Rugby, Tennessee : being some account of the settlement founded on the Cumberland Plateau by the Board of Aid to Land Ownership, limited ....

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Introduction

Je Rugby (England) and Rugby (Tennessee): The Link

To the singing of “Jerusalem the golden” and of the psalms — “Lord who shall dwell in thy tabernacle” and “Except the Lord build the house’, Tom Hughes’ ‘colony’ was ceremoniously opened at Rugby, Tennessee, on October 5, 1880. Its name indicates that much of its inspiration came from the English public school of which Tom Hughes was perhaps the best known “old boy” because of his fictionalised account of the life there in Tom Brown's School Days (1857). Rugby, Tennessee was described by Hughes as “the last castle in Spain I am ever likely to build”.! He embarked on it because he was convinced “that the English distemper” was ‘“‘a determination of blood to the head and heart”, and that the remedy was “to carry it to the extremities’.2 “Head and heart” had been familiar words at Rugby, England, nearly half a century before, because its great headmaster, Dr. Thomas Arnold, had used them fifty years before in a letter to the Sheffield Courant castigating factory owners who advertised for “hands”.

“I beseech you, Sir” (wrote Arnold) “observe the very expressions that are used, for they are all significant. What he wants of his fellow creatures is the loan of their hands: of their heads and hearts he thinks nothing”’.3

Belief in Arnold’s conjunction of head, hands and heart led Hughes, as a fledgling barrister, to the group that gravitated round the Chaplain of Lincoln’s Inn, F.D. Maurice. He found two old Rugbeians—the Rev. Septimus Hansard and Charles Mansfield—and a remarkable conveyancer who had seen socialism burgeoning in Paris, J.M. Ludlow, and warned Maurice that unless it was Christianised, socialism would destroy Christianity. Maurice responded by canonising “projects of men for universal societies, unbounded pantisocracies” as earthly counterparts of heaven, sanctified by the words of the Lord’s Prayer “thy will be done on earth, as it is in heaven”. They established a journal called The Chrastzan Socialist whose readers Hughes playfully warned on May 2, 1850 that unless co-operative producer societies were established “a man with capital would have no choice but to take his money and go to the land of free and enlightened competition where [he could] wallop his own nigger—the United States of America, Sir”.

Hughes and Ludlow commissioned a communal house from a builders’ co-operative. Designed by another Christian Socialist, F.C. Penrose, on the Ridgeway at Wimbledon overlooking the Surrey Hills, it housed both their expanding families. Hughes further indicated his Christian Socialist fervour by calling his eldest son after the “spiritual” leader of the movement F.D. Maurice, and wrote for him a story that so amazed Alexander Macmillan (who wrote forThe Chrestzan Socialist under the name of Amos Yates) that he published it. This was Tom Brown’s School Days. From its appearance on April 24, 1857 under the pseudonym “An Old Boy”, it was a best seller. The Tzmes described it as the “truest, liveliest and most sympathetic description of a unique phase of English life that [had] yet been given to the public”. It was reprinted more than once a year till the end of the century. If Robenson Crusoe fabulised the entrepreneurial ideology of the emergent industrial bourgeoise, Tom Brown’s School Days glorified simple manliness and self reliance, and their crucibles, public schools and the games fields.

Underneath it all however pulsed the spirit of Christian brotherhood, which as Ludlow argued, had to animate any associative enterprise or team. Ludlow laid down the rules of the great social game which the Christian Socialist team was playing when he spoke of “an institution where agricultural and manufacturing labour shall be carried on . . . for a sufficient, full remuneration and under regular, intelligent and friendly discipline”. “I wish it to become” he wrote in Fraser's Magazine in January 1850, “in every parish, in the model form or the model factory, or rather both in one, as well as the model school, the model congregation”.

Hughes expressd himself ready to take “full whack as executor and endurer”, a role which he discharged so energetically and amiably that he has been described as “the centre” of the Christian Socialist movement.? Where the cloth of clergymen like Maurice, Kingsley and Septimus Hansard might excite suspicion, the muscle and bearing of Hughes (a good boxer) enforced respect. Not for nothing did he lecture to the Working Men’s College (the first “church” of the Christian Socialists) on the Manliness of Christ, who fought against dead formulae and vested interests.

Such was his model, not a suffering Neitszchean Christ. He imitated this Christ by attending meetings at six in the morning where the Christian Socialists, known after 1850 as the Society for Promoting Working Men’s Associations, set about financing co-operative workshops for tailors, builders, printers, bankers, needlewomen, pianoforte-makers and smiths. These workers owned and managed their own workshops, divided profits and educated themselves in the principles of brotherhood and selfsacrifice. In financing these ventures, the Christian Socialists gave all they could—one of them, E.V. Neale, lost some £60,000 in three years. They also missionised in Lancashire and Yorkshire.

These early morning meetings convinced Hughes and Neale that the law as it stood inhibited the further growth of producer as well as consumer co-operatives, and as a Chancery lawyer, Hughes resented the power of trustees. So he, Ludlow and Neale organised deputations to the Home Secretary and secured the passage of the Industrial and Provident Societies Act in 1852 which has been described as “in some respects the most important piece of social legislation of the century” ,5 since it gave them status as corporate entities before the law.

To explain the provisions of the Act the Christian Socialist Society for Promoting Working Men’s Associations convened a conference of co-operative delegates from all over the country. Held in the Working Tailors Hall (earlier built for them by a builders’ co-operative) this proved to be the first of a continuing series of co-operative congresses which took over leadership of the movement. Because this leadership was in the direction of consumer co-operation, Tom Hughes did not flinch from attacking their preoccupation with their pockets— “Kangaroo co-operation” he called it.

Ill.

As a Chancery barrister, Hughes was not helped by his radical enthusiasms. One solicitor, whose firm “could have made any young barrister’s fortune”, turned away from Hughes’ door at Lincoln’s Inn when he saw a black West Indian emerge. Perhaps he would have left even faster had he known the West Indian had come to seek Hughes’ help for his compatriots.®

He was helped by his writing. Following the success of Tom Brown’s School Days he was, of course, in great demand, and when Nicholas Trubner, a publisher of American books in England, invited him to edit the Beglow Papers, he responded. In doing so, he struck up an immediate rapport with their author, James Russell Lowell, describing him as “beyond question entitled to take his place in the first rank, by the side of the great political satirists of ancient and modern Europe”. Hosea Biglow was a transatlantic Tom Brown with all Tom Brown’s religious sense (“you got to get up early if you want to take in God”) and determination to fight for the right (“Conciliate! that just means be kicked!’’)

By September 14, 1861 Hughes was being singled out by the Saturday Review as the leading English advocate of the idea of immediately freeing the slaves: a reputation that drew young Henry Adams to him as an ideal contact with the progressives. And the North responded to his championship of their cause, so much so that when he visited the United States in 1870 he was given an almost regal welcome, so regal that he choked with emotion before a large and distinguished audience in the Boston Music Hall on October 10, 1870 as he expressed a hope that if “someday the old islander should want a name on the back of one of his bills of indebtedness, America will sign it”.

That some day was nearer than he thought, for soon afterwards business men began to complain about the “Great Depression”. Their complaints have been described as possibly “a psychological reaction to a field of narrowed opportunity rather than as an objective description of what was economically the case”’.7

‘Narrowed opportunity’ was especially true of the young. For up to 1876 the birth rate had been steadily rising, the 36.3 per thousand of that year being the highest so far recorded.8 And around them grew an ever increasing number of examinational hurdles designed to recruit on competence rather than patronage. Middle class public schoolboys now faced ever sterner competition both from their own class and from classes below them as entry to the professions began to depend on examinations. Another factor was technological change which impacted on the working classes as well. “If they do not rise here, they rise elsewhere ; they leave the country” said one of the miners’ leaders. He voiced the opinion of many others whose unions had organised emigration funds for at least three decades. A National Emigration League was organised by the editor of the working-men’s paper The Beehive, whilst the British Iron Moulders solicited their American counterparts to secure recognition of their union cards,9 and British cooperators established relations with a Co-operative Society in the Mississippi Valley. 10

IV.

Even Hughes was discouraged. He lost his parliamentary seat in 1874 and failed to get adopted elsewhere. Then his attempts to spread the co-operative principle in collieries, mills and other industrial enterprises collapsed in 1875. He was even howled down at the Church of England Congress.

But his worst problem was his nine children. Five of them were boys, who like their co-equals faced job problems in the seventies. He had already made arrangements for his son Jim to settle in Canada in 1870, but in 1874 Jim moved to Colorado, then to Texas, where Jim Hughes found life on the range infinitely preferable to the examination-ridden immobilisme of England. And as trade revived in the United States after 1878, working men began to turn their faces westward as well. The secretary of the British Ironfounders suggested to his members that America would become “the land of Goschen for the despised sons of toil in the old country”.!i So emigration to the United States began, surged in the early eighties, increasing by 83 per cent in the first five years of the decade over the numbers in the previous five years of the seventies. This brought the annual average of English immigrants above the quarter million mark.

We

Amongst that exodus, the few settled by Tom Brown were miniscule indeed, but they evoked this book. That they had a place to settle in at all was due to a scheme of some Boston financiers for settling some unemployed Bostonians in the Cumberland Hills of Tennessee. When the revival of trade made this unnecessary they contacted Tom Hughes and his friends, who promptly sent over John Boyle to survey the site. He was impressed and told Hughes and his friends so. Among these friends was a very successful London solicitor, Sir Henry Kimber who had settled two of his own six sons in Natal, South Africa and listed himself in Who’s Who as persuing commercial enterprises . He also was active in promoting another settlement in New Zealand which was very successful. Kimber’s presence was invaluable. for land titles were very difficult in Tennessee.!3 Others who joined the Board of Aid to Land Ownership (the Anglo-American concern of which Hughes became president) were the Earl of Airlie, with his son Lord Ogilvie .

So the Board bought 7,000 acres at the beginning of 1879 for a town and another 33,000 acres, in scattered lots, for farms. Emigrant public school boys could borrow money at 6 per cent, and were, at the cost of £60 to £70 a year to be taught to farm. The American manager Cyrus Clarke (whom Hughes’ brother,

Hastings, described as ‘‘a psalm singing old humbug” and constantly referred to him as ‘The Deacon”) was commissioned to make terms for buying another 360,000 acres.

To check up on him the English members of the Board sent over John Boyle, and Hughes himself followed in August 1880 with the Earl of Airlie, Lord Ogilvie and others interested in the venture.

Met at the station for Rugby (Sedgemoor, later called Rugby Road) by five Tom Browns~—all from public schools, Hughes rejoiced to find the hotel and the store built (but not furnished) and a tennis court laid out. This was the visit when he made the speech quoted at the beginning of the article. He left soon after, entrusting the colony (as it was called) to a consortium of three Englishmen (his brother Hastings, John Boyle and Amos Hill who had emigrated to the U.S.A. thirty years before), and two Americans (Cyrus Clark [“the Deacon”]and Franklin Smith [the American who had first approached him]).

To the colony also went the profits from the book Macmillan published five months after his return: Rugby, Tennessee. They were to be spent on “needed public buildings and improvements at Rugby’. Those “public buildings” were soon under way: a library for the 7,000 books (contributed by thirty eight publishers and societies), a place of worship —Christ Church—complete with altar cloths and an imported organ, and the Tabard Inn, soon furnished to cater for visitors like Charles A. Dana and his daughters. A $30,000 road was built up from the station. From January 1881 the first monthly magazine began to appear: The Rugbezan. Four months later Tom Hughes’ eighty-four year old mother arrived to take up residence, a sure index of her son’s buoyant confidence in the colony's future.

She may have enjoyed the brilliant, rainless summer, but the colonists didn’t, for by August 10 typhoid broke out. Seventeen people died. Land sales stopped. Tourists stayed away. The Board of Aid became touchy and The Rugbezan began to attack Boyle’s management. Purchases of land were dogged by lawsuits over imperfect titles.

Hughes was desolate. He rented his London house and sent his youngest son George to America. He had to ask for help from his friends; Lord Ripon gave £1,000 and Sir Henry Kimber went out to Rugby and returned to raise $275,000 to put the colony on its feet. Boyle was replaced as manager by an American, Robert Walton. Symbolising the turn of events The Rug bezan (which had folded up in October 1882) was revived as The Plateau Gazette.

A canning factory and tile yard were started and a school

(called after Dr. Arnold—who else?) opened in January 1885 with five pupils.

But Hughes had another disappointment to come. Visiting the colony to see his mother, he was visited himself by his youngest son George, whom he was “financing” to raise cattle in Texas, where his nephew was also farming. Indeed it was the nephew’s letters that he had introduced in yet another book Gone to Texas (1884). Now in 1886 after he showed his own son George several plots, the vineyard, and the stores, he offered him the managership or even ownership. But George would have none of it, and back he went to Texas, where Tom continued to help him. George was right. Only 32 land sales had been made in the last four years as opposed to 74 in the first two. These were of town sites, and, what is worse, at a dropping price. The Tabard Inn burned down in 1886 and its replacement, uninsured, was about to be burned.

Hughes finally sold his own plots in 1892 and characteristically gave the money to the headmaster of the Arnold School and to the men who worked the plots. This was a year after the Board of Aid sold out to the Rugby Tennessee Co. Ltd. of England, which in 1899 sold out to the Rugby Land Co. — an American company.

VI.

It was virtually a solo venture. The public schools were not behind him. On the contrary, the leading spirit of that collectivity, the H.M.C.—and one of its prime movers—Edward Thring, the headmaster of Uppingham wrote to his son on October 30, 1882:

“I am exceedingly anxious that you should not emigrate to America—the United States that is. . . They started into national existence on a _ political plea for rebellion, which will justify rebellion and produce it, whenever there is a screw loose, till the end of their history. They have based their national fabric on the stupendous lie that all men are equal, not only in the eye of the law, but as men. They have added to that the equally stupendous hypocrisy of despising the negro more than any other nation had done”. 14

Yet Thring’s was not the only son to flee across the Atlantic in search of a more open life. The son of the headmaster of Bradfield, Don, joined the Canadian North West Mounted Police and his father, realising the need for more ‘adventure’ in education bought in 1909 a 2,840 acre ranch near Calgary to train Bradfield schoolboys. Like Hughes twenty years before, he went out himself but it was too much for him and he returned home and it was sold in 1929.15 Like Rugby, Tennessee this behavioural farm for public schoolboys was no commune. Nothing as small can be run at such a long range.

1, His wife's uncle was Richard Ford who is generally credited with the introduction of Amontillado sherry into England.

2, E.C. Mack and W.H.G. Armytage, Thomas Hughes: The Life of the Author of Tom Brown’s School Days, Ernest Benn, 1952, p. 228.

3. T. Arnold, Letters of the Sheffield Courant.

4. C.E. Raven,Christian Socialism 1848-1854, Macmillan, 1920, p. 131: Tarben Christensen, Orzgin and History of Chrastean Socralism, Aarhus, 1962.

6. Mack and Armytage, p. 63.

7, J.A. Banks, Prosperity and Parenthood: A Study of Family Planning Among the Victorian Middle Classes, Routledge and Kegan Pauly LOba Ao)

8. B.R. Mitchell and Phyllis Deane, Abstract of British Historical Statistics, Cambridge at the University Press, 1962, pp. 29-30: B.

R. Mitchell and H.E. Jones, Second Abstract of British Historical Statestecs, Cambridge at the University Press, 1971, p. 21.

9. C. Erikson,““The Encouragement of Emigration by British Travel Unions 1850-1900,” Population Studies, Vol. III, pp. 248-277; R.V. Clements,’ Trade Unions and Emigration 1840-18807 zb¢d., Vol. IX, pp. 167-180.

10. Mack and Armytage, p. 214.

1. Erikson, p. 271.

12.$.C. Johnson, A Hestory of Emigration from the United Kingdom to North America 1763-1921, P.S. King, 1913, pp. 344-347.

4. G.R. Parkin, Edward Thring. . .The Life Diary and Letters, London, MacMillan and Co., 1898, Vol. II, p. 239.

15. Gray of Bradfield: A Memoir, Oxford University Press, 1931.

‘There need be no hesitation in affirming that colonisation in the present state of the world is the very best affair of business in which the capital of an old and wealthy country can possibly engage.”— JOHN STUART MILL.

“Ts it possible that I, who get indefinite quantities of sugar, hominy, cotton, buckets, crockery ware, and letter paper, by simply signing my name once in three months to a cheque in favour of John Smith and Co., traders, get the fair share of exercise to my faculties by that act, which nature intended for me in making all these farfetched matters important to my comfort? It is John Smith himself, and his carriers, and dealers, and manufacturers ; it is the sailor, the hide-dresser, the butcher, the negro, the hunter, and the planter, who have intercepted the sugar of the sugar and the cotton of the cotton. They have got the education, I only the commodity. This were all very well if I were necessarily absent, being detained by work of my own, like theirs, work of the same faculties, then should I be

- sure of my hands and my feet ; but now I feel some shame before my woodchopper, my ploughman, and my cook, for they have some sort of selfsufficiency, they can contrive without my aid to bring the day and year round, but I depend on them, and have not earned by use a right to my arms and feet.”—R. W. EMERSON.

*

Preface

TuIs book is the best answer which the founders of Rugby, Tennessee, can at present make to the large and rapidly increasing number of questions which reach them from all parts of the United Kingdom about that settlement. These inquiries, speaking roughly, are addressed mainly to three points—(1) The class of persons for whom the place is intended ; (2) What it is like; (3) Its prospects.

Part I. of the book deals with the first question ; and I hope will sufficiently indicate the views of the founders. They will gladly welcome any persons who like to join them; but those whom they have specially in their minds are, young men of good education and small capital, the class which, of all others, is most overcrowded to-day in England. The experience of the past six months has proved that such an outlet— indeed that many such—are needed. It has also proved that, except in rare instances, the young men who go out are not able at once to earn their living, and that they should not be sent out under the age of eighteen at earliest. The Board strongly recommend that boys and young men should be placed, for a year at least, with one of the present settlers to vi PREFACE.

learn their business, which can be done at a cost of from £60 to £70 for the year’s board, lodging, and teaching.

The letters to the Spectator, which form Part IL, written on the spot last autumn (and reprinted by kind permission of the Editors), give my own first impressions of the site and surroundings, more accurately, I believe, than anything I could now write on the subject. They are printed without alteration, in order that they may remain, and be taken as, first impressions only. At the same time I may add that on going over the proofs I see scarcely anything which I should have to modify were I to sit down now to write them over again.

Part III, and especially Colonel Killebrew’s report and the glossary, will enable readers to judge of the present condition and prospects of the settlement. Colonel Killebrew is the Minister of Agriculture of the State of Tennessee, and the highest authority on all matters connected with land in those parts.

The Board is glad to take this opportunity of thanking him for his valuable paper, which, coming from an entirely independent quarter, may be safely relied on as to the quality and capabilities of the soil on the plateau, in and around Rugby. They have always warned intending settlers that they will have to work hard, and with intelligence, in order to succeed in farming on the Cumberland plateau; and have stated their own conviction that such conditions are far better than those (if indeed they exist anywhere)

PREFACE. Vil where settlers have only to scratch the soil to get heavy crops for any number of consecutive years. They are aware that more rapid returns may probably be looked for in other parts of the States, both in the west and to the south of Rugby, where the Alabama Southern Railway Company, through their English management, are offering great advantages to the same class of settlers for whom Rugby is intended, But there will be need of many more Rugbys before the present demand is adequately met; and, meantime, they are glad to find their own anticipations borne out, and to be able to recommend their settlement as one well fitted in all respects as a home for young Englishmen.

Readers who desire to pursue the matter further, and to watch the growth of Rugby, Tennessee, may do so by reading the monthly paper which the settlers are publishing, under the name of the Rugbevan, and which may be procured in this country.

—y watt

Sketiat "7

Part II. A New Home—first Impressions

CHAPTER L£

PAGE

Lire IN AN AMERICAN LINER : : , . : 29 CEA EER:

Tor CUMBERLAND MountTaAINsS . ‘ ; ; F 36 COUSIN 10h

LiFe IN TENNESSEE . : F ; : P ; 44 CHAPTER IV.

A Forest RIpE. ? f ; : : : : 54 CHASE Eve Vi

Tur Natives . : A ; ; , ; : 61 CHAPTER VI.

Our FOoRESTER : : : f F : : 69 CHAPTER: Vill:

Tue Negro Natives . ; ; : : : é 78

CHAPTER VIII.

THE Oprentne Day . : ¢ ; . ; , 85

CONTENTS.

Pat ALT,

BOARD OF AID TO LAND OWNERSHIP.

THE TOWN SITE OF RUGBY.

Chapter I. The Gentlefolk Of England

A CENTURY and a half ago, more or less, the Spectator, looking round with that keen sympathetic eye of his on English life, was much exercised in his mind by the phenomenon which confronted him in the person of that handy and genial friend of Sir Roger de Coverley, Will Wimble. Now Will, as I trust almost every reader remembers, was one of the deftest of the English race in those early Georgian days. He was not only the best man at hunting a pack of hounds, or catching a fish, in the county, but was “versed in all the handicrafts of an idle man.” He wove nets, trained “ setting dogs,” tied mayflies “to a miracle,” and furnished the whole countryside with “ angle-rods of his own make.” He would even now and then present a pair of garters of his own knitting to the mothers or daughters of the young squires, of whom he was the chosen companion. Sitting in his room at night, after their first meeting, the Spectator could not help feeling a secret touch B of compassion towards this honest gentleman, and much concern how so good an heart and such busy hands were wholly employed in trifles; that so much humanity should be so little beneficial to others, and so much industry so little advantageous to himself. Will had been tried, it seems, by his parents at divinity, law, or physic, who, when they found his genius did not he that way, had given him up at length to his own inventions. This kind of humour, on the part of the aristocracy, moralised the Spectator, was filling several parts of Europe with pride and beggary, wherever they would rather see their children starve like gentlemen than thrive in a trade or profession that is beneath them.

Addison, indeed, seemed to think that in England this silly and mischievous prejudice was dying out, and that the rising generation of Will Wimbles were lkely to be put to some kind of trade, when they showed themselves clearly unfit for a learned profession, without losing caste. If it were so the change worked very slowly, for the traces of “this kind of humour” were quite apparent a quarter of a century ago, even if they have wholly disappeared to-day. Probably the great increase of the standing army and navy, and the conquests in India in the latter half of the last and the first half of the present centuries, which opened careers for so many Will Wimbles, may account for the slow progress of a reform, which in a great nation of traders, such as the England of that period became, might have been expected to march quickly. At any rate, the “silly humour” has at last been buried. There are to-day few gentlefolk left in England who would not gladly see a son of theirs turn his hand to any trade

CBAP. 1.] THE GENTLEFOLK OF ENGLAND. 3 or employment under the sun by which he can fairly hope to earn an honest livelihood.

Nevertheless, and in spite of this new attitude of the English landed gentry, there can be no sort of doubt that the Will Wimbles amongst them have largely increased, and at a rate far more than in proportion to the increase of the class itself. Go through any English county and you will scarcely find a family which does not own one or more cadets, of fair average abilities, good character (the downright scapegraces having decidedly diminished), and strong bodies, who are entirely at a loose end, not knowing what in the world to turn their hands to. At the same time, the need of finding something to which they can turn their hands gets more pressing. For it is clear enough that the ordinary younger son’s yearly allowance of £150 or £200 out of the family estate, upon which so many of them were wont to vegetate, will no longer be forthcoming, and that such boys will have to consider themselves lucky if they get a public-school education, and at the end of it are left to fight their own battle, with the help of an occasional £50 or £100 note from home at critical times.

So far we have only been thinking of the Will Wimbles who troubled the Spectator—boys of gentle birth and bringing up, the sons of the squirearchy for the most part, with no taste or capacity for study, but full of various energies and tastes which were intended to be useful to their fellow-creatures. But in our time the problem has grown in dimensions. A large class has arisen, far exceeding that of the landed gentry in numbers, whose sons are brought up essentially in the same manner as their

4 OUR WILL WIMBLES. (PART 1.

sons, if not with precisely the same surroundings. The sons of professional men, manufacturers, merchants, go nowadays to the same schools, and acquire the same habits and notions, as the sons of the landed gentry. It may safely be said that in our time of change, when the old order gives place to the new so noiselessly, yet so swiftly, there are few more striking, and, in one aspect, more encouraging facts than this vast increase of public schools in England during the last half-century. Fifty years ago some six or seven of these were educating little more than 2000 boys, on the old lines, which they had inherited from Tudor times. To-day, what with such new foundations as Marlborough, Haileybury, Radley, Wellington, Dulwich, Clifton; and the best of the old grammar schools which have started into new life; there are upwards of forty engaged on the same work of training what may be roughly called the young gentlefolk of this country. And, happily, the aims and methods of the education they are giving have improved as rapidly as the numbers requiring it have increased ; till, in the best of our schools, where extravagance is sternly controlled, and simple habits are encouraged, little remains to be wished for. Our boys, up to the age of eighteen or nineteen, have as good a chance of getting high culture, both for mind and body, as any that can be had now, or, I believe, ever could have been had, in any part of the world.