California under Spain and Mexico, 1535-1847 : a contribution toward the history of the Pacific coast of the United States, based on original sources (chiefly manuscript) in the Spanish and Mexican archives and other repositories

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Preface

HE present book, fruit of two years’ investigation in

California and of much research elsewhere, is designed both for the general reader and for the special student. Its object, first, is to provide, from the original sources, a readable yet concise narrative of the history of California under Spain and Mexico (1535-1847), and second, to equip the narrative with a sufficient apparatus of citation and criticism.

The Atlantic Coast of North America has been dealt with in works elaborate and minute. The Pacific Coast, on the contrary, is as yet nearly a virgin field, few critical monographs having been devoted to it. The consequence is that in this field it is necessary for the historical writer to use the sources directly; and these sources are almost wholly manuscript.

They are contained in two principal repositories, — the National Archives of Spain at Madrid and Sevilla, and the Central Archives of Mexico in Mexico City. For documents pertaining to navigation and exploration, the supreme repository is the General Archives of the Indies at Sevilla, and for documents pertaining to internal administration, the Archivo General, the Museo, and the Biblioteca Nacional of Mexico. In the case of the Spanish Archives, the writer has had the benefit of a tabulation of California materials prepared at Sevilla in 1910, at the instance of Dr. Francis §. Philbrick of the University of Nebraska, and Dr. H. Morse Stephens of the University of California. In the case of the Mexican Archives, he has had the benefit of a systematic search conducted in 1907 and 1908, vi PREFACE through the courtesy of the Carnegie Institution of Washington, by Dr. Herbert E. Bolton (now) of Leland Stanford University. Over three thousand index cards to documents bearing upon California were made by Dr. Bolton, and of the documents themselves the most important were copied in full.

Some manuscript material (copies) has been gathered from the British Archives (Public Record Office), through the courtesy of Dr. Ephraim D. Adams of Leland Stanford University, and much from national and private collections in the United States. The Library of Congress (Lowery Collection, New Mexico Documents, and Map Division) has proved rich in the extreme; and the same may be said of the Library of Harvard University (Sparks Collection), of the Lenox Library (Rich Collection), and of the Edward E. Ayer Collection in the Newberry Library in Chicago.

With regard to the collection gathered by Mr. Hubert Howe Bancroft of San Francisco, and now the property of the University of California, there is need of a special word. This unique mass of material affects not alone the history of California, but that of Louisiana, Texas, New Mexico, Arizona, Utah, Washington, Oregon, Old Mexico, Central America, and the Hawaiian Islands. For California its chief sources are: (1) Copies (largely abridged) of the early Spanish Archives of the state, in 69 volumes; ‘(2) the Vallejo Collection of twenty thousand original letters and papers, in 36 volumes; (3) the Thomas O. Larkin private correspondence, in 9 volumes, and correspondence as United States Consul at Monterey, in 2 volumes; (4) the private papers of prominent Californians, such as José de la Guerra of Santa Barbara, Manuel Castro of Monterey, Juan Bandini, José Ramén Pico and the Estudillos of San Diego, and others; (5) copies of Mission records and papers,

PREFACE Vii the most extensive being the records of Santa Barbara, in 12 volumes, and of the California Archbishopric, in 5 volumes; (6) copies of diaries of northern navigation (Viajes al Norte), copies of diaries and of miscellaneous documents gathered by M. Alphonse Pinart, under the title, Papelas Varios, the Mayer manuscripts (copies), and manuscript translations of the histories and papers of the Russian- Ameriean Company.

The serviceability of the Bancroft Collection, so far at least as California is concerned, is in a measure impaired by the circumstance that Mr. Bancroft and his corps of assistants used it well-nigh to exhaustion. Within the range of its materials, not much can be added to what the Bancroft History itself discloses; yet, despite size and value, the collection is limited in range and unsymmetrical in character. Neither by himself, nor through others, did Mr. Bancroft make any examination of foreign archives, — Mexican, Spanish, or British; and but little examination of foreign private manuscript collections or of domestic collections outside of California. For the period of early voyages and exploration in the Pacific, and of the occupation of California (1535-1770), the collection is very incomplete; and for subsequent periods it lacks, in whole or in part, many sets of documents of the first importance. These lacune, it is but just to observe, are better known to the curator of the collection than to any one else, and are being rapidly overcome by the addition of transcripts from the archives of Spain.

In the present book, the new materials for California history — those gleaned by the writer from foreign sources, and from home sources other than the Bancroft Collection, and such as have been gleaned by a careful reexamination of the Bancroft Collection itself—are in the case of each chapter listed and cited in notes at the end viii PREFACE of the volume. Many of the most valuable sources used. in the Bancroft History are cited in it as ‘“‘MS.” These sources, when cited in the notes, are assigned by volume and page to their place in the Bancroft Collection.

Attention is directed not alone to the text and notes, but to the accompanying maps, a list of which follows the table of contents. The map and the diagram (‘‘Spanish and American Trails of the Southwest affecting California,” and ‘Secularization in Alta California’’) and the chart of galleon routes in the Pacific have been prepared by special hands under the direction of the writer.

It has been said that by reason of the virgin character of the field, and of the lack therein of critical monographs, a writer upon Pacific Coast history is compelled to use his materials directly. Scattered as these are throughout the archives and collections of Europe and America, the task is not inconsiderable, for while much rewards him, much eludes his quest.

For services many and unwearied, the writer would express hearty acknowledgment to Miss Anna M. Beckley, head of the reference department of the Public Library of Los Angeles. He is also especially indebted to Miss Nellie M. Russ, librarian of the Pasadena Public Library, and to Miss Eudora Garoutte, head of the historical department of the California State Library at Sacramento. Others who have rendered aid are Dr. James A. Robertson of the Philippines Libraries, Manila, P. I., Dr. James R. Robertson of Berea College, Kentucky (author of the as yet unprinted monograph, “‘From Alcalde to Mayor’’), Miss Emma Helen Blair of Madison, Wisconsin (co-editor, with Dr. James A. Robertson, of the “Philippine Islands” series), Mr. Zoeth S. Eldredge of San Francisco (author of studies of the Anza routes), Fr. Zephyrin Engelhardt, O. F. M., of Santa Barbara, Mr. A. S. Macdonald of

PREFACE 1X

Oakland, Mr. Charles F. Lummis and Mr. George L. Lawson of Los Angeles, Mr. Frederick J. Teggart, curator of the Bancroft Collection, Mr. George Parker Winship, librarian of the John Carter Brown Library, Providence, Rhode Island, Mr. Reuben G. Thwaites of the Wisconsin Historical Society, Miss Ernestina Lépez of San Gabriel, Mr. Byron Olney Lovelace, head ranger of the San Jacinto Forest Reserve, and the librarian and staff of the Public Library of Muscatine, Iowa. eB re

MoscatTingE, Iowa, March 1, 1911.

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CONTENTS ka eB Cortis, CABRILLO, AND FERRELO irre MLONLGREY . . « . « « op ee 12 Tue Manita GALLEON

9 | ENncGuisu anp Russtans — Cérpova AND Las Casas eee iA NO Fs YSLA ..... . 6 © « « 42 Kino AND SALVATIERRA

V. REOCCUPATION OF MONTEREY, AND DISCOVERY eer oayY OF SAN FRANCISCO ... ...«. 62 Tue “Sacrep EXPEDITION”? or GALVEZ

VI. SAN FRANCISCO FOUNDED.......... 90 SonorA To THE SEA

VII. THE PROVINCIAS INTERNAS .........217 AtTaA CALIFORNIA ORGANIZED

VIII. STATE SECULAR VS. STATE SACERDOTAL .. . 142 Prepro FaGcss

Beeman BQUILIBRIUM. .... +. + « « « « 1859 ForEIGN PowErs — Priest AND NEOPHYTE ae eee PROBLEM OF SUBSISTENCE . ...)>.°.0.. . 185 GALLANTRY AND TRADE

XI. THE PROBLEM OF SUBSISTENCE (continvep) . . 210 PRIVATEER AND GENTILE

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Contents

THE “RIGHTS 20OF MAN 3 V0 ea SECULARIZATION PLANNED

FEDERALISM AND CENTRALISM ..

SECULARIZATION BEGUN

CHAPTER I DISCOVERY HE discovery of California — Lower and Upper (Baja

and Alta)—was a result of the idea that North America constituted a group of islands — an archipelago — near the coast of Asia, screening the latter with its silks and porcelains from European observation and approach.!

Of this idea, sixteenth-century cartography from 1501 to 1520 shows in numerous instances the prevalence and persistence. In the Ruysch map of 1508, ‘“‘Spagnola”’ is represented as off the coast of ‘‘Tebet Magni’’; in the Sylvanus map of 1511, Cuba, Hayti, and Labrador not only lie off the Asiatic coast, but are near one another; in the Da Vinci map of (circa) 1514, the group of islands consists of Cuba, Labrador, and Florida; while on the Nordenskiéld Gores of 1511-15 and the Schéner globes of 1515 and 1520, Cuba forms a group with Japan. And when, for certain regions, the idea in question had to be abandoned, cartography shows that it was abandoned reluctantly. The areas that once had been islands now were joined, but by bands tentative and easily to be sundered. On the Ptolemic map of 1530 and the Ruscelli map of 1544, Labrador and Florida are united by a slender isthmus, an isthmus that in the Miinster map of 1545 significantly gives place to a strait bearing the legend: Per hoc fretu iter patet ad Molucas. It is true that in the Castillo map of 1541, and other maps down to 1622, California is set down as peninsular, but in a whole series of maps dated between 1622 and 1746 the peninsula is replaced by an island.’

North America, then, while a barrier to Asia, was a barrier to be penetrated, and by the close of the first quarter of the sixteenth century various attempts to this end had been made: by John Cabot in 1497; by Gaspar and Miguel Cortereal in 1500-02; by Giovanni da Verrazzano in 1524. But the only attempt that thus far could in any wise be accounted successful was by Fernao de Magalhaes (Magellan) in 1520, and it was by way, not of North America, but of the continent to the south.

The fact, however, that one strait from sea to sea had unquestionably at last been found, stimulated search for another, and among those most ardent in this search was Hernan Cortés. In his Carta Cuarta (Fourth Dispatch) to Charles V, dated October 15, 1524, Cortés ventures the opinion that a strait will be discovered ‘‘on the Florida [Atlantic] Coast, running into the South Sea [Pacific]’’; and that ‘‘if found according to a true chart [which he has] of that part of the sea near the archipelago which Magellan discovered, it seems that it [the strait] must issue very near there [the archipelago]. . . . If,’’ he continues, ‘‘it please our Lord that the said strait joins there, the voyage to the Spice Islands will be so convenient for these your Majesty’s dominions that it will be two thirds shorter than the present course,* and without any hazard to the ships in going or coming; for the voyage will be entirely among states and countries [large and rich] belonging to your Majesty. Therefore,” concludes Cortés, ‘“‘acquainted as I am with a ee

CORTES, CABRILLO, AND FERRELO 5 your Majesty’s desire of knowing this strait, . . . I have laid aside all other profits and advantages . . . in order to follow entirely this course.” 4

And follow it the Spanish leader did with characteristic determination. In 1526 he made ready to send a fleet from Zacatula, but was prevented by a royal order diverting the vessels to the relief of the missing navigator Jofre de Loaysa. In 1532 he did send (from Acapulco) Diego Hurtado de Mendoza and Juan de Mazuela with two ships; and in 1533 (from Tehuantepec), Diego Bezerra de Mendoza and Hernando de Grijalva with two ships. By the first expedition nothing of importance was accomplished; but by the second, —or rather by Bezerra’s ship, after the latter through a mutiny had passed under the control of Fortuno Ximénes, chief pilot, — Lower California was discovered at Santa Cruz Bay.

Here was something tangible both towards ‘‘large and rich countries” (the bay was reputed rich in pearls) and towards new islands and straits (the spot was reached by sailing away from the mainland), and Cortés resolved to inspect it personally. He set forth in 1535, and on May 3 anchored at Santa Cruz (La Paz). It was while here, between 1535 and 1537, endeavoring to found a colony, that the Spanish leader, according to the historian Herrera, called the waste about him California; and that, according to Bernal Dfaz, he and his island (su isla) were heartily cursed by his followers, — a starving band.®

Cortés in 1540 returned to Spain, but meanwhile (1539) one of his captains at La Paz (Francisco de Ulloa) explored the Gulf of California to the mouth of the Colorado River, proving as conclusively as ineffectually that California was not an island.° Meanwhile, also, Don Antonio de Mendoza, Viceroy of New Spain, and Pedro de Alvarado, Governor of Guatemala, allured by a fabulous tale of treasure to the northwest, — the tale of the Seven Cities of Cibola, — prepared, each, an expedition to fare in quest of it, — the Coronado-Alarcén expedition of Mendoza, and the so-called Navidad expedition of Alvarado. By the one, or rather the Alarcén part of it, the Gulf of California (Domingo del Castillo, piloto) was reéxplored and its shores charted.’ By the other there was brought to notice the Portuguese navigator, Juan Rodriguez Cabrillo.

It is to Cabrillo that the discovery and exploration of the California of to-day — the California that forms a part of the American Union — was due. This captain had been hired by Alvarado for his projected expedition to the north, and upon the death of the latter, which occurred in 1541, Cabrillo was confirmed in employment by Mendoza. He was intrusted with two small ships, — the San Salvador and the Victoria, — and with them sailed from La Navidad on June 27, 1542. On September 28 he came to anchor in San Diego Bay, at the southwestern extremity of Upper or Alta California, and on October 18 landed at San Miguel Island. Here he had the misfortune to fall and break his arm near the shoulder. On January 3, 1543, Cabrillo died from the effects of his broken arm, at San Miguel, where his ships had temporarily returned, and the command devolved on Bartolomé Ferrelo, a native of the Levant. Before expiring, Cabrillo had given orders that the work of discovery was in nowise to be intermitted because of him; and under Ferrelo it was carried (by March 1) as far north as 42°, — the latitude of the boundary line, as later established, between California and Oregon.

It will thus be seen that by the expedition under Juan Rodriguez the entire coast line, or western boundary, of Alta California was traversed. Nor was the task inadequately performed. The ships crept warily along from

CORTES, CABRILLO, AND FERRELO 7 point to point, anchoring at night and exploring by day. So progressing, it was noted that just below San Diego the bare, sandy land which had extended from ‘‘the extremity of Lower California [Cape San Lucas] to this place,” gave way to “‘a country of beautiful vegetation”; that the course of the ship was closely watched by the Indians, for ‘“‘great signal smokes were kindled on shore”’; that, indeed, Indians could be induced to come on board, and that they spoke of “‘men like us traveling in the interior,’ — men “‘with beards, and armed with cross-bows and swords, and riding on horseback’’; that lying off the coast were a number of large islands, — Las Islas de San Lucas, — the islands of the Santa Barbara Channel; that near Punta de Arenas there were visible ‘‘grand sierras covered with snow,” and that northward from Cape San Martin “‘all the coast is very bold with mountains that rise to the sky, and against which the sea beats, and which appear as if they would fall upon the ships,’ — La Sierra Nevada. It moreover was noted that around Cape Mendocino (not then named) the winds were boisterous and the sea high, so that, ‘‘coming from many parts and breaking over the ships,” it forced the seamen as good Spaniards and devout Catholics to ‘‘commend themselves to our Lady of Guadalupe” and to ‘‘make their wills.” °

By way of boundary for Alta California on the east, naught in the sixteenth century existed, save, to the north, mountains, and to the south, desert and the Colorado River. Of these the mountains stood in a grandeur as yet unlooked upon; while the desert and the river had been scanned, the former by Friar Marcos and the followers of Coronado, and the latter by Ulloa and Alarc6n. Yet, undefined as the eastern boundary of necessity was, there lay between it (in the course that one day it was to take) and the Pacific a world of natural wonders, — wonders of topography, of climate, and of living things.

In the topographical domain came first the Coast Range, extending from the present Oregon to Point Conception, and attaining an elevation of between two thousand and eight thousand feet. Below Point Conception this range was broken by small, fertile valleys, drained seaward by slender rivers. Above the Point, the range near its centre gave way suddenly to the passage since known as the Golden Gate; °® while north of its centre it was pierced by deep canyons conducting rivers that were turbulent and swift. Next came the Sierra Nevada Range, mingling with the Coast Range at the north, and then, after a sharp divergence to the east, extending south for some four hundred miles, to mingle again with the latter at Tehachapi and the heights of San Rafael, — a conjunction serving later to demark Northern from Southern California.

The Sierra Nevada Range, steep on its eastern face, comprehended the most imposing examples of North American scenery. Two of its peaks (Whitney and Shasta) peered sublimely down 14,522 and 14,440 feet. One of its valleys (Death Valley) crouched 200 feet below sea level. Its passes averaged 11,000 feet. One of its waterfalls (the Yosemite) plunged to a death in spray at 2600 feet. Its forests contained the largest and oldest of growing things on earth, — trees 300 feet high and over 30 feet in diameter; trees between three thousand and five thousand years old, — older than the Spanish monarchy and all Christendom; while from an altitude of 8000 feet, more than a thousand lakes mirrored the clouds and flashed back the sun.

Separating the Coast Range and that of the Sierra Nevada, lay a great plain, four hundred miles long and between thirty-five and sixty miles wide; ?° and this, from

CORTES, CABRILLO, AND FERRELO 9 the north and south respectively, was drained by two partially navigable streams (the Sacramento and the San Joaquin), which poured their combined waters into the sheltered basin now known as San Francisco Bay. Nor was this all, for, skirting the base of the Sierra Nevada," there stretched to the Colorado River miles upon miles of alkaline desert, — desert sought valiantly to be reclaimed by sentinel yucca and sprawling cactus, but everywhere white, sun-tortured, and drear.

In respect to climate, Alta California presented that diversity which might be looked for in a region extending through nearly ten degrees of latitude, and composed of seacoast, mountain, valley, and plain. A cold current washed the coast as far south as Point Conception, — a current attended by fogs and humidity; but below the Point the coast was deflected sharply to the eastward. This deflection gave to the southern part immunity from cold on the west; while the Sierra Nevada on the northeast was a great wall shielding that part from continental rigors, and husbanding its sunshine.’ Here in summer the winds prevailed from the northwest, bringing drought; and in winter from the southeast, bringing rain; and with the rain came, first, greenness, and then, throughout all the valleys and to the summits of the hills, a riotous procession of the flowers, — golden poppies, buttercups, daisies, pinks, nemophilas, roses, violets, larkspurs, and lilies; purple pressing hard upon gold; blue upon purple; and pink and white upon blue.!* The land, withal, at least in the coast valleys, was vexed by no violent storms of thunder and lightning, though there were not infrequent shocks of earthquake.

Last of the wonders mentioned as embraced within the limits of California at the time of the discovery were living things; and these were as varied as the topography and the climate. Along the coast might be found the whale, the sea-otter, and the seal; in the mountains, the grizzly and the brown bear, the puma, the wildcat, and the mountain sheep; in the forests and opens, the elk, the black-tailed deer, and the antelope. The thickets and streams swarmed with grouse, geese, and ducks. The air harbored the eagle, the vulture, song-birds, butterflies, and bees. On the desert, lending in a literal sense piquancy to the sands, there lurked the rattlesnake, the gila monster, the scorpion, and the tarantula.

Man alone among the sentient orders seemed inferior in his réle. The California Indian —he of the typical eighteen small tribes of central California (and excepting always the Athapascdn of the extreme northwest, the Shoshone and Yuma of the southeast, and the Chumash of the Santa Barbara Channel coasts) 14— was short in stature, dark of color, flat of nose, filthy in habit, a laggard in war, and a poor hunter. He dwelt near the water-courses in villages (rancherias) of dome-shaped huts of reeds, fed upon acorns and seeds, and painted his body. His female was skilled in mats and basketry; but male or female he, ethnically considered, was so far inchoate as to be without the totem, without clan organization. His religion, too (as discriminated from his philosophy), was Shamanism, — wizardism; a religion rendering him a facile dupe to the conjurations of the medicine man. In temper he was docile, and he eschewed the tomahawk, the taking of scalps, and the torture of prisoners; yet, for these very reasons, when compared on the one hand with the Iroquois or Dakota of the north, or on the other with the Apache, Navajo, Mojave, or Yuma of the south, he revealed a paucity of vigor — physical, mental, and spiritual — that was palpable.'®

But concerning Alta California from the point of view of

CORTES, CABRILLO, AND FERRELO 11 its natural wonders, for the present enough. It has been the object of this chapter to show how the early Spaniards in North America, partakers of the spirit of Spain under Charles V, were led in their quest (on the course to Asia) for golden isles and treasured cities, to explore the western, and in part the eastern confines of the California region. It will be the object of the next chapter to relate how this region came to be visited with a view to its permanent occupation.

CHAPTER II OCCUPATION OF MONTEREY HE discovery by Magellan (1521) of an archipelago

near China (the Philippine Islands) effectually disposed of the theory that North America was merely a group of outposts to Asia; but room was left for the belief that the land, though a continent, was traversed by an interoceanic strait, later called Anian,! connecting the Gulf of St. Lawrence with the North Pacific Ocean.

If such a strait existed, the fact was important to Spain, for by means of a passage the sea route from Spain to Asia would, as Cortés himself was to point out, be vastly shortened. Spain, however, having at last finished the work of Columbus and discovered the ‘‘ Western Islands’”’ (the Philippines), was for the moment too deeply engrossed in seeking to confirm her conquest, to bestow much thought upon Anian; a mental state which in the somewhat curious course of its working-out gave rise to a first attempt to occupy Upper California.

Magellan’s expedition came to an end with the return to Spain, in 1522, of one ship, the Victoria. In 1525 Garcia Jofre de Loaysa was sent to continue the work of Magellan, but his ships met with disaster. In 1526 Sebastian Cabot was sent on a like errand, but he got no farther than the coast of South America at the mouth of the Rio de la Plata. Hereupon (1526) Cortés, who had been diligently building ships with which to discover ‘‘rich countries”’ (insular, Amazonian, or what not), together with that strait which he was convinced issued ‘‘very near’ Magellan’s archipelago, was directed by Charles V to send ships

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Then came 1556. In that year Charles V abdicated his throne, kingly and imperial, and Philip II, so far as in him lay, succeeded to the kingly part. To this time the Moriscos (Christianized descendants of the Moors, and ever in Spain the most valued element industrially) had carried on in comparative peace their varied vocations. In the Alpujarras, southeast of Granada, they cultivated the fig, the pomegranate, and the orange, as also hemp and the cereals. Here was grown the mulberry for its silk; and here, in the valleys and alpine pastures, were herded great flocks of merino sheep for their wool. Through the Moriscos, the cities of Spain (Cérdova, Toledo, Segovia, Sevilla, Valencia, Valladolid, Granada) were become centres of manufactures and of trade. Cérdova was famed for its leather, and Toledo for its blades. As late as 1552 Segovia employed thirteen thousand men (mostly Moriscos) in the woolen manufacture; and after Philip’s accession a like number were employed in Sevilla in operating her sixteen thousand looms for wool and silk.®

For the products named, and for others, an important outlet was New Spain. Ever since Cortés in 1519 had established in Mexico the port of Vera Cruz, supplies of all kinds — food, wine, clothing, implements, accoutrements, arms — had annually been sent hither and exchanged for the precious metals. And the cargoes had constantly become greater. The stock of gold rifled by Spain from the Indians had not lasted long,* but with the discovery in 1545 of the Peruvian silver-mines of Potos{, and in 1548 of the Mexican mine of Zacatecas, — the former the raison d’éire for the Panama town of Porto Bello, — silver bullion to the amount of 11,000,000 pesos per annum® had in considerable part been available to colonial Spaniards for the purchase of those silks, velvets, laces, ribbons, buttons, and gewgaws, which, originally the habit and fancy of the hated Moor, had now become indispensable to the Spaniard himself.