The Eastern question

Front matter

J'MiO M

COOMES'S REGENT LIBRARY

I 141, REGENT STREET, LONDON.

Preface

Their appropriateness struck him forcibly at the time,

and, as he repeated them, it seemed as if the lapse of

years had but filled their magnificent cadence with a

yet fuller meaning. He had twice been taken as a

boy into the House of Commons by Pitt. He recalled

how on one of these occasions " Pitt threw the doors

of the House wide open as he entered, and banged

them behind him. When he rose to speak, the

Opposition began with hoots and cries. In a deep

voice, which could not be imitated, laying his hands

on the table, he exclaimed, ' Am I to be interrupted

by clamour ? ' A dead silence instantly followed. In

that silence I read the history of twentj^ years." His

poem on Alfred Avas the result of long and early

meditations. " I once spoke of Alfred to the Sultan —

how great a king he was, how much he had done for

his country, and how he was stUl remembered. I did

it with the hojpe of stirring him up to good deeds.

When I came back from the Palace I read in the

newspapers that they were celebrating jn England

at Wantage the 1000th anniversary of Alfred's birth.

He was Sir Charles Grandison on the throne, perhaps

a too complete model of stately virtue. The fact is

that he was too good to be interesting." He often

spoke of Shakspeare. " ' Eeverence is the angel of

the world.' How profound is that line ! I should like

to write an essay upon it ; on the softening, elevating

effect of Eeverence on the miads of men. Shakspearo's

PREFACE, xiii

great characteristic was tlie truth and delicacy of his thoughts and the truth and delicacy of his expressions."

His memory, even of quotations, was retained Avith unusual faithfulness to the end. He repeated Ken's evening hymn which he had learned from his nui'se ninety years before, as freshly as if he had heard it on the preceding day. "I have never read it since, and I have never forgotten it."

He asked himself the question why there should be a future existence, and he answered : " Because on any other hypothesis the world would be a piece of magnificent nonsense." He asked himself the question, " Why am I a Christian ? " and he answered : " I am a Christian, takiag Christianity in the large and on the whole, and not dwelling on its smaller difficulties or miuute controversies. I am a believer of its grander parts, I accept it en grand.'''' Amidst the grander parts of Christianity he sought to dwell on " the greatest of miracles," that which threw all others into the shade, the miracle of the moral character of Jesus Christ. "With meditations like these, of which the pages which follow are the imperfect outpouring, his life drew to its close.

Ten days before the end, he received a visit from the son of an aged diplomatic friend, who had preceded him to the grave a few years before at the advanced age of ninety-three — David Morier, for whom he always evinced the deepest regard and respect. The son, who is now the distinguished xiv PKEFACB.

Minister of England in Portugal, tlius records his final visit: — "His iatellect was as clear, his speech, as incisive, his iaterest in poetry and politics as keen, as when I last saw him, three years ago. It was a beautiful English summer afternoon ; a warm sun lit up his pale features, which fully retained theiisplendid outlines, and were entirely wanting in the wrinkles or withered look of extreme old age. I could not help thinking of the lines : —

' Slow sinks more lovely ere his race be run.'

He seemed some grand old Titan majestically sinking

to his rest in all his glory, as if he knew the Infinite

was waiting to receive him with all due honour."

He rests in the humble churchyard at Erant, in the

presence of that expanded view over plain and hill

which he had so often enjoyed. He deserved, it

might have seemed, the highest funeral honours which

the nation could bestow. But the dark shadow of the

Turkish Empire cast its own shade of unpopularitv

over the statesman who had been so deeply identified

in the public mind with the arduous task of supporting

its existence; and the long retirement from public

life, although glorified by the bright glow of his

setting splendour, threw into the background those

services to his country and to humanity at large

Avhich will long cause his name to be venerated by

all who value the noble career of the Greatest English

Ambassador in this century.

A. P. s.

Contents

PREFACE

TABLE OF EVENTS

INTEODUGTION .

Part II, Reviews And Articles

XI. — Turkey.— 1 65

XII.— Turkey.- II 97

xm. — International Relations : and how they may be

Maintained for the best Interests of Mankind . 134 XIV. — Recollections op the Revival op Greek Independence — 1 159

XV. — Recollections op the Revival op Geeek Independence— II 182

TABLE OF EVENTS (1875 to 1878.)

July \st. — Commencement of the Insurrection in Herzegovina.

October 1th. — Repudiation of the Turkish debt.

Bccemher 2Sth. — Purchase of Suez Canal shares by British Government.

Jamtanj Slst. — The " Andrassy Note " communicated to the Porte by Austria, Germany and Russia. This note, to which England gave a ' ' general support," was drawn up by Count Andrassy, and proposed to the Porte the fpllowing reforms to be applied immediately to the insurgent provinces of Herzegovina and Bosnia, with a view to their pacification.

1. Keligious liberty full and entire.

2. Abolition of the farming of taxes.

3. A law to guarantee that the product of the direct taxation of

Bosnia and Herzegovina shall be employed for the immediate interests of the Provinces under the control of bodies constituted in the sense of the Fii'man of Dec. 12. i. The institution of Special Commissions, composed of an equal number of Mussulmans and Christians to superintend the execution of reforms proposed by the Powers, as well as those proclaimed in the Irad6 of Oct. 2 and the Firman of Dec. 12. 5. The amelioration of the condition of the i-ural populations. Whereas these reforms had been already promulgated in the Hatti Houmouyon and former Hatti-Cherifs by the Porte but never really put in force, the Cabinets of Austria, Germany and Russia deemed it necessary that some kind of pledge in the form of a signed Convention should be given by the Turkish Government for their prompt and effectual execution or they on their part could not undertake to continue their efforts to restrain and pacify the insurgents.

Feirvary 13th. — The Porte accepted four out of the five reforms contained in the Andrassy Note, but declined the thii'd clause, by which the proceeds of the direct taxation in the provinces of Bosnia and Herzegovina should be expended on those provinces.

May 1st. — Outbreak of insuweotion in Bulgaria.

3lay 6th. — Mussulman riot at Salonica, murder of the French and German Consuls.

May 13th. — Uie Berlin Mcmorandvm drawn up by the Chancellors of the three Emperors who met for the purpose at Berlin. Proposes to insist with energy on an. armistice of two months between the Porte and the insurgents in order to open away for direct negotiations between the Turkish Government and the Herzegovinian and Bosnian delegates on the following points : —

1. That materials for the reconstruction of dwelling-houses and

churches should be furnished to the returning refugees, and their subsistence should be assured to them till they could support themselves by their own labour.

2. In so far as the distribution of help should appertain to the

Turkish Commissioner he should consult as to the measures to be taken with the mixed commission mentioned in the note of the 30th Dec. (Andrassy Note,) to guarantee the bond fide application of the reforms and control their execution. This Commission should be presided over by a Herzegovinian Christian, and be composed of natives faithfully representing the two religions of the country. They should be elected as soon as the Armistice should have suspended hostilities.

3. In order to avoid any collision, advice should be given at Constan-

tinople to concentrate the Turkish troops, at least until excitement has subsided on some points to be agreed upon.

4. Christians as well as Mussulmans should retain their arms.

6. The Consuls or Delegates of the Powers shall keep a watch over the application of the reforms in general, and on the steps relative to the repatriation in particular. May Wth. — The British Government refused their concurrence in the Berlin

Memorandum on the ground that the proposals could not be carried out

by the Porte, and that if they could, the remedy would be only partial

and fall short of the exigences of the case. Ma/y 2ith. — British fleet ordered to Besika Bay. 3fay 29tJt, — Deposition of Sultan Abdul Assiz and proclamation of his

nephew Murad V. in his place.

June 9th. — Statement of Mr. Disraeli in Parliament that the steps taken by

Government in the affairs of the East were leading to the maintenance

of honourable peace — Berlin Memorandum would not be presented. June 23rd. — Alleged cruelties committed by the Turks in the suppression

of the Bulgarian Insurrection published in T/ie Daily News. June 30th. — Servia and Montenegro declare war on Turkey. August 2ith. — Prince of Servia, repeatedly beaten by the Turks,, asks for the

mediation of the Powers.

August 31st. — Sultan Murad V. deposed in favour of his brother, Sultan

Abdul Hamid.

September 6*/;..— Publication of Mr. Gladstone's pamphlet, " Bulgarian

Horrore."

i xiriii TABLE OF EVENTS.

Novemher Ist. — Armistice of eight weeks demanded by Russia in an Ultimatum dictated by the utter collapse of the Servian army.

NovemUr ind.—ToB. Emperor of Eussia pledges his most sacred word of honour that he has no ambitious purpose, and if forced to occupy Bulgaria will only do so provisionally.

Noveiiiber lOiA.— The Czar announces publicly at Moscow his intention of acting alone should the Porte resist the demands of the Powers.

November Wth. — Mobilization of the Russian army announced.

December 23i-<?,— Fii-st meeting of the Conference at Constantinople and simultaneous announcement of the Turkish Constitution.

December 2%th. — Prolongation of the Armistice.

January 20th. — Close of the Conference at Constantinople and final rejection by the Porte of the terms offered by the Powers. Reduced to a minimum they were : An International Commission nominated by Europe, without executive powers, and the appointment of Valis (Governors- General,) for five years, by the Sultan, with the approval of the guaranteeing Powers.

February 11th. — Peace concluded at Constantinople between the Porte and Servia.

March Vith. — Opening of the first Turkish Parliament.

March Z\st. — London Protocol signed^The Powers accept the assurances of the Porte as regards Reform — Recommend disarmament in face of peace with Sei-via and Montenegro. — Russian Emperor will treat of disarmament on his side if Turks will send a Special Envoy to St. Petersburg—Should the Saltan faU in his promises, and the state of the Christian populations not improve, the Powers reserve to themselves the right of deciding what further must be done.

jLpril lOi/t. — The Porte's answer to Protocol. She takes her stand on the Treaty of 1856, and admits no right of interference in her internal affairs. ^

April 24iA. — Declaration of war by Russia.

May \st. — British proclamation of neutrality and entire disavowal and disapproval of the act of Eussia, with further declaration that the latter has intentionally prevented a peaceful solution.

June 12th. — Montenegro recommences hostilities.

Ju/iie 25tJi. — Serious Eussian reverses in Asia.

July 20th. — Eussian repulse at Plevna.

August 4iA.— Russian Imperial guai'd and re-inforoements ordered to Bulgaria.

October 15th. — Defeat of Turks in Asia.

November l%th. — Pall of Kars.

December lOth. — FaU of Plevna.

December lith. — Servia declares war a second time.

TABLE OF EVENTS. xix

January ith. — Turkey proposes Armistice. Janioary IQith. — Capture of the Schipka Pass. jamuiry 20tt. — Bussians enter Adrianople.

January 2iird. — British fleet ordered to Constantinople and then countermanded.

January 28tli,. — Terms of Peace as communicated to Count SchouvaJofl announced in the House of Commons. Chancellor of the Exchequer moves for a vote of credit for £6,000,000. February 7th. — Russians continue to advance on Constantinople. British

fleet finally ordered to the Bosphorus. March Srd. — Treaty of San Stefauo signed at Constantinople between Eussia and Turkey, of which the principal clauses follow: A cession of territory to Servia and Montenegro and their complete independence. Bulgaria largely extended and raised to a principality, with a Prince elected by the people, and a seaport on the ^gean. Navigation of the Bosphorus free to merchant vessels in peace and war alike. 50,000 Russian troops to occupy Bulgaria for two years. Batoum, Ardahan, Kai's and Bayazid, with the territories comprised, remain in the hands of Eussia. A separate treaty between Turkey and Eoumania, who was to make her own demand for indemnity. Eussia to receive the Dobrudja in order to exchange it for Bessarabia with Eoumania. War indemnity of £47,500,000 besides the Dobrudja.

March 7th. — Prince Bismark consents to preside over a European Congress

at Berlin.

April 2nd. — Lord Salisbury's Circular explaining why England could not go into the Congress without the whole Treaty of San Stefano being open to discussion, and animadverting on the discrepancy between Eussia's demands now and her protestations in the past. April 17th. — Dispatch of Indian troops to Malta.

June ith. — Anglo-Turkish Convention signed at Constantinople. Text: — " If Batoum, Ardahan, Ears, or any of them shall be retained by Eussia, and if any attempt shall be made at any future time by Eussia to lake possession of any further territories of his Imperial Majesty the Sultan in Asia as fixed by the definitive Treaty of Peace, England engages to join his Imperial Majesty the Sultan in defending them by force of arms. In return, the Sultan promises to England to introduce necessary reforms, to be agreed upon later between the two Powers, into the Government ; and for the protection of the Christian and other subjects of the Porte in these territories, and in order to enable England to make necessary provisions for executing her engagements, the Sultan further consents to assign the Island of Cyprus to be occupied and administered by her."

June \Uh. — First sitting of the Berlin Congress,

July \Ztli. — Last sitting of the Berlin Congress. " Treaty of Berlin." Balkans to form Southern boundary of Bulgaria. Austria to occupy

XX TABLE OF EVENTS.

Boenia and Herzegovina provisionally, in the interests of Peace. Montenegro to have Antivari and an increase of territory. Servia also to receive an extension. Eectification of Greek frontier recommended. Part of Bessarabia, confiscated by the Treaty of 1856, to be restored to Russia. The Dobrudja, including Silistria and Mangg,lia, to Eoumania. Batoum, Kars and Ardahan all to become Russian, with the proviso that Batoum should be made a free commercial port. War indemnity not payable till all anterior claims are satisfied. July 22ncl. — Sir Garnet Wolseley located in Cyprus.

Introduction

In presenting these Papers under their collected form to the attention of statesmen and general readers, there would seem to be little necessity for adding to a title-page which says that the subject is the " Eastern Question " and the writer Lord Stratford de Kedcliffe ; but it is thought that what follows may be here advantageously quoted. When submitting to public attention the sketch of a proposed plan of settlement in September, 1876, Lord Stratford wrote thus : — ■ " The purpose which I entertain of stating — in outline, at leastT— a plan of settlement, including all its items, would doubtless be imprudent on the part of anyone invested with responsibility. Free as I am from that trammel, the hope of helping by my experience to clear the ground of negotiation, and an impulse bordering on a sense of duty, have alone prevailed over my natural reluctance to face the risk of so delicate a task. May those who honour me with their attention be indulgent. I claim their indulgence in virtue of my purpose. Peace is the goal in view, peace in the first instance by hastening the termination of war " (then, existing- between Turkey and her dependen-

INTRODUCTION.

cies) ; " peace in the second by enabling the Turks to remain in Europe with a firmer hold on their position, and less anxiety, not to say less scandal to their Christian supporters. I have nothing to do with party politics. Independence, whether silent or outspoken, becomes my very advanced age, I cannot agree with those sanguine writers who di-eam of Turkey being * the cornerstone of "Western freedom,' but I go so far as to persuade myself that with competent guidance the Ottoman authorities, and even their subjects, may be trained to conform to those changes which alone can realise the policy of giving them a durable place in the group of European states. To leave them to themselves would be equivalent to leaving them at the mercy of ambitious neighbours actuated solely by selfish views. To set about driving them across the Bosphorus and Dardanelles would be to soimd the trumpet of war in its shrillest notes, with the ultimate impossibility of replacing them on grounds of general interest." Lord Stratford foresaw the inevitable revival of the Eastern Question in the reckless extravagance of the Porte, even before bankruptcy and the first local disturbances in Herzegovina had kindled the fire already laid, and he would have had England sooner recognize what he considered the magnitude and extent of the danger. He would have had her at once take the central place among her co-signatories of the Treaty of Paris — she, who in his opinion, had most to lose and least to gain by the dissolution of the Ottoman

115TR0DUCTIDN. Sxiii

Empire — and fearlessly and uncompromisingly do that which in her lay to stop the evil, by right of her guarantee, which she was not justified in allowing to be unnecessarily imperilled, without efiectual remonstrance. On the ground already 6ccupie(3 by England, Eussia could not have found a footing, however eagerly she sought it.

His long experience had taught him that pressure, if steadily and properly applied to the Porte by a friendly Power — ^recognised as such by her — and more especially if supported by the rest of Europe, was always ia the end successful. He never advocated force, and constantly insisted that you must give the Turk a loop-hole, for if you once got him with his back to the wall, he would fight to the very end. It was not to be, however, and when at last the country woke up to the gravity of the impending crisis, Turkey, dishonoured and disgraced, was already — ^whether for good or ill — in the gripe of her inveterate foe.

The papers are arranged numerically in order of their dates, from 1874 to 1880, the last having been written a few weeks before the author's death. They consist, partly, of memoranda hitherto unpublished, written either for the writer's own use or at the request of influential people seeking his opinion, and partly of the more public expression of his views, which appeared from time to time in the pages of a leading journal during those eventful years when, after lying dormant for so long, the Eastern Question xxiv INTRODUCTION.

once more became the prominent feature in the history of European politics. Selections have necessarily been made, as many passages referred solely to events passing at the time, and could have no permanent interest. The Tolume concludes with several articles published during the last five years, and reprinted from the Nineteenth Century Review by kind permission of the Editor.

December, 1880.

PART I.

LETTERS AND MEMORANDA.

THE

EASTEEN QUESTION.

I. Turkish Finance

[The following is a memorandum, now published for the first time, on the financial state of Turkey hefore she repudiated her debt. ]

"Wkiiten in the Autumn of 1874.

The financial state of the Turkish Empire is not alone interesting to those who have dividends to receive out of the Porte's revenue. The Governments of Christendom, the allied Powers, as the strongest of them are called, have no slight motives for keeping a watchful eye over it. England, in particular, is deeply concerned in its prosperity'. It is very desirable for all that Turkey should not become the occasion of another European war. If there be any exception to this, it would be of one whose successes would be generally unpopular, and whose reverses could only be effected at a considerable cost of life and treasure. Three of the Allies have entered into a treaty by which they are engaged to maintain the integrity of the Turkish territory. This treaty bears the signatures of France and Austria, joined with that of England. Guarantees of this general kind are always open to criticism, and applied to the Turkish dominions, the policy of binding any country to a principle so eventually embarrassing is more than questionable.

2 THE EASTERN QUESTION. [i-

However, be that as it may, we are thus bound ; and a contingency may occur which may oblige us either to shake off our responsibility in no very creditable manner, or to incur, without choice, an amount of sacrifice, equal at least, to that which attended the Crimean War. Supposing Russia, or Germany, or both, to attack or seriously to menace the independence of Turkey, we might not be able to achieve the same success, which twenty years ago, raised us to so commanding a position in the Conference at Paris. Instead of dictating, we might have to sue.

Now, weakness, whatever may be its cause, whether it spring from internal discord, or from a deficiency in the means of defence, is that condition of a state which especially provokes differences and invites hostility. Turkey has always, unhappily, the former source of weakness in her bosom, Greeks, Servians, Roumanians, Bulgarians, Armenians, Albanians, Bosnians and Montenegrins, whether subjects or recognizing the Sultan as their suzerain, look to some opportunity for asserting their independence. They can be easily kept down by the Ottoman authorities when the Porte is on terms of amity with the greater Powers, but they are dangerously explosive when they can hope for support from without. Add to this cause of weakness a state of finance unequal to the requirements of defence, and it is evident that the independence of Turkey must either be sacrificed, or rescued from ruin at the cost of one or all of its guaranteeing allies. Such being the case, it is equally manifest that England has a very deep interest in the healthy condition of Turkish finance.

Let us see how this matter stands at the present time. Anything but satisfactory in point of facts, anything but encouraging in point of opinion. The Turldsh Budget presents a deficit of several millions sterling. The interest of loans and sinking funds together absorb the half or

1874.] OFFICIAL EXTRAVAGANCE. 3

nearly half, of the Porte's revenue, more money has to be borrowed in order to meet the year's demand, and it can only be obtained -on very unfavourable terms. The wretched system of farming the revenue still continues. The population is geiierally on the decrease, and with it those productive elements which yield supplies to a treasury. To crown all, the Government has no regard for economy. Its purchases are carried beyond its means, and even beyond its wants. The Civil List, and the salaries and pensions of numerous officials are on far too high a scale.

The Turks, I doubt not, will pay the dividends on their loans as long as they can. Their good faith in that respect is seconded by their interest. They would not willingly incur discredit, and with it loss of sympathy on the part of Christendom. The danger lies in their increasing necessities. The Porte has lately made arrangements with the Ottoman Bank, which, if made in a right spirit and fairly carried out, may warrant a cautious renewal of confidence on the part of capitalists and shareholders. But this point does not appear to have been completely attained. Misgivings are still entertained in some observant quai'ters, and economy is not, as yet, the financial principle adopted at Constantinople.

It would thus appear that there is ample reason for inquiring whether the Turkish Government can without prejudice to its safety so far reduce its expenses as to avoid the impending danger. To form even an approximative judgment on this matter we must appeal in some measure to the past. About twenty years since, when Eeschid Pasha was Grand Vizier, I went with him into an examination of the financial question in so far as the revenue of his Government was concerned. According to his statements the annual receipts of the treasury did not exceed seven millions and a half, or, at most, eight millions sterling. There was

B 2

4 THE EASTERN QUESTION. [r.

ii hope, he said, that they might be raised to another million in a year or two. At that period the Porte had not embarked in its present system of applying for loans to the European markets. Within the last two or three years the Turkish revenue has been proclaimed as amounting to twenty-one millions. There may be some exaggeration in this statement, but, I think, we may safely set down this increase at twelve millions. Now, what has happened politically to Turkey in the interval ? First, the Crimean War, and then its termination by a general peace, which ever since, has enabled the Sultan to enjoy the blessings of quiet and security, with two or three very limited exceptions, at one time on the side of Candia, at another in Syria, and then again at Montenegro. During the same period large sums have been expended by the Sultan in building superfluous palaces, in purchasing huge iron-clads of little practical utility, and in making large additions to his army ah'eady sufficient for any immediate exigencies. The public debt has in consequence assumed by regular degi'ees its present gigantic proportions.

In this manner a precious space of time has been wasted on objects of little or no use, and productive only of future embarrassment and eventual peril. Is no stop to be put to this unwise and untimely extravagance ? Has not Her Majesty's Government a right, ia virtue of its guarantees, to require the effective adoption of a less reckless employment of their protege's resources ? Is it not their bounden duty to interfere, with or without their partners in the guaranty, for the purpose of preventing, before it be too late, a disaster involving the most serious responsibility ?

If such were the view adopted by the British Cabinet, it may be expected that the Foreign Office would communicate with the French and Austrian Governments, though friendly suggestions might be at once conveyed, in a con-

1871.] A FORECAST OP DANGER. 5

fidential form, to the Sultan's ministers. Sooner or later it would surely be fair and expedient to intimate the right of the three allies to withdraw their guarantee if Turkey continued wantonly to incur the dangers inseparable from weakness and one of its primary causes, financial destitution. Let it be clearly understood that the question is purely political. Our peculiar relations with Turkey might indeed not improbably justify an exceptional interference on behalf of our numerous bond-holders. But that is not the matter in hand. A repetition of the Eastern Question, aggravated by its more immediate causes, and attended perhaps with peril, certainly with much cost, is the apprehension which has led to this memorandum being submitted to superior knowledge and sounder judgment than its author's. A lion, he knows, is in the path. A false sympathy might be created between Turkey and Russia, and the very mischief which a wholesome policy might be employed to prevent, would be fostered into vitality by the warmth of a flattering influence. It can hardly be denied that such a contingency is quite possible, but are we sure that the snake does not already occupy a place in the bosom of its dupe, and is the diplomacy of three great Powers so defective as to find no suitable means of counteracting the supposed evil ?

At all events, a timely and well-conducted attempt to prevent an approaching danger, the reality and extent of which are matters of experience as well as of calculation, with right to warrant and duty to impose it, would, even if it proved unsuccessful, be creditable to the vigilance of Ministers, and turn aside any popular wish to fasten the responsibility on the Government.

II. England's Policy Towaeds Tuekey

[After the reptidiation of her debt by Turkey, and the commencement of the insurrection in Herzegovina, Lord Stratford de Redclitfe addressed the following letter to the Times, in which he reviewed the general position of affairs. This letter will be found to have a direct application to many circiunstances in the present condition of Turkey.]

Decembee 31st, 1875.

That Turkey is weak, fanatical, and misgoverned no one can honestly deny ; but to my apprehension it would be a great and hazardous mistake to infer from its condition in those respects that the best way for England is to leave it entirety alone.

Among the Turkish statesmen are some, at least, who in spite of their religious prejudices and defective knowledge, have sagacity enough to feel their wants, and prudence enough to bend rather than to break under the force of reasonable pressui-e. Nor are the Sultan's Mussulman subjects so mimanageable as to give serious alarm to his Government when reforms of an unpopular kind are to be carried into effect.