Sociology; its development and applications

Front matter

Cornell University Library HM 66.D18

Sociology; its development and appllcatio

3 1924 014 032 696

Preface

This work is an enlargement and revision of the author's Sociology issued in 1909. In it no attempt has been made to work out a system, a sufficient number of which already exist, or to set forth novel and untried hypotheses in social theory. The author has sought rather to give a sort of survey of sociological development, so that the reader interested in social problems, or the student desirous of a comprehensible statement of the main aspects of sociology, may have in fairly brief compass a general view of its rise and its relations to other sciences, a sketch of the development of social institutions, and a short discussion of social problems and of the factors to be considered in social progress.

The volume, as a textbook for college purposes, may be supplemented by more detailed studies and by personal investigations of social conditions on the part of the students. Its reading references, purposely abT>reviated, may aid the general reader to follow more closely such aspects as may arouse interest. If both student and reader find the presentation of the subject matter fairly clear and helpful to an understanding of social questions, the purpose of the author will have been fulfilled.

At the present time the whole social world is in ferment as the result of the World War, and the economic and political aspects of European society are in transition, working towards readjustments. No one can foretell what the outcome will be in western civilization, but

V vi PREFACE i

sociology can blaze at least a trail and indicate in a general way the direction that should be taken. Admittedly the science is not an infallible guide in the "no man's land" of social reconstruction. The field it aims to cover is exceedingly complex, and its conclusions must be tentative for many years to" come. Yet it is obvious that sociological teachings have already powerfully affected the world's point of view and are rapidly socializing its policies. This task of socializing public opinion is, in the author's opinion, of vital importance to national progress. Sociology, rightly interpreted, voices the safe and sane attitude towards social problems; it avoids, on the one hand, the crude individualism of the Nineteenth Century, and, on the other, that rampant radicalism which favors empty panaceas and short cuts to social perfection. Sociology realizes that evolution is better than revolution, that haste must be made slowly, and that it is no easy task to quicken the leaden feet of Nature.

J. Q. Dealey.

Contents

PAGE PRErACE V

Chapter I Society

The Field of Social Science, i. — ^Early Theories of Social Development, 2. — Hesiod's Four Ages, 3. — The Cycle Theory, 4. — ^The Ten Epochs of Condorcet, 4. — Comte's Three Stages, 5. — Five Other Theories of Development, 6. — Other Classifications of Development, 9.— Society and the Social Group, 12 i

Chapter II

Social Terminology, 14. — Social Thinking in the Earlier Ages,

17. — In the Later Ages, 19 14

Chapter III

Instruction of Ptah-Hotep, 21. — ^Teaching of Confucius, 22. — ■ Other Eastern Teachings, 26. — Studies of Social Institutions, 27. — Summary of Ancient Teaching, 28. — -Plato's Teachings, 29. — ^Roman Influence, 31. — Saracenic Social Teachings, 32. — Early Modem Writers, 33. — French Writers of the Eighteenth Century, 34.^English Social Writers, 35. — ^The Beginnings of Modem Science, 36 . 21

Chapter IV The Beginnings Op Social Science

Common Sense Philosophizing, 38. — Need for a Science of Society, 39. — Comte's Sociology, 40.— Social Points of

vii viii CONTENTS

PAGE

View, 43. — Social Causation, 44. — Sociology a Synthetic Science, 45. — ^Vagueness of the Term "Sociology," 46. — The Tasks of Sociology, 48 38

Chapter V

Sociology and Social Progress, 50. — ^Relativity of Knowledge, SI. — Classification of the Sciences, 52. — ^Relative Utility of the Sciences, 53. — Three Aspects of Science, 56. — Need of Generalized Knowledge, 57. — Social Importance of the Basal Sciences, 59. — Special Social Sciences, 61. — Sociology Synthetic, 62. — Sociology's Relations to Philosophy and Religion, 63. — Social Prevision, 65. — Sociology is Anthropocentric, 66 50

Chapter VI

Social Utility of Biology, 69.— The Field of Anthropology, 70. — Organic Theory of Society, 72. — ^Problem of Parenthood, 74. — ^Ancient Beliefs Respecting Heredity, 75. — Recent Teachings, 79. — Social Importance of Biological Teachings, 80 69

Chapter VII

Sociology and its Basal Sciences, 84. — Psychology and Sociology, 85.— Comte's Psychology, 86.— Spsncer's Psychology, 92. — ^Ward's Psychology, 93. — Behaviorism, 94. — Freudianism, 98 84

Chapter VIII

Social Structure, 100. — Primitive Social Structures, loi.— The Functioning Process, 102.— Rise of Social Interests, 103.— Perception of Social Utility, 104. — Social Unity, 106. — Social Control over the Sex Instinct, 108 — Supernatural Fear, 108. — Social Beliefs, 109. — Group Antagonism, iii. — Social Action, 112. — Influence of Physical Environment, 112.— Food as a Social Factor, 114'. — Contact of ^ind with Mind, IIS ,.,,,.,,,. 100

CONTENTS IX

PAGE

Chapter IX

Social Su^pstibility and Suggestion, ii8. — Social Plasticity, 122. — Social Pressure, 123. — Social Imitation, 124. — Rational Imitatign, 125. — Social Conflict, 126. "Age of Discussion," 127. — Social Control, 129. — ^Influence of Social Institutions, 130. — Relati\-ity of Knowledge, 131. — Distinctions in Social Control, 133. — The Stimulus of Hope, 133. — Social Forces, 134. — Class Control, 136. — Control through the Elite, 138 118

Part II Society Axd Its Institutions Chapter X

EARLY SOCL4L DEVELOPMENT

Social Origins, 143. — JDefinite Social Grouping, .147- — ^Former Utility of War, 149. — Social Principles Underlying Development, 151. — ^Sympathy and Imitation, 152. — Tlie Intellect and Innovation, 153. — Group Differences, 154. — Illustrations of these Theories, 155 143

Chapter XI

Animal Achievement, 159. — ^Human Achievement, 160. — Material Achievement, 162. — Cultural Achievement, 162. — ^Meaning of Achievement, 164. — ^Tools of the Mind, 165. — Social Institutions as Achievements, 165. — Genetic Achievement, 167. — ^Telic Achievement, 168. — Static Civilization, 169. — Static Contrasted with Dynamic Civilization, 170. — ^National Progress, 172. — ^The Material as a Basis for the Cultural. 173. — ^The Relation of the Group to the Individual, 175. — Class Distinctions in Culture, 176. — ^The Growth of Talent and Genius, 176. — '

Social Importance of Cultural Civilizatioh, 178. — Social Demand for Talent and Genius, 1 78. — ^Need of Cultural Ideals, 180 IS9

Chapter XII

Static and Dj-namic Defined, 1S2. — Static Civilization, 183. — Dr^namic Changes, 183. — Contrasts between Static and

X CONTENTS

PAGE

Dynamic, 185. — Mutual Aid, 188. — Periods of Transition, i8g. — Economic Basis of Changes, 190. — Other Factors in Change, 191. — Human Inherent Capacities, 192. — Four Factors in Progress, 194. — Amalgamation, 194. — ^Assimilation, 195. — Comprehension of Nature, 197. — Suitable Opportunity, 200 182

Chapter XIII The Classification Of Social Institutions

Unity of Social Institutions, 203. — Social Parallelism, 204. — Classifications of Social Institutions, 204. — Meaning of the Term Social Institution, 205. — Genetic Development, 206. — ^The Economic Institution is Basal, 207. — Cultural Development, 208. — Differentiation ia the Study of Social Institutions, 209. — Comte's Teaching, 209. — Spencer's Study of Institutions, 210. — SchafHe's Social Organism, 211. — ^Ward's Classification, 212. — De Greef's Classification, 212. — Other Classifications, 213. — ^Ward's Social Forces, 215. — Social Interests, 217. — ^The Social Institution, 217. — Many Classifications are Possible, 218 203

Chapter XIV

Influence of Physical Nature, 222. — Migration, 223. — ^The Demand for Foods, 223. — Nomadism and Agricultvue, 224. — ^Rise of Slavery, 226. — ^Rise of a Leisure Class, 227. — Trade and the Industries, 228. — ^Resultant Social Achievement, 228. — The Utilization of the Materials and Forces of Nature, 230. — ^The Natural Wages of Labor, 231. — Modifications in Higher Civilization, 233. — ^Economic Production and Distribution, 234. — Social Consumption, 235. — Present Economic Trend, 236 221

Chapter XV

The Primitive Family and Kinship, 2-38. — Conjugal Relationships, 239. — ^Refinement in Sex Relationships, 241. — Sex Passion Essential, 242. — ^Regulation of Marriage, 243. — ^Woman's Influence, 243. — Rise in Standards of Family Affection, 245. — Ideals in Sex Morality, 246. — The Permanent Monogamous Marriage, 247. — Kinship Ties, 247. — Maternal Ignorance, 248. — Family Ideals, 249. —

CONTENTS xi

PAGE

Telic Improvement in the Family, 250. — Changes in Woman's Status, 251 238

Chapter XVI

Beginnings of the State, 253. — ^The State of the Patriarchal Period, 254. — ^The State as a Matured Institution, 255. — Distinctions of Class and Caste, 255. — The Influence of Commerce, 256. — Commerce is Favorable to Democracy, 258. — Growth of the Powers of the State, 258. — ^The Class Struggle, 259. — ^Aristocracy Becoming Democracy, 260. — Changes in Governmental Organization, 261. — Conditions Necessary for Democracy, 261. — The Slow Elimination of War, 263. — Development of Democracy, 264. — Scientific Legislation, 264 253

Chapter XVII

Beginnings of Religion, 267. — Higher Development of Religion, 269. — Influence of Environment, 269. — ^The Priestly Class, 270. — Evil of Rigidity in Teachings, 272. — The Church as a Social Institution, 273. — Separation of Church and State, 274. — ^The Religious Institution Permanent, 275 267

Chapter XVIII

Three Stages in Customs, 277. — Prohibitive Stage, 278. — Modifications of the Tabu, 279.— Regulations in Morals, 279. — Higher Standards of Morals Possible, 280. — Differentiation in Morals, 281. — Changing Standards, 282. — Group Standards, 283. — Differing Codes of Morals, 284. —Modifications in Morals, 285.— Group Morality, 286.— Opposition of Public and Private Interests, 287. — ^Toleration in Morals, 290. — ^Humanitarian Ethics, 291. — Modem Altruism, 292.— Changing Bases of MoraUty, 292.— Idealism in Morals, 295 277

Chapter XIX

Basis of Cultural Civilization, 297.— Growth of Cultural Achievements, 29B.— Static Standards, 300.— Dynamic Changes in Cultural Ideals, 300.— The Leisure Class, 301.

xii CONTENTS

PAGE

— ^A New Slavery, 302. — Higher Education for the Elite Only, 303. — The Receptive Mind, 303. — Social Importance of Cultural Achievement, 305. — ^The Telic Achievement of Culture, 306. — ^A Career for Talent, 306. — Genetic Choice, 307. — Latent Talent and Genius, 308. — Leisure and the Industries, 309. — ^The Real Classes in Society, 311 297

Chapter XX

The Average Man, 313. — Social Superiority, 314. — ^Race Superiority, 314. — Class Superiority, 315. — ^Hereditary Classes, 317 . — Class Distinctions, 319 .—Oppressed Classes, 320. — Dreams of Equality, 322. — ^Rise of the Masses, 323. — Individual Superiority, 325. — Ancient Beliefs Respecting Genius, 326. — The Genius Tyrant, 327. — Genius Under Darwinism, 328. — The Nietzschean Superman, 329. — Galtonian Eugenics, 330. — Lombroso's Abnormal Genius, 332. — The Theory of Helvetius, 333. — ^Ward's Discussion of Genius, 334. — Study of Genius' is Becoming Scientific, 335. — ^A Newer Democracy, 336 .... 313

Part III Social Progress Chapter XXI

Individualism, 341. — The Socialized Individual, 342. — ^The Socius, 343.— Social Control and IndividuaHsm, 344. — Importance of Personality, 345. — Individuality, 347. — IndividuaHsm a Social Necessity, 348. — Individuality through Education, 349. — Telesis in Education, 349. — Environing Conditions, 350. — ^The Period of Adolescence, 351. — The Mental Processes, 352. — The Memory, 354. — Importance of Right Knowledge, 354. — ^The Choice of Ends, 355. — Social Leadership, 356. — Choice of Occupation, 357. — The Pursuit of an Occupation, 357 . . 341

Chapter XXII

The Struggle for Survival, 359. — Social Reforms as Panaceas, 361. — The Utility of Sociology, 362. — Static Civiliza-

CONTENTS xiii

PAGE

tion, 363. — Dynamic Movements, 365. — Genetic or Telic Purpose, 366. — Social Utopias, 367. — ^The Social Goal, 368. — Social Change, 369. — Social Flexibility, 370. — Socialization through Education, 371. — Social Activity is Constructive, 372. — Social Ideals, 373 3S9

Chapter XXIII

Backward Civilization, 375. — Sociology and Social Problems, 376. — ^Early Conditions in the United States, 377. — Lack of Social Forethought, 378. — The Problem of Immigration, 378. — ^Economic Problems, 380. — ^The Problem of Education, 380. — Need of a Telic Policy, 381. — Social Hopefulness, 381. — Control of Social Energy, 382. — Elimination of the Tabu, 383. — Civilization is Constructive, 384. — Social Leadership, 385. — ^Elimination of Social Weakness, 386.— The Unity of All Social Problems, 387 37S

Chapter XXIV

Exploitation, 390. — Natural Exploitation, 390. — Exploitation of Man, 391. — Exploitation of the Masses, 392. — ^Restraints on Exploitation, 393. — Ignorance Responsible for Exploitation, 394. — ^The State as an Exploiter, 395. — Social Parasitism, 396. — Common Interest in the Industries, 396. — Ignorance, 397. — Ignorance in Ancient Times, 397. — Ignorance a Social Handicap, 398. — Social Policy toward Ignorance, 399. — Social Education, 400 . 390

Chapter XXV

Poverty and Pauperism, 402. — Poverty and Natural Selection, 403. — Systenas of Charity, 404. — Social Betterment, 405. — Pauperism Should be Abolished, 406. — Poverty Should be Lessened, 406. — Crime, 407. — Changing Standards in Crime, 408. — Crime in its Development, 409. — Crime as "Misdirected Energy," 409. — Sociological Remedies for Crime, 411. — Conflicting Moral Standards, 412.— Evils of Poor Methods of Regulation, xiv CONTENTS

PAGE

413. — Reforms in Systems of Punishment, 414. — Social Freedom from Crime, 415. — Crime is Not Natural, 416 . 402

Chapter XXVI

Intemperance, 417. — Prohibition in the United States, 418. — Other Policies in Use, 418. — Influence of Right Education, 420. — Habits of Social Drinking, 421. — Psychological Aspect, 422. — Physiological Causes, 423. — Social Policies Important, 424. — ^Regulation of Drunkenness, 426. — Narcotics, 426. — Sex Immorality, 428. — ^The Social Problem of Sexuality, 429. — ^The Sex Problem a Complex One, 430. — ^The Racial Aspect, 430. — ^Evils from Celibacy, 431. — Society and Marriage, 432. — Changes Needed in Social Policy, 433. — ^Effects of Economic Conditions, 435. — ResponsibiUties of Medical Science, 435. — Women's Influence, 436. — ^The Marriage Relation, 438. — ^The Distinctions of Sex, 439 41?

Chapter XXVII

Human Origins, 441. — ^Racial Differences, 441. — ^The Relation of the Superior to the Inferior, 444. — The Influence of Missions, 445.— Racial Competition, 446. — Human Amalgamation, 447. — ^Racial Survival, 448. — ^Evils in Amalgamation, 449. — ^American Racial Problems, 450. — Eugenics, 453. — Social Safeguards, 454. — ^Eudemics, 455. — ^Euthenics, 456 441

Chapter XXVIII

Influence of Physical Environment, 459. — Man's Power over Nature, 460. — Possibilities of Later Modifications, 462. — Modifications through the State, 464. — ^Regulation of Economic Interests, 464. — Government as an Umpire in Disputes, 466. — Improvement in Government, 467. — Economic Achievement, 468. — Changes in Economic Institutions, 470. — Illustrations of Economic Regulation, 471. — Science Should be Furthered, 472. —

CONTENTS XV

PAGB

Education for Economic Life, 473. — The State's Share

in this Education, 473 4S9

CHAPTER XXrX

The Pnrpoee of Public Education, 476. — Social Education, 4-S. — Supposed Antagonism of TJtiUty and Culture, 479. — Rise of Cultural Ideals, 481. — ^The Errois of Past Civilization, 4S1 . — Social Value of the Ideas of Culture, 482. — Agencies for Education, 483. — Sdentific Knowledge, 484. — Telic Multiphcation of Achievement, 485. — Group Achievement, 4S7. — Achievement tiirou^ the State, 487. — Class or General Education, 4SS. — Social Importance at the Democratic Ideal, 4S9 476

Chapter XXX

The Beginnings of Sociology, 491. — ^Later Developments, 402. — Theories of Superiority, 493. — ^Instruction in Sociology, 493. — Social Progress Not Inevitable, 494. — Importance of Physical En\-ironment, 495. — ^Necessity of Food Supplies, 496. — ^Xeed of Racial Vigor, 497. — Mentality of the Race, 49S. — Social Institutions Should be Flexible, 408. — Spiritual Aspect of National Life, 499. — The Religious Institution, 500. — A Religious Element in Sodolc^, 501. — Sociolc^cal Idealism, 502 . . . " . 491

BiBLIOGBAPHY 505

Index 537

Chapter I Society

The Field of Social Sdence. — Society, social, association, sociology, socialism — ^these and numerous other kindred words in ccanmon use show their relationship to the Latin word socius, the root meaning of which involves the notion of ccanpanionship or fellowship. This may be interpreted strictly, as to imply a real intimacy of relationship, or loosely, as to suggest merelj' contiguity or casual intercourse. In the same manner the word "society" may denote a union of persons closely knit together in sympathy and interests, or, on the other hand, a conventional grouping of htmian beings considered as a unit because of some assumed generic connection. In this latter sense all mankind may be considered as a society, since presumably all races have a common ancestry, a common type of physical body, and, in general, the same physical needs and the same fundamental psychic activities. In other words, they have a common human nature.

From this assumption it would be natural to argue that under similar conditions human beings would act in much the same way and would develop the same sort of social institutions. Of course, conditions rarely, if ever, are quite the same, and consequently there must be real variations in human experience ; yet notwithstanding these variations, there are approximations to similarity of conditions sufficiently close to enable the observation of resemblances and differences. This being the case, it is possible to consider society comprehensively, and to speak in a somewhat loose and general fashion of the stages of social evolution, the development of social institutions, and the laws of social progress, applying these notions to all mankind, ^ast or present, irrespective of race or degree of civilization. Such studies, when made, are naturally grouped together under a common heading as Social Science or Sociology.

Early Theories of Social Development. — It was common enough in the social science of the older, more idealistic sort, like that of Condorcet, for example, to assume the unity of all mankind and to generalize rather loosely in respect to humanity as a whole. Hence there came histories of civilization, philosophies of world history, and sweeping generalizations which were thought to apply indiscriminately to all races at all times and under widely varying conditions of environment. This attitude was largely due to the emphasis placed by the Eighteenth Century on environment and the consequent lack of an appreciation of the importance of heredity. In the Nineteenth Century, however, theories of social development became much more scientific through closer observation and the rise of newer sciences, so that charming generalizations about Humanity in general are not

SOQETY 3

favored except in Utopian literature. Still it must be admitted that some of the many attempts to set forth a comprehensive survey of human development are historically important, and a brief statement of these may prove helpful.

Hesiod's. Four Ages. — ^Ancient social philosophizing had teachings in respect to social evolution and usually assumed a gradual descent from a perfect age to the degenerate days in which the philosopher lived. This is most familiar to us in the tradition of the "fall of man" contained in the book of Genesis and elaborated in Milton's Paradise Lost. Hesiod (about the Eighth Century B.C.) in his Works and Days gives us the familiar classic description of the four ages of man :

First was a golden race of men, that with language are gifted.

Made by the gods immortal, who hold the Olympian dwellings.

They were in Kronos' time, when he was the ruler of Heaven.

Like to the gods they lived, and possessed their spirit untroubled.

Wholly exempt from toil and misery.^

Then followed in order descriptions of the ages of silver, bronze, and iron, though between the third and the fourth he inserted the Age of Heroes, the heroes of Thebes and Troy, in recognition of Hellenic greatness as narrated in Homeric epic and story. These four ages typified by the metals are most familiar to us through Ovid, who lived in the time of the Emperor Augustus, and who in his Metamorphoses (Book I) described them

^See W. C. Lawton, The Successors of Homer, p. 57.

along with the story of the flood sent by the gods because of human wickedness.

The Cycle Theory. — The famihar "cycle" theory of development is best given by Plato, Aristotle, and Polybius in discussing the various forms of government. Plato in his Republic, when seeking to find Justice "writ large," finds it best in a society organized under the control of an aristocracy, the rule of the wisest and best; society then in descending order degenerates into types hospitable to timocracy, oligarchy, democracy, and despotism, and characterized, respectively, by ambition, greed, demagogism, and tyranny. This is the natural cycle of human evolution, for in the last stage there comes a revulsion against the tyranny of despotism and a return to an aristocracy, from which again degeneration takes place, and men descend once more through the cycle.

The four stages of Ovid, the cycle theory, and the Hebraic "fall of man" remained as the dominant theories of human development down to modern times, though there were other theories, like that, for example, in which society is compared to a human body having stages of infancy, maturity, and senility, or like the teaching in St. Augustine's Civitas Dei that God is in human history, guiding it from immaturity to the perfection of a heavenly State. In the philosophizing of France in the Eighteenth and in the first half of the Nineteenth Centuries, however, historical stages of a social sort began to be emphasized, culminating in the ten epochs of Condorcet and the three stages of Comte.

The Ten Epochs of Condorcet. — Condorcet^ in his Historical View of the Human Mind, sought to

' He committed suicide 1794 to avoid execution at the guillotine. This work, written shortly before his death, was printed posthumously.

SOQETY 5

show that man in his history had gone through nine well defined epochs of civilization and vras about to enter the tenth and final epoch. He depicts the early stage as made up of w^andering hordes grouped into families and having a rude form of government, subsisting by hunting and fishing and having the beginnings of language, arts and morals. From this early stage he represents man as passing into pastoral and agricultural stages, followed by industries and commerce. He then traces the rise of philosophy and science, the decline of the latter in medievalism, its revival and rapid growth after the discovery of the art of printing and the broadening of men's ideas in the Eighteenth Century, culminating in the French Revolution. In his tenth q)och he sought to show, in anticipation, the glorious future lying before men, basing his argument on his belief that man was capable of unlimited perfectibility (within cosmic limitation) and asserting that society should seek to become free, equal, and happy, through modification of en\dronment and education. It is interesting to note in this chapter his suggestion that progress would become much more rapid in the future because of the inheritance of quaUties acquired by parents through education, the later Lamarckian theory of acquired characters.

Comte's Three Stages. — Comte, in his Positive Philosophy, following a suggestion of Turgot and to some extent the teachings of Condorcet and Saint Simon, worked out a theory of social development in his famous discussion of the three stages of the development of the human intellect, which, he argued, in satisfying its inherent need for the explanation of phenomena, passes historically through ( I ) the "theological" or anthropomorphical sbige, in which the himian mind assumes that supernatural beings, like man himself but more powerful, are the causes of phenomena; (2) the transitional "metaphysical" stage, which assumes the existence of universal abstract principles, like the abstract justice or universal reason of the Stoics, or the cosmic ether of scientific hypothesis, for example, as explanatory of phenomena ; and (3) the "positive" or scientific stage, in which explanations are sought by the methods of science only, namely, observation, comparison, experimentation. These three stages are then worked out with a wealth of detail in his Social Dynamics, devoted to the laws of human progress, and occupying about one-third of Positive Philosophy. Of this discussion John Stuart Mill ^ said : "There is scarcely a sentence that does not add an idea. We regard it as by far his greatest achievement, except his review of the sciences, and in some respects more striking even than that. We wish it were practicable ... to give even a faint conception of the extraordinary merits of this historical analysis. It must be read to be appreciated."

Five Other Theories of Development. — The rise of the Darwinian theory of natural selection and Spencer's evolutionary teaching, including his study of the development of social institutions, gave a new trend to discussions of human evolution. Five of these will be briefly mentioned in the following paragraphs as typical of the tendencies of modern thought.

(i) Spencer himself stressed the point that society, starting from the loose groupings of primitive savagery, evolved into a militaristic form of social organization, then into a transitional militaristic-industrial type, and finally will pass into an industrial stage. Each of these two fundamental types molds social institutions into its own pat-

'Auguste Comte and Positivism, p. 106 (Routledge edition.)

SOCIETY 7

tern; the one stem, hierarchical, autocratic; the other, sjTiipathetic, democratic, cooperative in spirit, becoming hvimanitarian and cosmopohtan .

(2) Gumplowicz in his Outlines of Sociology * (Part V) is agnostic in respect to the theory of a continuous human evolution and teaches a sort of cjrcle theory of progress and an evolution, not for humanity as a whole, but of selected groups or races. These, when conditions are favorable, make progress, attain a maximum, and then die of dry rot through loss of energy, or are overpowered by more vigorous barbarian races or by anarchical elements within their own body. He does not, therefore, look for a human evolution so much as for the "rise and fall of nations."

(3) An excellent illustration of how social development may be traced from an economic viewpoint may be found in Karl Biicher's Industrial Evolution. In his first four chapters he explains in a most interesting fashion the prominent aspects of economic conditions in primitive tropical life, and then shows the development of economic stages based, respectively, on the differentiating labors of the household, the village or city, and on the nation. In the later chapters he shows the effects of these various systems of labor in the formation of social classes and the distribution of population. The work as a whole indicates the methods of study that should be employed in respect to social institutions, so as to formulate data for later sociological study.

(4) Professor Patten in his Theory of Social Forces struck out on a different line of evolutionary discussion by taking as his basis the ancient discussion of the influence of pain and pleasure on human activities and ar-

* Crundriss der Sociologie, Annak translation (see Bibliography).

guing that human evolution is characterized first by a pain and then by a pleasure economy. A pain economy is a society whose "institutions have as their basis the fear of enemies and pain." The gist of his idea is continued in the following quotation:

The causes of a pain economy lie in the environment. Vigorous enemies deal out death and destruction so freely that the thought of isolated individuals is concentrated on the causes and remedies for pain. The development of human society has gradually eliminated from the environment the sources of pain. The civilized world has been freed from dangerous beasts and reptiles, and the growth of large nations has cut off the danger of invasion by barbarous and warlike human foes. . . . These changes make a pleasure economy possible and destroy the conditions which made the subjective environment of the old pain economy a necessity.

It is not, however, to be assumed that the transition to a pleasure economy is an easy one. On the contrary, it is a most difficult process and one fraught with many evils and dangers. So many of the fundamental ideas, ideals, and impulses of the race lose their efficiency through the change that mankind seems almost without a rudder to guide it through its new difficulties. Historical evidence would seem to prove that a pure pleasure economy is an impossibility. Nation after nation has gone down when utilities instead of pains have become the supreme object of interest. Individuals as well as nations show the deteriorating influence of pleasure as soon as they are freed from the restraints of a pain economy. This tendency to deterioration, however, is an evil that belongs only to the period of transition. . . .

In those regions where a pleasure economy is possible nation after nation has risen and fallen, without ever developing sufficient strength to resist the encroachments of enemies disciplined by a pain economy. A pleasure economy cannot be formed by any kind of a revolutionary process. There must be a long period of transition in which the lead-

SOCIETY 9

ing elements of the old economy are gradually lost and in their places the ideas, ideals, and impulses of a pleasure economy are substituted. The development of modern nations has been along this path. Without a conscious departure from the old ideals of state, morality, and religion, there has been a gradual substitution of certain ideals and impulses of a pleasure economy, until now all of our leading concepts are held in a dual form. One group of ideals and impulses is the conservator of past conditions, while blended with them is another group of ideals and impulses which is the outcome of the new conditions. Such a state of affairs cannot but be the cause of much confusion and distress. The only hope of progress lies in separating the present aggregate of forces into their elements and in finding to which group each ideal and impulse really belongs.

(5) As a final illustration, Professor Giddings in his Principles of Sociology gives in Book III, under the title "The Historical Evolution of Society," an anthropological series of stages in which human association is traced as zoogenic, anthropogenic, ethnogenic and demogenic. This last stage, the stage of civilization, he subdivides into three other stages, namely, the military-religious, the liberal-legal, and the economic-ethical, terms obviously descriptive of the ages to which they apply.