The first New York (Lincoln) cavalry from April 19, 1861, to July 7, 1865

Front matter

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Preface

THE. writing of the records of the first, and for a time the only, vohmteer cavalry authorized to be raised, was undertaken at the request of the association of the survivors of the regiment, expressed in a formal resolution. The work has been done in intervals of leisure in an almost constant occupation.

The material has been taken from the diary of the writer, regularly kept during the entire four yeats; from letters written home, and from diaries and communications of comrades. For the details of related events all available authorities have been freely consulted.

It is an attempt to do justice, no more and no less, to worthy men and boys who promptly responded to the President's first call for volunteers, or who rather anticipated a call for volunteer cavalry.

It has not been the purpose to make a conventional or pretentious book. The purpose has been to represent as nearly as possible the men and conditions of the regiment as they actually were, and to narrate events as they actually took place. The career of the regiment was not an unbroken succession of brilliant charges. Nor were the officers and enlisted men all knights "without fear and without reproach." But they did good service to the country, and the record of what they did, though imperfectly made up, deserves to be preserved.

The minor incidents may not be of historical importance. Some of them are given as showing the characters of the men, and the nature of their experiences.

Acknowledgments are due to many comrades for their assistance and encouragement, and especially to C. T. Williamson of Company F, and his daughter. Miss Kate B. Williamson, for a vast amount of work in copying and compiling.

There are undoubtedly many mistakes and important omissions. A few blank pages are inserted at the end of the book, oh which comrades can correct mistakes and make additional entries.

Cornell University Library

The original of this book is in the Cornell University Library.

There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text.

Contents

Page CHAPTER I.

The Beginning of the War, i

CHAPTER H.

Chapter I. The Beginning Of The War

SEVERAL thousand militia, well-drilled and impatient to fight, had been brought together at Charleston. South Carolina, claiming to have: seceded from the Union, demanded the possession of Fort Sumter. Major Anderson with a garrison of eighty-four men represented the authority of the national government. Virginia had not seceded. A large part of the people of that state were loyal. A leader of the secession movement had said,— "We must sprinkle blood in the faces of the people."

For thirty-four hours had the little garrison in Fort Sumter been subjected to a terrific bombardment. From nineteen batteries more than three thousand shells and solid shot had been hurled at the fort. The afternoon of Sunday, April 14, according to terms that had been granted him. Major Anderson taking with him his arms and his flag which he saluted with fifty guns, evacuated the fort, and embarking on the relief squadron, sailed for the North. The inevitable crisis had come.

The morning of Monday, April 15, President Lincoln issued his proclamation calling for seventy-five thousand militia, and appealing to all loyal citizens "to aid this effort to maintain the honor, the integrity, and the existence of our National Union, and the perpetuity of popular government; and to redress wrongs already long enough endured."

The heartiness of the response was proof that the examples and traditions of the fathers of the Republic had not been forgotten. In every city, village and hamlet of the North, young men, elderly men and boys came forward and enrolled themselves in military organizations.

The militia were quickly on their way toward the capital. But sympathizers with secession in Maryland cut the telegraph wires and obstructed the railroads. For a few days Washington was cut off from all communication with the North. The city was full of secessionists, but the loyal residents, visitors, and applicants for office waiting for their appointments, were vigilant. From among these were organized the Clay Battalion, by Cassius M. Clay, and the Frontier Guards by Senator Lane, of Indiana. These were armed for the defence of the public buildings in case of emergency. General Charles P. Stone quietly but efficiently had been organizing some militia companies.

The anxiety of Mr. Lincoln must have been intense, but his self-possession was remarkable. Once, after some busy hours with his private secretaries, he rose from his desk and walked slowly to the window, saying to himself, unconscious that anyone heard him, — "Why don't they come? Why don't they come?" But soon came the Washington Artillery from Reading, Pa., and other companies from that state. Then came the Sixth Massachusetts, and the news of the loyal uprising all over the North. The immense meetings in the great cities were characterized by the greatest enthusiasm and the most intense earnestness.

As one of a thousand similar instances we mention the

The Beginning of the War. 3

City of Auburn, N. Y., the home of Senator Wm. H. Seward.

Mr. Seward had been Mr. Lincoln's most formidable competitor for the presidential nomination. While the Chicago convention was balloting for its candidate the population of Auburn was in the streets. On the first ballot Mr. Seward was in the lead with Mr. Lincoln second. On the second ballot each had gained at the expense of the other candidates, and the telegraph announced that Mr. Seward would be nominated on the next ballot. All the people of Auburn held Mr. Seward in high honor, and now they were waiting in the highest pitch of excitement, with cannon and cartridges in readiness to fire a "presidential salute" of one hundred guns. In various places in the city they had collected material for immense bonfires for a night celebration. With eager expectation they waited to hear the result of the third ballot. Soon the clicking of the telegraph announced that the ballot had been taken and the nominee was, — Abraham Lincoln, of Illinois. Without a cheer they sullenly wheeled their cannon back to the armory. That afternoon was like a Sunday in Auburn. No business was done. In their grievous disappointment men did not feel like talking. The darkness of the night was not relieved by any bonfires. Mr. Seward in the afternoon of the day of the nomination invited a number of his friends to his house, and after a light lunch spoke freely of his and their disappointment, but expressed his belief that in the condition of the country and in the probability of a conflict over the slavery question, the nomination of Mr.

Lincoln was probably the best that could have been made. He proposed to do' all he could to insure Mr. Lincoln's election and to support him if elected, and he urged his friends to do the same. In the campaign that followed Mr. Seward made some of his ablest speeches. The evening before the election he made his final and greatest speech to his own neighbors, whose enthusiasm attested their devotion to the statesman and patriot who could forget his own disappointment in his zeal to serve the best interests of his country. And now, in April, 1861, these neighbors of Mr. Seward answered the call of the President with the utmost promptness. The Sunday following the issue of the proclamation was a memorable one. The professors in the Theological Seminary assisted the pastors of the churches in the services of the day. Some of them venerable, with hoary heads, descended from New England ancestry, seemed young again in the fervor of their loyalty. The appeals of these ministers thrilled the hearts of the listeners. One of them, recognizing the duty of fighting now as well as in the times of David, the warrior king, prayed fervently for the Lieutenant General of the United States. "Thou hast given him victory in times past ; grant him victory now in the cause of the Union." In the Catholic church the priest had an enrollment paper already prepared. He appealed to the men of his congregation to sign their names before leaving the church. He reminded them of the oppression they had endured in their native land, and of the freedom they had enjoyed in this home of their adoption, telling them they were not worthy of their privileges under this free government unless they were willing to fight in maintaining it. As he pronounced the benediction, stalwart men, enough to form a company, stepped forward to the altar and were enrolled. In the Protestant Episcopal church the first lesson in the morning service was from Joel III., 9, 10, — "Proclaim ye this among the Gentiles; Prepare war, wake up the mighty men, let all the men of war draw near; let them come up. Beat your plowshares into swords and your pruning hooks into spears; let the weak say, I am strong." This passage from the Prophet occur-

The Begin]*! ing of the War. I

ring in the lesson of the day was regarded as a significant coincidence, pointing to the duty of the hour.

Public meetings were held at which liberal contributions were made for the equipment of the volunteers and for the support of families that might be left in need. During-the period of uncertainty there had been varying opinions and much discussion.

A young lawyer in Auburn, a man of some ability, but no principle, had noisily declaimed against any attempt on the part of the government to restrain by force the seceding states. But when he saw the unanimity of feeling in the opposite direction he took advantage of a subsequent meeting to have himself called for, and entirely ignorin'g his previous utterances, harangued the people in a painful effort to make himself one of them.

In Wisconsin was an honest and well-to-do business man, whose sympathies had not been anti-slavery, but were With the South. He had been in favor of the enforcement of the fugitive slave law. Somfe fugitive slaves were in town, cared for and concealed by friends. Their master was also in town hunting for them. A friend of the slaves ^ent frankly to this sympathiser with the South, telling him that there were runaway slaves in town and their master was there looking for them. "We want to get them away; can you help us any?" Without a word he took out his pocketbook and handed out a ten dollar bill.

He was shrewd in business, but was not learned in the technical language of the professions. He had heard the peace men of his party argue against "coercion.'' In a warm discussion upon the President's call for men, he still stoutly contended that we should not resort to "coercion." Hfe was asked, "Mr. B, what would you do with the seceding states?" "What would I do? I'd whip them back into the Unioii!"

There were great differences in opinion as to the nature and duration of the struggle that was to come. Some thought that a show of authority on the part of the government would effect the disbanding of the forces that had been raised in the South and that the whole affair would be over in ninety, perhaps in thirty days. President Lincoln made no predictions publicly. But to a young friend he said privately, "We shall beat them, my boy, we shall beat them."

Most men in his position would have called congress to meet in extra session at once. He named the time nearly three months in the future. This would give time for the people to form definite opinions. He never lost his faith in the people, if only the time were given for frothy fermentation to work itself off and public opinion to crystallize about the axial principles involved.

A brief retrospect will help one to understand the situation and the character of the marvelous man who was to guide the affairs of the nation.

The presidential campaign of i860 was conducted with more than ordinary earnestness. The lines had been clearly drawn. There were to be no more temporary compromises over the vexing question of slavery. Compromises had served their purpose. Party leaders and party followers were guided by settled convictions, and the only remaining thing to do was to "meet at Philippi." There were those who forsaw the coming crisis, and were preparing to meet it.

Lincoln had made a brief and happy response to the delegation from the Chicago convention that had come to inform him of his nomination. He had published his letter of acceptance pledging himself to support the principles of the party that had chosen him as its standard bearer. Further than this he had made no public utterances. While at

The Beginning of the War. 7

all times accessible to his friends he remained quietly at his home. Once indeed on the occasion of an immense outdoor mass meeting at Springfield he was compelled to appear before the assembled thousands. His presence excited uncontrollable enthusiasm. Briefly expressing his pleasure at seeing so many of his friends he endeavored quietly to withdraw. But it was with the greatest difficulty, aided by strong friendly hands, that he escaped through the cheering, surging multitudes.

One of the opposing candidates traversed the entire country endeavoring to persuade the people to a policy which he claimed was the only one that promised the peace and safety of the Union. The other party leaders appeared more or less in public, but Lincoln remained silent. His opinions, carefully considered and candidly stated, had become the well understood principles of his supporters. There were those who cherished serious apprehensions, but with these there was a purpose to stand by what was believed to be right.

The election over, Lincoln received the congratulations of his friends, but refrained from saying anything of a public character. The government was to remain yet four months in the hands of the outgoing administration. By December 20, South Carolina, by the action of a convention called for the purpose, seceded. Before the result of the presidential election had been formally announced, other southern states had followed the example of South Carolina. These acts of secession were boldly proclaimed and approved by the southern representatives in congress. Disloyal members of the cabinet had planned for this movement. Government arms had been transferred to southern states. Ships of the navy had been sent beyond the immediate call of the government. The President was perplexed. He denied the right of secession, but could find in the constitution no power to prevent it. There were disgraceful scenes in congress. People began to wonder if Mr. Lincoln fully comprehended the seriousness of the situation. Fearful ones urged him to speak — ^to give some assurance that he would so act as to insure safety and peace. Business interests were disturbed — almost paralyzed, — ^by the uncertainty. Still he kept silent. His few words of farewell to his friends and neighbors as he was leaving his home for Washington, were telegraphed over the country and convinced all that he understood the magnitude of the work before him. Then followed the succession of remarkable speeches on his way to Washington. An anxious nation watched his every word and motion. The inauguration came. There was no uncertainty of purpose in the inaugural address. Though subjected to the severest ordeals he had thus far maintained his self-possession. He asserted that the Union was intended to be perpetual. He would not assail the South, but he would defend and maintain the Union. In this he had no choice. His duty was prescribed in the constitution. Insurgent forces were being raised in the seceding states. There was impatience at the delay of the government to act. But Lincoln- bided his time. The days for concessions and compromises were past.

GENERAL CARL SCHURZ.

COLONEL A. T. mcREYNOLDS.

LIEUT. COL. FREDERICK VON SCHICKFUSS.

MAJOR EZRA H. BAILEY.

Chapter II. The Call For Cavalry

THE President's call for 75,000 men was issued April iSth. The next morning the New York Tribune contained the following:

WANTED : A Captain of Cavalry.

The Cavalry department of the Northern army is, without a doubt, the one most lacking in efBciency. To supply this flagrant need is the desire of several gentlemen of this city, two of whom have in their handsomest manner offered to supply horses and equipments for the first fifty volunteers who shall be unable to mount and equip themselves. All that is needed now to effect an organization is a competent leader, and to any one sufficiently well versed in tactics to command such a troop, a superb horse, half brother of the celebrated Patchen, and a full suit of regimentals will be guaranteed. Those ■desirous of joining will please call upon G. W. Richardson, 21 Maiden Lane.

So many responded to this call that it was decided to publish a notice of a meeting to be held on the evening of the 19th, at 765 Broadway. At this meeting one hundred and fifty were present. Mr. Richardson was chairman of this meeting and Ezra H. Bailey secretary. Mr. Bailey was a young man of much ability, quick to think and act, always speaking to the point in few words, prepossessing in appearance and agreeable in manners, always self-possessed and never losing heart. In the organization of the regiment and through the war he was efficient and reliable. Richardson, Bailey and H. B. Todd were appointed a committee to take general charge of the affairs of the organization. Generous friends were found. Mr. De Forest, proprietor of "Palace Garden", offered the free use of his hall. This hall was made headquarters and recruiting was begun. Men connected with wealthy and prominent families were active in the movement. Men who had seen active service in the armies of the United States or of Europe were anxious to serve again. The success in recruiting was such that it was deemed practicable to form four companies. Canvassing for the offices became active. The American tendency to push to the front manifested itself, and some disappointed aspirants for office withdrew.

So far the movement had been without authority or encouragement from the government at Washington. Expenses had been met by voluntary contributions. The officers elected now took steps to secure acceptance. For this purpose Bayard Clark, formerly a colonel in the U. S. Cavalry, and later a member of Congress, went to Washington in behalf of the organization, but met with no encouragement. Others were sent on the same mission with no better success. The administration was new. Some of the departments under the late administration had been in confusion, if not quite paralyzed. The secretary of war was not a military man, only a politician. It took time to bring about a condition of order, and find the right man for each kind of work. The President had many vexing questions waiting for his decision. He had petitions for office innumerable. He was obliged to assume responsibilities of the gravest character. A prominent citizen who went to see him on a special errand said that he seemed like a man worn out with anxiety and want of rest, as one who had watched day and night for weeks by the bedside of a sick

The Call for Cavalry. 11

friend. It is not to be wondered at that a matter of acceptance of a voluntary military organization did not receive special attention. While regiments of infantry were being raised all through the North, there were many young men, farmers' sons and others, who had been used to riding horses and "breaking colts," who had a strong desire to know something of the dash and excitement of the cavalry service. And now many wrote, and some came from a distance to make inquiries, and, if possible, to join one of these cavalry companies. It was understood that only those would be accepted who could furnish their own horses and equipments.

In some places there had been mounted companies in the uniformed militia, and efforts were made to organize these for the volunteer service. The 75,000 men first called for were from the militia of the several states, and these were to serve for the period of three months.

This was the limit of the time for which the militia of the states could be called into service of the General Government. It was supposed by many that the designated term of service indicated a belief on the part of the authorities that the rebellion could be suppressed within that time. In reply to those who asked for authority to raise cavalry regiments. General Scott had expressed the hope that the war would be over before a cavalry regiment could be equipped and properly drilled. Another objection was the great expense of raising and supporting cavalry. Furthermore, his plan for putting down the rebellion would not require cavalry.

But the President, closely watching the course of events and discerning clearly the spirit of the leaders of the secession, soon called for additional forces of volunteers for three years, or during the war, and of this force one regiment was to be of cavalry. This regiment was to be made up of volunteers from all the states, as shown by the following

circular :

War Department, Washington, May i, 1861.

To the Governors of the several states, and all whom it- may concern:— I have authorized Colonel Carl Schurz to raise and organize a volunteer regiment of cavalry. For the purpose of rendering it as efficient as possible, he is instructed to enlist principally such men as have served in the same arm before. The government will provide the regiment with the arms, but cannot provide the horses and equipments. For these necessaries we rely upon the patriotism of the states and the citizens, and for this purpose I take the liberty of requesting you to afford Colonel Schurz your aid in the execution of this plan.

(Signed) SIMON CAMERON,

Secretary of War.

In connection with this circular if; is interesting to note that during the war there were called into active service about three hundred regiments of cavalry, and nearly three thousand regiments of infantry.

Colonel Schurz for a man of thirty-two years had had an eventful life. In his own land he had been a student, a journalist, and an officer in the army. For his participation in the attempted revolution of 1848 he had'been forced to flee from his country, but secretly had returned and effected the escape of an associate who had been kept in prison. He had come to America and had become a citizen of Wisconsin, first at Watertown and then at Milwaukee. He was an able lawyer. His innate love of liberty had led him into the ranks of the Republican party, that was making its determined fight against the extension of slavery. He had been a delegate to the Chicago convention of i860, and had led the Wisconsin delegation in the support of Lincoln. He was a brilliant speaker, and by one of his speeches had aroused the greatest enthusiasm in the convention.

He had now been authorized to raise the one cavalry

The Call for Cavalry. 13

regiment included in the call for volunteers for three years, or during the war. On his way to New York to begin the work of recruiting he stopped at Philadelphia. Here he found parts of several light horse companies that were trying to organize. He invited them to become part of his regiment, assuring them that it was the only regiment that would be called for. William H. Boyd who held the position of lieutenant in one of these partly formed companies, was the only officer who was disposed to accept this invitation. He was requested to raise a company, and this, known as Company C, was the first company of volunteer cavalry that was duly authorized to be raised.

There were many other attempts to raise companies, but the leaders in these efforts could get no encouragement, and the attempts were abandoned. Later these rejected men found abundant opportunities of doing good service to the country and credit to themselves, many of them rising to high positions. In a little more than a year the calls for men were such that local authorities in order to fill their quotas offered the inducement of bounties. One of the earliest instances was that of a man who enlisted under the special inducement of "one hundred and fifty dollars and a cow!"

In Jersey City lived Frederick Von Schickfuss who had an honorable record as a cavalry officer in the German army. He was a genial man, of commanding personal presence, well educated, and thoroughly acquainted with cavalry tactics. The colonel gave him authority to enlist the Germans and he soon had four companies partly formed. Many in these companies were capable men who had seen service and had been prominent in their own land. They were educated, hearty, fond of music, liberty-loving, and anxious for service. There were some from other countries than Germany. One was said to be closely connected with the royal family of Russia. For some misdemeanor he had been obliged to leave his own country. Under an assumed name he enlisted as a private in Company E.

The colonel invited those who were meeting around their' headquarters at Palace Garden, to unite their forces with his. They held a meeting to discuss this proposition. Many were at first opposed to this uniting with the Germans. But there had been so much delay that several who had been active in the first efforts had decided to accept commissions in infantry or artillery. One of these was J. Howard Kitchen who became colonel of the Sixth N. Y. Artillery, and was mortally wounded at Cedar Creek. After fully considering the matter it seemed to these men that this would be the quickest way of getting into the service, and the proposition of Col. Schurz was accepted.

And now everything was progressing favorably. But at this time Mr. Schurz was appointed Minister to Spain. While accepting this commission, he wished to see the organization of the regiment completed, and placed under a competent commander. A man of excellent reputation was Captain Bayard, an instructor at West Point. Mr. Bailey was sent to see him, but Captain Bayard could not then accept the proffered colonelcy. But he recommended another instructor at the Academy, Captain Owen. This officer was willing to accept, provided he could be relieved from duty in the regular army. Mr. Bailey was sent to Washington to obtain from the authorities this release for Captain Owen. Mr. Schurz gave a letter of introduction to Montgomery Blair. Mr. Blair interested himself in the matter and went with Mr. Bailey to see Secretary Cameron.

The secretary could do nothing without the approval of General Scott, or the adjutant general of the army. The latter officer was too busy to be seen. So was General Scott. But after office hours Mr. Bailey called at the gen-

The Call for Cavalry. 15

eral's residence. An armed sentinel would have turned him away, but the general having noticed him, directed that he come in. The general did not favor the plan of allowing officers of the regular army to leave their positions for the purpose of commanding volunteers. He had little faith in volunteer cavalry. He repeated his belief that the war would probably be over before, cavalry could be raised and drilled into a condition for efficient service. Mr. Bailey took his leave and, somewhat depressed, walked away. He had no very, definite idea what he should do next. It did not occur to him at first to appeal to the President, but after a while he found himself in the vicinity of the White House. It was a reception day. Being one of the people, Mr. Bailey felt that he had as good a right as any one to join the democratic multitude that was passing into the mansion. The genial manner of the President, so free from repelling formality, as he greeted each one of the hundreds that came, one after another, to speak to him, encouraged Mr. Bailey to mention the case of his regiment.

"What can I do for you, General ?"

"Not Genera.1 yet, Mr. President^ but if the war lasts long enough I hope to be."

The President referred him to the secretary of war and General Scott. Mr. Bailey said he had seen both and neither would give him any encouragement. The President assured him that, while he did not like to interfere in matters that particularly belonged to the war department, yet he would give orders for the acceptance of the regiment £is soon as it was ready. Mr. Bailey returned to New York and renewed the hopes of the men anxious to get into the service as soon as possible. They continued their search for a colonel. A Mr. Merrill had been an officer in the army, but he had offered his services and his offer had been declined.

Philip Kearney was the nephew of Gen. Stephen W. Kearney who had distinguished himself at Queenstown Heights, in 1812, had made his famous overland march to the South Pass in 1845, had" been military governor of California, had been with Gen. Scott on his campaign of 1847, and governor of Mexico upon its occupation by the U. S. forces. Philip was a native of New York, was a graduate of Columbia College, a student of law and an officer in the First dragoons. In 1839 he was sent by the war department to study the French cavalry tactics. He volunteered with the French in the campaign in Algiers, and by his fearlessness in every fight that he could get into, he attracted the riotice of all the French army. He returned to this country, and after various services was appointed on the staff of Gen. Scott. He went with his uncle on the expedition to the South Pass. He operated with the cavalry along the Rio Grande. In the campaign of 1847 from Vera Cruz to the Mexican capital he was captain of a company of cavalry, one company of the squadron that formed the body guard of Gen. Scott. After the battle of Churubusco, Aug. 20, at the head of his cavalry he charged the retreating enemy along the causeway into the very gate of the City of Mexico. In this affair he received a wound whereby he lost his left arm. A month later Scott with his army entered the capital. Kearney was brevetted major. He afterward went to California, and on around the world and to New York. In 1859 he again went to France and volunteered in the campaign in Italy. At Solferino, "holding his reins in his teeth," with reckless daring he charged in the forefront of the massed cavalry that broke the Austrian centre. He received from France the Cross of the Legion pf Honor.