 1818 and enjoyed the distinction of being awarded first honors in both mathematics and the classics. He was very fond of both subjects, as each appealed to his taste for industry and precision. Of his classical training he retained the substantial and discarded the ornate. "So carefully," wrote the friend above cited, "has Mr. Polk avoided the pedantry of classical display, which is the false taste of our day and country, as almost to hide the acquisitions which distinguished his early career. His preference for the useful and substantial, indicated by his youthful passion for mathematics, has made him select a style of elocution, which would perhaps be deemed too plain by shallow admirers of flashy declamation. ' '

After his graduation Polk returned to Tennessee with health impaired by close application, and early in 1819 began the study of law in the office of Judge Felix Grundy. A warm personal and political friendship resulted, which was severed only by the death

' Democratic Review, May, 1838. Polk says that this sketch was written by J. L. Martin, later charge d'affaires to the Papal States (Diary, IV, 132).

ANCESTRY AND EARLY LIFE 5

of Grundy in 1840. The pupil studied hard, and late in 1820 he was admitted to the bar. He immediately began the practice of law at Columbia, in his home county of Maury, among friends and neighbors whose confidence in his ability assured him, from the beginning, a profitable practice. "His thorough academic preparation, his accurate knowledge of the law, his readiness and resources in debate, his unswerving application to business, secured him, at once, full employment, and in less than a year he was already a leading practitioner."* His account books show that he continued to enjoy a lucrative practice although much of his time was spent in public service."

For three years the young attorney 's time was occupied exclusively in the practice of his profession. His only active participation in politics was to serve for one term as clerk of the state senate. In 1823, however, he was chosen to represent his county in the state legislature, and, having thus entered the political arena, he continued in a very active, and for the most part successful, political career to the close of his term as President. He spent two years in the legislature, where he soon established a reputation for business capacity and for superiority in debate. He took an active interest in all measures for developing his state and gave special attention to the providing of better educational advantages. He enjoyed the personal and political friendship of General Jackson, and it afforded him much pleasure to assist by his vote in sending that military hero to "Washington to represent the state in the Senate of the United States. Pew acts of his life gave him, in later years, greater pride than his participation in launching Jackson in his political career ; and, as the General was ever mindful of the welfare of his political supporters, this incident was no impediment to Polk's own political advancement. His friendship for Jackson was natural, although the two men differed widely in personal characteristics and in

8 Vem. Rev., sup. oit.

» His account books are in the Library of Congress.

their attitude toward authority. From early youth Polk had been an ardent advocate of republicanism. He was a firm believer in the teachings of Jefferson and shared with his patron an unbounded faith in individual freedom. Pioneer conditions also are conducive to a strong belief in practical democracy, and Jackson seemed to be a leader who understood the people 's desires and sympathized with them.

• On January 1, 1824, Polk married Sarah Childress, whose father was a prosperous farmer near Murfreesborough, Tennessee.^" Mrs. Polk was a lady of refinement and ability. Her sound sense and personal charm aided materially the political fortunes of her husband and later caused her to be regarded as one of the most popular ladies of the White House. Many who rated her husband as inferior, even contemptible, joined in the unanimous verdict that Mrs. Polk was a lady of culture and attractive personality. This fact is attested by numerous private letters. Judge Story was "thunderstruck" to hear of Polk's nomination in 1844, but he admired Mrs. Polk. When her husband was leaving Washington in 1839 to enter the campaign for the governorship of Tennessee, Story expressed his admiration for Mrs. Polk in a poem written in her honor.'"^

One of the young men who attended Polk on his wedding day was his law partner, Aaron V. Brown, later United States senator and governor of Tennessee. Their friendship continued to the end, and to no one else, except Cave Johnson, did Polk more frequently confide his usually well concealed political plans.

Two years in the state legislature increased the young attorney 's natural taste for politics, and his success in that field made him determine to seek a wider opportunity for satisfying his political ambitions. In 1825 he offered himself as a candidate, and in August of that year was chosen to represent, his district in- Congress. When elected, he was not quite thirty years of age,

10 Nelson, Memorials of Sarah Childress Polk, 17. "26id., 54.

ANCESTRY AND EARLY LIFE

and on entering Congress, he was, with one or two exceptions, the youngest member of that body.

Mrs. Polk did not accompany her husband on his first trip to Washington. The journey was made on horseback, in company with several other members of Congress. At Baltimore they took the stagecoach, leaving their horses until their return in Mareh.12 On his second journey to Washington, Mrs. Polk accompanied him in the family carriage. The money paid to members as mileage in those early days was small compensation for the hardships encountered on a journey from remote western states. Still, the pioneer statesmen endured such hardships without complaint ; they even extracted pleasure from these tedious overland journeys.

There was little ostentation in Washington in this early period. The life of the average congressman's family was extremely simple. It was customary for two or more families to rent a single house for the season and "mess" together. ^^ Among the "messmates" of the Polks were Hugh L. White, of Tennessee, and John C. Calhoun, of South Carolina, both of whom later became Polk's bitter political enemies.

Although in politics a disciple of Jefferson and an ardent supporter of Jackson, Polk was wholly unlike either man in personal peculiarities. Jefferson was a born leader of men, and his exuberant optimism and personal charm attracted hosts of disciples. He advertised his democracy by extreme informality and slovenly garb; and he delighted in shocking the "well born" by disregarding the rules of social etiquette. Jackson, also, was a born leader of men. He commanded the multitude because he insisted upon doing so,'^ but the "plain people" approved him

1* Judge Catron has given such an excellent description of Jackson's will to command that it seems desirable to rescue his letter from oblivion in spite of its length. It was written on the day after the General's funeral.

"One thing may be safely said of Gen' Jackson — that he has written his name higher on the Temple of fame, than any man since Washington, mainly for the reason that they regarded him as one of themselves. Polk, on the contrary, had few intimate friends. His associates recognized his ability, but he lacked that magnetism which alone can attract a wide personal following. He was naturally formal and punctilious, and he seldom sacrified his dignity in the pursuit of popular applause. "While he was

of those belonging to History in this country. And what is more remarkable in him than any other American is, that he maintained his power from seventy to eighty, when he had nothing to give. This he did by the force of will and courage, backing his thorough out & out honesty of purpose. His intuitive faculties were quick and strong — his instincts capitally good. The way a thing should be done struck him plainly — & he adopted the plan. If it was not the best, it would artill answer the purpose, if well executed. Then to the execution he brought a hardy industry, and a sleepless energy, few could equal — but this was not the best quality he brought to the task. He cared not a rush for anything behind — he looked ahead. His awful will, stood alone, & was made the will of all he commanded; & command it he would and did. If he had fallen from the clouds into a city on fire, he would have been at the head of the extinguishing host in an hour, & would have blown up a palace to stop the fire with as little mis-giving as another would have torn down a board shed. In a moment he would have willed it proper — & in ten minutes the thing would have been done. Those who never worked before, who had hardly courage to cry, would have rushed to the execution, and applied the match. Hence it is that timid men, and feeble women, have rushed to onslaught when he gave the command — fierce, fearless, and unwavering, for the first time. Hence it is that for fifty years he has been followed, first by all the timid who knew him — and afterwards by the broad land, as a matchless man — as one they were ready to follow wherever he led — who with thera never was weary — and who could sweep over all opposers abroad or at home, terrible and clean as a prairie fire, leaving hardly a smoke of the ruin behind. Not even death could break the charm. The funeral yesterday was a great mass meeting — of women, children, men, black, white colored — of every grade, mixed up by the acre outside — the House crammed within. There was not a loud word nor a smile so far as I heard or saw. See him they would and did — nay they would see the cof[f]in cased in lead. It was just possible to have room for the soldiers, (a rather tedious process) they claimed it as a right to see the thing done. The [illegible] crowd followed him to the Tomb; a stone grave by the side of Mrs. Jackson 's — laid there in 1828 — covered with a copper roofed canopy some ten feet high resting on stone pillars. He was tediously put in, and the tomb-stone left off, so all could look once more. It was a scene for a painter to see the dense crowd at the particular spot — the slave women in an agony of grief laying their heads on the shoulders and backs of the lady friends of their old master; leaving laces wet with tears — nor did the circumstance elicit a single remark so far as I heard. Death did not make all equal, more completely than did this funeral" (Catron to Buchanan, Nashville, June 11, 1845, Buchanan Papers).

ANCESTB¥ AND EAULY LIFE 9

Speaker of the House, a press correspondent gave the following

sketch of his personal appearance :

I have never seen a man preside over a popular legislative body with more dignity and- effect than Mr. Polk. In person he is rather below the middle size, and has a firm and upright carriage which gives great selfpossession and command to his manner. His head is finely formed, with a broad and ample forehead, and features indicative of a character at once urbane and decided. He is scrupulous in his dress and always appears in the chair as if he were at a dinner party.is

15 United States Magazine, quoted by Nashville Union, July 17, 1839.

Chapter II Opposition Member Of Congress

On questions of governmental policy which divided the people of his day_Polk entered tha political field,__as he left it, a consistent Jeffersoman Republican. Like his illustrious patron, however, he found, when entrusted later with the highest executive responsibilities, that theories, however good, must sometimes yield to the practical solution of the problem in hand. On such occasions, as in his expansion policy, he did as Jefferson had done ; he assumed far-reaching power for the executive branch of the central government, leaving himself thereby open to the same criticisms which he and Jefferson had hurled at the Federalists.

Polk began his career in Congress as an opponent of the existing administration, and republicanism is always most vigorous when relieved of responsibility. During his first years in Congress his republicanism could have free play. He took a definite stand at once on the side of the states and the people, and vigorously assailed the autocratic powers alleged to have been assumed by President Adams, as well as the centralizing tendencies of that administration.

At a later day Polk's political opponents ridiculed him as being Jackson's alter ego and asserted that he had ascended the political ladder on the coat-tails of the "old hero." However effective such allegations may have been as campaign arguments, the fact remains that as early as 1825 Polk's political views were already freely promulgated in Congress, while those of Jackson on most questions were yet unformulated, or at least unannounced. As to the tariff, the only important question on which the General seems at that time to have formed a definite idea,

OPPOSITION MEMBER OF CON GUESS 11

the two men differed widely. That Polk, like others, humored the whims of General Jackson for political reasons need not be denied, that he profited by his friendship is beyond question ; but priority in advocating measures later championed by both men would seem to absolve Polk from the charge that his opinions were derived ready-made from his more conspicuous chief. It does not appear that he gripped more firmly to the General's coat-tails than did others of his party.

Since the Tennessee land question was the theme of Polk's first formal speech in Congress, and since ttiis subject was 3es^ tined to acquire great political significance, it seems desirable to give a summary of its history in order to show its political importance.^

North Carolina, the former owner of Tennessee, when ceding this territory to the United States, had reserved the right to dispose of certain lands included in the ceded area. Other tracts were reserved for the Indians. These reservations necessarily limited the amount of land left at the disposal of Tennessee. Under the so-called compromise agreement of 1806, much of the Indian land was procured for the state, and one-sixth of it was to be reserved for educational purposes. In 1821, however, the provision relating to school lands was found to be invalid. As a result, the Tennesseans decided to ask Congress for certain government lands (in Tennessee) which might be disposed of for educational purposes. As the lands in question were those which settlers had declined to purchase at the price asked by the federal government, they were commonly called "waste" lands, although they were far from being worthless.

Although the legislature considered the subject as early as 1821, no definite action was taken until 1823, when it was referred to a select committee of which Polk was made chairman. From

1 For a more detailed account, see Professor Sioussat 's interesting article, "Some Phases of Tennessee Politics in the Jackson Period," Am. Eist. Rev., Oct., 1908.

this committee the chairman reported resolutions which, in addition to asking Congress to grant the lands in question, requested the senators and representatives from Tennessee to work for this end.^

In 1825, Polk was transferred from the state legislature to the federal House of Representatives. Realizing that the school land question was of prime importance to the people of his state' he embraced the earliest opportunity (January 23, 1826) to call up the Tennessee memorial — which he had prepared in 1823 — and moved that it be referred to a select committee rather than to the Committee on Public Lands ; and despite considerable debate this course was followed. Polk was made chairman of the new committee.* The bill which he reported soon afterward failed to pass the House. As will appear later, however, this Tennessee land question was revived from time to time by both Polk and "Davy" Crockett, and it was one of the rocks on which the Jackson party in Tennessee split into fragments. J

Questions less local in character soon presented themselves. All of Jackson 's supporters asserted, and doubtless many of them believed, that their hero had been virtually, even if not legally, cheated out of the Presidency in 1824 by ' ' bargain and corruption" on the part of Adams and Clay. The well-known fact that the House of Representatives, whenever it might be called upon to select the chief magistrate, was intended by the Constitution to

2 Printed copy of the resolutions in Colonel Wm. Polk Papers.

3 ' ' You cannot be too industrious, ' ' wrote one of his constituents a year later, "in endeavoring to effect the object contemplated in your Beport of the last session on the subject of those govr n ment lands. To get this matter through 'is a consumation devoutly to be wished' for it will in a great measure disarm the opposition." The writer told Polk that the press did not tell the people very much about his work in Congress, and he advised Polk to send personal communications to many friends to counteract any assertions by enemies that he is inefficient. He also urged Polk to make a "thundering speach" against Haynes' bankrupt bill. "I do not know what your sentiments are on this subject but I think I know what your interest is ' ' (Jim R. White to Polk, Dec. 30, 1826, Polh Papers).